Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Electoral education'

This thesis is a study of the nature and development of electoral education, a public information program intended to contribute to the political development of Australians. The aim of the program is to increase awareness of the voting system and other relevant electoral matters. It seeks to counteract the demonstrated ignorance that Australians, especially young Australians, display about this aspect of the democratic processes of Australian society. The present study attempts to identify the origins of electoral education, the factors that gave impetus to its development, and the roles played by its main proponents. The study also examines the impact electoral education has had on education curriculums throughout the years, and the reasons for it attracting greater attention in recent times. The contributions that the Australian Electoral Commission has made to electoral education will be discussed. This includes their Electoral Education Centres, teacher in-service courses, and resource development. Other providers of electoral education will be examined for their contributions to the field. The thesis concludes with an historical case study of the Aboriginal electoral education undertaken by the Australian Electoral Commission.

The institutional, electoral and ethnic factors contributing to electoral violence have well been documented through both quantitative and qualitative research, while the mobilization process for electoral violence has been examined qualitatively. This study aims to contribute to quantitative research on factors that explain why citizens turn into perpetrators of electoral violence by examining how education can contribute to a decrease in electoral violence through the question: How does the level of education influence the occurrence of electoral violence? Given the presence of disinformation about elections during the electoral cycle, this research asserts that education contributes to a decrease in electoral violence by decreasing the acceptance of disinformation about elections. The hypothesis is tested through a large-N study on sub-national data of elections organized between 2004 and 2012 worldwide. The study’s results identify no support for the hypothesized association between education and election violence.

This quantitative study sought to investigate the differences in the electoral outcomes of school bond elections in Missouri from 2009-2016 based on election timing. The researcher utilized election timing theory as a framework for the study. Data from Missouri school bond elections was compiled from online databases, the Missouri State Auditor’s office, and archived newspaper reports. Results suggest that differences exist in electoral outcomes for school bond issues based on election timing. The study concludes with recommendations for Missouri school administrators, designed to aid in the successful passage of school bond issues.

In this quantitative quasi-experimental study, correlation and regression analyses were used to test two research hypotheses. The experiment was to examine if a relationship existed between the mode of electoral information dissemination from the election organizing body (EMB) and voters’ behavior and attitudes associated with an electoral process. A Baptist church located in Otta, Nigeria gave permission to conduct the experiment within its premises, and 285 church members took part as participants in the study. Three main elements each of modern and traditional electoral information and communication channels including short message service (SMS), e-mail, surface post, newspaper, posters, and radio/television (TV) were tested to determine the validity of the research assumptions. Results of the study indicated voters’ preference for receiving direct electoral information from the organizer, preferably using mobile direct communication channels. There was an indication of knowledge and attitude changes because the electoral management body disseminated the electoral information directly to voters via direct mail. Knowledge and attitude changes could have implications for subsequent elections and other electoral management decisions. The implication of this study was that proper information system management could be a key remedy for unethical behavior during the electoral process. The suggestion following the result of the study was that if a sustainable, systematic planning and execution of electoral information and communication management is adopted, it could likely lead to improved voter knowledge and informed decision-making ability. It also has the prospect of reducing unethical stakeholder behavior during elections, and election of qualified candidates based on merit would be possible as may be demonstrated through informed participation by the electorates.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Political Science, 2007.
Includes bibliographical references (leaves 190-202).
Ever since Latin American economies collapsed in the 1980s and early 1990s, traditional redistributive programs began to coexist with new anti-poverty programs that usually took the form of conditional cash transfers (CCT). I examine the effects of the Mexican Education, Health, and Nutrition program (Progresa), the first and largest CCT implemented in the region, on electoral behavior. I argue that Progresa not only was substantially different from traditional clientelism, but that it challenged local monopolies on political power by increasing voter's income and giving recipients implicit and explicit information about its non-political nature. This weakening of monopolies, in turn, gave political parties incentives to compete for the votes of Progresa recipients. As a consequence, recipients increased their electoral participation, at least in the short term, and clientelism was irrevocably eroded. Despite the increased competition, however, recipients rewarded parties that proposed and retained Progresa. My understanding of Progresa's electoral effects is based on theory, field research on four villages, interviews with Progresa's designers and personnel, and analysis of media sources from 1996 until 2003. To test this argument, I use the Mexico 2000 Panel Study; aggregate data at the municipality level from 1997-2003; and to explicitly deal with the historic correlation between poverty, rural residence, and support for the seventy-year incumbent party, Institutional Revolutionary Party, I take advantage of the fact that early assignment of program benefits included a randomized component originally designed to evaluate the program effects on schooling and health.
by Ana Lorena De La O Torres.
Ph.D.

This thesis extends our understanding of a ‘puzzle of participation’ (Brody 1978). Across established Western democracies, turnout in elections has been steadily falling - at the same time, society is modernising. Central to this latter phenomenon is educational expansion, a process in which there is increased higher education (HE) enrolment, rising attainment levels, and even wider citizenship education. Under classic civic education hypotheses, such factors are anticipated to increase political literacy, raise electoral interest, and provide encouraging environments for political participation. Hence, the patterns we observe in turnout present as paradoxical. This is especially evident among the very youngest electors, who comprise arguably the most educated generation yet but are also the least likely to vote. The thesis thus poses the question: Why is the comparatively higher level of education enjoyed by young people today not associated with a higher level of voter turnout? My response takes inspiration from Norris’s ‘critical citizens’ (1999, 2011) and combines this with repertoire replacement (Dalton 2008; Norris 2003) and sorting model (Nie et al 1996) theories to develop an argument based on a multiplicity of education effects on turnout. Specifically, I present a thesis which contends that higher levels of education today encourage the emergence of a non-voting disaffected citizenry, characterised by two distinct dimensions. The first, a dissatisfied-disaffection is thought to be present among growing student populations. It is this demographic group which, in response to its members’ HE experiences, is challenging established political processes, becoming more demanding of an active role in politics, and turning to alternative participation activities when opportunities arise. Within this I posit two non-voter types: (a) frustrated electors, committed to voting yet exasperated by the responsiveness of political actors and their policy offers at elections, and (b) engaged activists, pointedly rejecting voting in favour of more direct and ongoing influencing activities. The second dimension reflects alienated-disaffection. Here, individuals who lack HE experience are seeing their status and position decline in line with educational inflation, and, as a consequence, experience limited political network mobilisation, find their confidence for participation falling, and so withdraw from politics altogether. They are marginalised citizens. Meanwhile, a number of young people will continue to vote, receiving encouragement from their social networks and partisan attachments; mobilised voters. This thesis makes its contributions in testing and refining these propositions in the case of the British electorate using data from the British Election Study, British Participation Survey, and the Citizens in Transition Survey. Through a range of statistical techniques (including logistic regression, latent class analysis, and structural equation modelling) I devise new ways of operationalising disaffection, and assess its varied impact on turnout. This thesis progresses to explore typologies of participation repertoires, within which combinations of disaffection attitudes and turnout behaviours exist. It then examines in more detail the educational mechanisms through which these occur.

The purpose of the study is to investigate 8th grade Turkish students&rsquo
perceptions towards civic concepts and issues like good citizenship, government responsibilities and women&rsquo
s political and social rights and to determine the factors affecting their intentions to participate in electoral, political and civic activities. In order to achieve this aim, a nation-wide survey was conducted with a sample of 2497 students from 60 schools in 21 provinces. The questionnaire developed by International Association for the Evaluation of Educational Achievement (IEA) on civic education was adapted and used as the data collection instrument. The data obtained from the sample were analyzed through both descriptive (mean, frequencies and percentages) and inferential statistics (ANOVA, Hierarchical Multiple Regression). The results revealed that students value both conventional and social movement citizenship activities to be a good citizen. However, although they plan to participate in electoral and civic activities, more than half of them do not plan to participate in political activities such as joining a party, being a candidate for a local office. Moreover, it was found that the variances in students&rsquo
intentions to participate in electoral, political and civic activities were explained by students&rsquo
background characteristics, their media consumption habits, their discussion practices and discussion environment in classrooms, curricular and extracurricular experiences and finally by their perceptions of good citizenship and participation in school. Findings were discussed around relevant literature both in Turkey and abroad.

O presente estudo tem como objetivo verificar a participação e a influência de Rui Barbosa na reforma eleitoral para introdução do voto direto no Brasil que, resultando na Lei Saraiva (1881), acabou por excluir os analfabetos do direito de voto. Esta pesquisa também busca: investigar qual era o liberalismo que Rui Barbosa representava e qual a posição assumida por ele no contexto da reforma eleitoral; examinar por que, para o governo e as elites, até mesmo para a grande maioria dos parlamentares liberais, especialmente no que se refere a Rui Barbosa, que se posicionou fortemente pela “exclusão” dos analfabetos do direito de voto, o voto dos analfabetos passou a ser um problema, o que não era até então; e, constatar qual o entendimento de classe social que norteava o pensamento de Rui Barbosa no momento em que ele afirmou que a reforma eleitoral, ao excluir o analfabeto do direito de voto, não estaria constituindo uma exclusão de classe. O presente estudo realiza uma interface entre a História Social e a História Política. Pois, essa pesquisa procura relacionar questões políticas com as suas correlativas questões sociais. Assim, apesar de minha atenção estar voltada continuamente para uma figura de destaque da política nacional, o então deputado Rui Barbosa, essa dissertação busca não se limitar somente às suas ações isoladas, mas sim, verificar como que posições e decisões dos políticos nacionais se refletiram e afetaram a vida das grandes massas. Mais especificamente, como que as ações tomadas por políticos brasileiros, em um dado momento da nossa história, decidiram quem poderia e quem não poderia, daí em diante, ter o direito de participar da vida política do país.
The present study aims to verify the participation and influence of Rui Barbosa in the electoral reform to introduce direct voting in Brazil that, resulting in the Saraiva Law (1881), turned out excluding the illiterate of the right to vote. This research also seeks to investigate what was the liberalism that Rui Barbosa represented and what position had been taken by him in the electoral reform; to examine why, to the Government and the elites, even for the vast majority of liberal parliamentarians, particularly in relation to Rui Barbosa, who strongly had positioned himself in favor of "excluding" the illiterate of the right to vote, the vote of the illiterate became a problem, which was not until then; and to see what had been the understanding of social class that had been Rui Barbosa’s guidance at the time when he said that the electoral reform’s disenfranchising the illiterates of voting rights, would not be an exclusion of class. The present study provides an interface between the Social History and Political History. Therefore, this research seeks to link political issues with its correlative social issues. So, despite my attention be continuously focused on a prominent figure of the national politics, the Congressman Rui Barbosa, this dissertation will not be limited only to their actions, but rather, verify how national politicians' decisions and positions reflected and affected the lives of the lower class. More specifically, how the actions taken by Brazilian politicians, at any given moment in our history, decided who could and who could not, thereafter, be entitled to participate in the political life of the country.

Este trabalho visa contribuir para o estudo do ideário educativo republicano veiculado na propaganda eleitoral e nos debates parlamentares nos decênios anteriores à queda da Monarquia. De modo a operacionalizar a temática em análise, estruturámos o texto em três partes. Na Parte I, procedemos ao enquadramento político das candidaturas republicanas nas eleições legislativas do período em estudo. Na Parte II, centrámo-nos nas especificidades da acção republicana e da sua propaganda eleitoral no campo educativo. E, na Parte III, abordámos os debates parlamentares dos deputados antidinásticos em torno da questão educativa. A multiplicidade de questões a abordar obrigou-nos a recorrer a um conjunto alargado de fontes, iconográficas, manuscritas e essencialmente impressas. Contudo, os dois núcleos fundamentais que constituíram a base para o desenvolvimento desta investigação foram a imprensa republicana e o Diário da Câmara dos Senhores Deputados. Assim, foi nosso objectivo configurar um painel revelador dos temas educativos que mobilizaram quer os propagandistas republicanos nas campanhas para os sufrágios quer os deputados antimonárquicos no hemiciclo durante o período que medeia entre 1878 e 1910. # # # Abstract - The republican educational ideals from the republican electoral campaign to the parliamentary debates (1878-1910) are the goal of this thesis. We aim to contribute for the study of the propagated republican educative idealism (and ideas) in the electoral propaganda and the parliamentary debates in the previous years of the fall of the Portuguese Monarchy (1910). Constructing a panel of the main themes throughout a content analysis was our first effort. Therefore, we have structured the thesis in three parts. In Part I, we present the framing politician from the republican candidacies in the legislative elections, of the period. In Part II, we focus on the specificities of the republican share and its electoral propaganda in the educative field. And, in Part III, we tried to make an approach of the parliamentary debates of the nondinastic members of the "House of Representatives" around the educative question. The multiplicity of questions to approach made obligator the resource to a widened set of sources such as iconographic, hand written and bibliographical printed material. However, the two basic focuses go around those that had constituted the basis for the development of this inquiry, which had been the "Republican Daily Press" and the "Daily of the Members of the Representatives House Chamber". Altogether, it is our objective to configure a revealing panel of the educative subjects that had mobilized the propagandist republicans in the campaigns for the suffrages both for the monarchic and antimonarchic members of the "House of Representatives" in the Portuguese Republican Assembly during the period that mediates between 1878 and 1910.

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Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico
This dissertation has a wider objective to understand the social construction of Brazilian childhood, linking to one of the axis of colective work of Gender, race and age core of studies, which is centered in the enunciation of inequalities of age. The research focused on the treatment given to the theme of education and care of children to the age of 3, in speeches made and broadcasted on radio, by 12 canditates to the city hall of São Paulo on electoral propaganda in 2012. The theorical cut was constituted by the integration of two areas of knowledge: the first concerns the theory of ideology by John B.Thompson (1995), the second, to the Social Studies of Childhood. On methodological field, was used the hermeneutical of depth, proposed by John B.Thompson (1995) and the technique of analises of content developed by Bardin (2011) and Rosemberg (1981). This methodological proposal allowed that the social historical of producton, reproduction and circulation of symbolic ways was defined and to classify kinds of operation of ideology. On electoral propaganda, in a meaningful way, nursery was linked to the needs of infrastructural for the local development. However it was recitifed as a place of service to attend poverty destined to needy population. The concern with the social actor baby, occurred only in the mother testimony, reinforcing gender inequalities. The child was represented or presented in a generical, blurred way and nominated by few terms, that is, dissimulated. The dissimulation glooms assimetrical connections to age and may be interpreted as a strategy of operation of ideology. The family was also mentioned generally, preveting any kind of conclusion about its individual members. And education professionals were subsumed in the teacher category. The corpus analyzed supports and produces the inequalities of age, what allow us to identify as ideological production which does not treat the child as a person of rights, especially the nursery
Esta dissertação tem como objetivo mais amplo compreender a construção social da infância brasileira, vinculando-se a um dos eixos de trabalho coletivo do Núcleo de Estudos de Gênero Raça e Idade, que está centrado na enunciação de desigualdades de idade. A pesquisa focalizou o tratamento dado ao tema educação e cuidado de crianças pequenas de até 3 anos, os bebês, nos discursos proferidos e veiculados em rádio, pelos(as) 12 candidatos(as) a prefeito(a) do município de São Paulo, na propaganda eleitoral de 2012. O recorte teórico foi constituído pela integração de duas áreas do conhecimento: a primeira diz respeito à teoria de ideologia de John B. Thompson (1995), e a segunda, aos Estudos Sociais da Infância. No campo metodológico, foi usada a Hermenêutica de Profundidade, proposta por John B. Thompson (1995), e técnica de Análise de Conteúdo desenvolvida por Bardin (2011) e Rosemberg (1981). Essa proposta metodológica permitiu que fossem definidos acerca das formas simbólicas analisadas o contexto sócio-histórico de produção, reprodução e circulação, assim como sua análise formal, a classificação dos modos de operação da ideologia e suas respectivas estratégias de construção simbólica. Na propaganda eleitoral, de maneira significativa, a creche esteve associada às necessidades infraestruturais para o desenvolvimento local. Entretanto foi reificada como um local de atendimento destinado à população mais carente. A preocupação com o ator social bebê, ocorreu apenas no depoimento de mãe, reforçando desigualdades de gênero. A criança foi representada ou apresentada de forma genérica, esmaecida e nomeada por poucos termos, ou seja, dissimulada. A dissimulação obscurece relações assimétricas de idade e pode ser interpretada como uma estratégia de construção simbólica da ideologia. A família foi mencionada de forma também genérica, impossibilitando qualquer tipo de conclusão sobre seus membros individualmente. E os profissionais da educação foram subsumidos na categoria professor. O corpus analisado sustenta e produz desigualdades de idade, o que nos permite identificá-lo como produção ideológica, que não trata o bebê como sujeito de direitos, especialmente a creche

A problemática ambiental, com todos os seus impactos e riscos, tornou-se evidente, essencialmente, a partir da década de 1960 e, desde então, tomaram corpo os movimentos e os debates mundiais, com vistas à sustentabilidade ambiental. Para além deste debate em nível macro, é indispensável a adoção de ações que minimizem os impactos e a degradação ambiental em nível micro, com o envolvimento dos diversos atores sociais, dentre os quais, o poder público, o qual deve apresentar as alternativas à gestão socioambiental na administração pública no Brasil, por meio da implementação de políticas socioambientais efetivas. Neste contexto, a presente pesquisa objetivou efetuar uma análise do processo de institucionalização da gestão socioambiental na Administração Pública, adotando-se como referência, o Tribunal Regional Eleitoral do Paraná, órgão componente do Poder Judiciário Federal. Para tal, procedeu-se à investigação e coleta de dados com base em informações derivadas de entrevistas e pesquisa documental. A pesquisa documental possibilitou a solidificação teórica, esclarecimentos conceituais, legais e regulamentares quanto à gestão socioambiental na Administração Pública e Justiça Eleitoral. As entrevistas, por sua vez, elaboradas e aplicadas aos servidores deste Órgão Judiciário, visaram à avaliação das ações socioambientais desenvolvidas no TRE/PR, por meio da triangulação de dados obtidos das visões distintas dos entrevistados e as ações prescritas em normativos específicos. Com base nestas informações, procedeu-se à análise, essencialmente qualitativa, inferindo-se neste processo limitações e potencialidades, dentre outras, as relacionadas (i) às políticas públicas socioambientais editadas na Justiça Eleitoral; (ii) à Comissão Socioambiental do Tribunal; (iii) às ações de sensibilização e capacitação socioambientais investidas e ainda, (iv) as referentes à disponibilização de informações à sociedade das ações socioambientais desenvolvidas. Os resultados evidenciaram que se encontra em andamento o processo de institucionalização da gestão socioambiental no Tribunal Regional Eleitoral do Paraná, o qual, para que se torne plenamente efetivo, deve suprimir ou eliminar as limitações inferidas, bem como, explorar e maximizar as potencialidades identificadas.
The environmental problem, with all its impacts and risks, became evident from the 1960s onwards, and since then, global movements and debates have taken shape with a view to environmental sustainability. In addition to this macro-level debate, it is indispensable to adopt actions that minimize impacts and environmental degradation at the micro level, with the involvement of the various social actors, among which, the public power, which should present alternatives to management environmental in public administration in Brazil, through the implementation of effective socio-environmental policies. In this context, the present study aimed to analyze the process of institutionalization of social-environmental management in Public Administration, adopting as reference, the Regional Electoral Court of Paraná, a component body of the Federal Judiciary. For this, the investigation and data collection was based on information derived from interviews and documental research. The documentary research made possible the theoretical, conceptual, legal and regulatory clarifications regarding socio-environmental management in Public Administration and in Electoral Justice. The interviews, which were elaborated and applied to the servants of this Judicial Body, aimed at evaluating the socio-environmental actions developed in the TRE / PR, through the triangulation of data obtained from the different views of the interviewees and the actions prescribed in specific regulations. Based on this information, the analysis was essentially qualitative, inferring in this process limitations and potentialities, among others, those related to (i) socio-environmental public policies issued in the Electoral Court; (ii) to the Social and Environmental Commission of the Court; (iii) social and environmental awareness-raising actions and, (iv) those related to the availability of information to the society of the socio environmental actions developed. The results showed that the process of institutionalization of socio-environmental management in the Regional Electoral Court of Paraná is under way, which, in order to become fully effective, must eliminate the inferred limitations, as well as explore and maximize the potentialities identified.

This exploratory investigation examined the relationship between states' educational standardization and voter turnout, using cultural and critical theory lenses. The study documented the problem of low voter participation and current education standardization policies. The study used a complementarity mixed-methods design with sequential quantitative and qualitative components. The quantitative component developed a tool for measuring states' levels of educational standardization, the Standardized Education Index (SEI). Data for voter age population (VAP) and voter eligible population (VEP) in state presidential elections between 2000 and 2012 were used as measures of voter turnout. A weak correlation was found between the SEI and voter turnout for VEP in 2000 and VAP in 2000, 2004, and 2008, with between 6% and 14% of variability explained. While no evidence of a positive relationship between higher levels of SEI and higher voter turnout was found, no counter argument could be established either. The qualitative component utilized case studies of exemplars of states with high SEI/low voter turnout and high SEI/low voter turnout, which were Arkansas and New Hampshire, respectively. Investigated elements were educational Administrative Rules, voting regulations, and cultural/geographic and demographic attributes. Data were compiled and compared. A binary sort, a Dichotomous Sort of Accountability Concepts, framed the critical analysis of educational standards data. Arkansas was found to be a location of standardized education and restrictive voting regulations. New Hampshire was a location of more differentiated education supporting civic engagement with easier access to voting. This study's results are a baseline for further investigation of the relationship of educational standardization to voter participation. If standards based reform has a positive effect on voter participation, then future correlation analysis will produce a moderate to strong positive relationship. If the relationship remains negative, then it will provide evidence that standards reform does not engender an informed electorate.

Cette recherche vise à analyser et à interpréter les modes de construction, de diffusion et d’appropriation des sens et significations des instruments de langages médiatiques au sujet des campagnes présidentielles de 2007, 2012 et 2017 par les journaux de la presse française. Notre problématique peut s’exprimer par les deux questions suivantes : en quoi les outilslangagiers, iconiques et plastiques des couvertures de journaux constituent-ils des instruments techniques visant le choix présidentiel dans la période de 2007 et 2012 en France ? En quoi les outils de langage des médias jouent un rôle d’instruments techniques et psychologiques dans les représentations et l’appropriation des messages médiatiques par des étudiant-e-s en Sciences de l’Education au cours de la campagne présidentielle de 2017 ? Pour ce faire, nous avons analysé, comparé et interprété le réseau de relations entre les modes de construction et de diffusion des outils de langage utilisés par les journaux pour présenter des campagnes présidentielles au cours de deux périodes historiques. Une étude complémentaire nous a permisd’analyser et d’interpréter les représentations et l’appropriation des messages médiatiques par des étudiant-e-s en Sciences de l’éducation pendant la campagne présidentielle de 2017. Au plan théorique, nous nous sommes appuyée sur la théorie historico-culturelle de Vygotski (1985), la notion d’artefact de Rabardel (1995), les théories en éducation aux médias, la notion de cadre de Goffman (1991), la théorie de l’acteur-réseau de Latour (2007). Au plan méthodologique, nous avons opté pour une démarche quali-quantitative en utilisant, en particumier, les logiciels CHIC, Tropes et Iramuteq, une méthode d’analyse de contenu (Bardin, 1993) et de discours (Maingueneau, 2014) des outils de langage des couvertures de journaux. Nous avons adopté une approche méthodologique croisée intégrant la méthode d’analyse statistique implicative, une approche psycho-socio-sémiolinguistique etpragmatique. Le corpus a été constitué de 239 éditions de journaux, 293 images des unes des journaux français (20 Minutes, Métro, Lyon Plus, Le Figaro, Le Monde, et Le Progrès) et 15 entretiens réalisés auprès d’étudiant-e-s en Sciences de l’Education. Les résultats montrent que les outils de langage médiatique constituent des instruments techniques via la mise en place de différents procédés, de cadres naturels et sociaux de conceptualisation, via la mise en évidence d’une diversité de visées (pathémiques, persuasives, de faire agir, cognitives) et la nature des styles discursifs (statif, déclaratif, narratif, argumentatif). Les schèmes heuristiques et pragmatiques sont davantage sollicités en 2007 que les schèmes épistémiques dont la mise en visibilité a été renforcée en 2012. L’examen des instruments destinés à la diffusion des savoirs médiatiques non formels et informels au sujet des campagnes présidentielles montre des indices que la pensée se construit et évolue en fonction d’un contexte socio-historique donné avec des formes d’actualisation, de nouveauté et de redondance. La prise en compte d’une dimension sociale, symbolique, privée, consciente, inconsciente est intégrée à l’appropriation des instruments médiatiques mais aussi aux pratiques d’étudiants dans la formation de leurs décisions. L’analyse et l’interprétation de l’appropriation des messages médiatiques par les étudiant-e-s démontrent que la consultation et l’appropriation de ceux-ci remplissent un besoindavantage cognitif, conatif que comportemental
The aim of this research is to analyze and interpret form of construction, providing and appropriation of senses and meanings of mediatic languages tools about presidential campaigns of 2007, 2012 and 2017 through the french newspapers. Firstly, we wanted to know how can linguistic, iconic and plastic tools of the first page of newspapers can be considered like technictools with the aim of the presidential choice during the period 2007 and 2012. Secondly, we wanted to find out how media language tools can contribute to be psychological and technic through the representations and appropriation of mediatic messages by students in Education Science during the presidential campaign 2017? On the one hand, we have planned to analyze, compare and interpret network relation between construction and providing of tools language used by the newspapers to present presidential campaigns during two historic periods. On the other hand, a complementary study has allowed us to analyse and interpret the representations and appropriation of mediatic messages by students in Education Science. On the theoretical aspect; we based our research on historical-cultural theory of Vygotski (1985), the concept of artefact (Rabardel, 1995), media education theories, concept of frame (Goffman, 1995), the network-actor theory (2007). On the methodological aspect, we have chosen a qualiquantitative method (with the softwares CHIC, Tropes, Iramuteq), a content (Bardin, 1993) anddiscourse (Maingueneau, 2014) analysis methods of language tools of first page of newspapers. We opted for a cross-cultural approach including statistical implicative analysis, a psychosocio-semio-linguistic, semiological and pragmatic approaches. The corpus have been made up of 239 newspapers editions, 293 pictures of the first coverture of french newspapers (20 Minutes, Métro, Lyon Plus, Le Figaro, Le Monde, et Le Progrès) and 15 interviews collected from students in Education Science. The results show that media language tools can be established as technical tools through the introduction of different mechanisms, natural and social frames of conceptualization, through a hightlighting types of discourse (stative, declarative, narrative and argumentative). Heuristics and pragmatics schemes are mainly requested in 2007 than epistemics schemes which have been reinforced in 2012. The analysis of tools made for the spread of formal and informal mediatic kwnowledges or news aboutpresidential campaigns show that the thought is built and it is developed depending on sociohistorical context with form of actualisation, novelty, and redundancy. The taking into account of social, symbolic, private, conscious, onconscious dimension is involved to the mediatic tools appropriation but also with the practices of students in the construction of their decisions. Theanalysis and the interpretation of the apropriation of mediatic messages by the students in Education Science demonstrate that the consultation and the appropriation of this fulfill more a cognitive, conative than behavioural needs

Detta examensarbete undersöker de svenska riksdagspartiernas valprogram för att analysera de diskursiva uttrycken gällande utbildningspolitik med särskilt fokus på skolans syften. Uppsatsens utgångspunkt är att samhället befinner sig i en tid som kan benämnas som ett senmodernt samhälle, varvid den inriktar sig på valprogram för tiden 1998-2018. I analysen används en kritisk diskursanalys för att analysera texterna närmare och i uppsatsen tillämpas teorier om skola och senmodernitet av Zygmunt Bauman, Gert J.J. Biesta samt Tomas Englund. I analysen har synliggjorts att den senmoderna skolan främst präglas av tre tydliga. diskurser som möts i de svenska riksdagspartiernas valprogram. Främst syns begrepp ommätning och resultat , nostalgi och tillbakagång till det gamla samt ett klassiskt liberalt frihets- och förnuftsideal i texterna.
This master thesis examines the electoral manifestos of the Swedish parliamentary parties in order to analyze the discursive expressions regarding education policy, with a particular focus on the purpose of education. As the thesis finds its starting point in the concept of late modernity, it focuses on the electoral programmes from the time period of 1998-2018. The analysis uses a critical discourse analysis to analyze the texts in closer detail. Theories on school and late modernity by Zygmunt Bauman, Gert J.J. Biesta and Tomas Englund form the theoretical framework. The analysis establishes that the late-modern school is primarily characterized by three clear categories of discourse which intersect in the electoral programmes of the Swedish parties. Primarily, notions of measurement and results are visible in the texts, along with nostalgia and a desire to return to the past, as well as a classical liberal ideal of freedom and reason.

Examensarbetet är en del av den samordnade lärarutbildningen mellan Lunds universitet och Högskolan Kristianstad. 

As we near the 60th anniversary of the landmark Brown v. Board of Education decision, questions still remain about its salience and our ability to provide equal educational opportunities to students of all races and ethnicities. Additionally, scholars and observers alike note the continual shift toward resegregation in American schools, but few have probed exactly why this occurs and the empirical implications of this shift. As such, this dissertation project explores the “new” political domain of school desegregation policy to understand why some school districts are resegregating while others maintain their racial balance, and the substantive implications of this divide for minority students. The goal of this research is two-fold. First, I investigate the determinants of desegregation policy, arguing that a set of institutional (representation), structural, and management factors best predict a district’s level of racial balance as an indicator of the active pursuit of desegregation. Second, I examine student outcomes and performance under both educational settings—racially balanced and imbalanced—to determine where students fare better and how much the racial context matters to student outcomes. I frame this question theoretically in the organizational theory research on external control, in which I argue that the policy environment, in this case, the racial context as denoted by the level of racial balance, influences the extent to which structure, representation, and management affect outcomes. I compare outcomes under the two policy environments, racially balanced and imbalanced districts, to see their effect on the noted factors and where students fare better. The general results show that the broad assumption and desegregation literature finding that racially balanced schools are better for minority students is not supported. Minority students can also gain the same if not better outcomes in racially imbalanced districts. I also find that while the tested predictors play an important role, the policy environment significantly contributes to their role and outcomes. For policy makers and practitioners this means that one way to gain the equality that the Brown decision sought is to shift the focus on improving board and teacher representation or management strategies and practices. The dissertation challenges assumptions of political decisions and outcomes that fail to consider the external policy environment.

IN ENGLISH LANGUAGE The diploma thesis describes the beginning of the Czech education system in a former district Německé Jablonné. The first part gives details about the district formation, territorial-administrative development and its decline in 1948. The second part focuses on the development of the Czech education system. Due to huge amount of data I have selected the most important moments, information and documents which happened between 1869 and 1945. This part also contains a chapter about the development of the education system from the border area followed by a short chapter about school chronicles. The third part lists all the schools which were opened between the First and the Second World War in Německé Jablonné district. The aim of the thesis is to describe the district itself as well as the development of the Czech education system during the time of its existence, focusing on the border area. The main aim was to find out what kind of schools were there, the number of students, school equipment, public events, trips, festivals and celebrations. The information was found in the school chronicles and other school documents, from the interviews with the local people and the teachers who have still been teaching at one of those schools. Moreover, the e-mails sent by local registrars,...

The influence of sociodemographic characteristics on election results in the municipal elections in the Czech Republic in 2014 Abstract This thesis is focus on the sociodemographic structure of the voters and its influence in municipal elections in the Czech Republic in 2014. The main aim of this thesis is to analyze and evaluate electoral behavior of the population in local politics. The aim is also to define which characteristics are the most important for their decision. The thesis is focused on the parties which are the current members of Czech Parliament. Then the parties were divided into three groups of the political spectrum (left, right and center). The thesis will gradually focus on the subdiscipline of electoral geography (its definition and the development), on the municipal elections and on the development of the Parliamentary parties in the three theoretical chapters. The analysis will examine the relationships between sociodemographic characteristics and the election results. The relationships will be examined using the Pearson correlation coefficient and the Multiple Regression. Spatial issue will then explore IDW method. Keywords: electoral geography, election, election results, municipality, age, nationality, level of education, religion, unemployment

This diploma thesis deals with the political systems and its tuition at elementary school. In the theoretical part of the text, the historical development of the idea of democracy in ancient Greece and Rome, the development of parliamentarism in the UK and the expansion of political rights in Europe are announced to the reader. The importance of this development is considerable, as it forms the basis of democratic political institutions that are the core of this thesis. The rest of the theoretical part is dedicated to the undemocratic regimes. It deals with the development of these regimes and its theoretical definition against the democratical one. All of these undemocratic regimes are presented on examples of existing or collapsed states. The practical part of my thesis is dedicated to the tuition of political systems in Framework Educational Program which is presented in the subject Education on Citizenship and the cross-cutting theme Education of Democratic Citizen. The all theoretical knowledge is used in the draft of four tuition blocks. During these classes, students are gradually acquainted with democratic institutions on example of non-profit organisation, municipal and state level. Some of didactic activities shall be used during those four tuition blocks, too. Through these activities,...