Books: 'Electoral education'

1

Fowler, Gerry. The learning society: Political rhetoric and electoral reality. Nottingham: Association for Lifelong Learning, 1992.

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2

Rāshṭriya Nirvācana Paryavekshaṇa Samiti, Nepāla, ed. Electoral education in Nepal: Appraisal of information, education & communication approach, June 2012-February 2013. Lalitpur, Nepal: National Election Observation Committee, 2013.

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3

Elecciones y educación: El proceso electoral nacional del 2006. Lima: Foro Educativo, 2006.

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4

General, Botswana Office of the Auditor. The report of the Auditor General on intensification of civic and voter education by the Independent Electoral Commission. Gaborone, Botswana: Office of the Auditor General, 2009.

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5

Aina, Bimbo. Citizenship, gender and participation in the electoral process and governance: Report on a civic education forum. Lagos: Transition Monitoring Group, 2001.

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6

Neth, Willy Alexandre. Projet Cohesion: Education civique des populations du Departement de Tabou : le processus electoral : la participation de femmes. Abidjan: Ligue Ivoirienne des Droits de l'Homme (LIDHO), 2012.

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7

Nwosu, Humphrey N. The transition-to-civil-rule programme and the academic community with particular reference to the National Electoral Commission. Maduguri, Nigeria: University of Maiduguri Press, 1991.

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8

Talamantes, Cecilia Pérez. El valor de la autonomía: Universidad Autónoma de Aguascalientes, partidos políticos y procesos electorales. Aguascalientes, Ags: Universidad Autónoma de Aguascalientes, 2007.

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9

Schirrmacher, Friedrich Wilhelm. Die Entstehung des Kurfürstenkollegiums. Bonn: Verlag für Kultur und Wissenschaft, 2003.

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10

Nouvelles douces coleres. [Montreal]: Boreal, 1999.

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11

Stephen, Mwale, and University of Zambia. Political Processes Research Project., eds. Education of the electorate for the 2001 presidential, general, and local government elections: The role of political parties, the media, non-governmental organizations (NGOs), and the churches. [Lusaka]: University of Zambia, Institute of Economic and Social Research, Political Processes Research Project, 2002.

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12

Sánchez, Miguel Ángel Torrealba. Autonomía universitaria: Retos y amenazas a la autonomía universitaria a partir de la Constitución de 1999 : el caso de la intervención judicial en los procesos electorales de las universidades autónomas. Caracas: Academia de Ciencias Políticas, 2012.

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13

Commission, Malawi Electoral, ed. Civic and voter education strategy. Blantyre: Malawi Electoral Commission, 2009.

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14

See, Betty M. Electing the President - The Electoral Process in Action. Dandy Lion Pubns, 2002.

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15

America's Education Deficit and the War on Youth: Reform Beyond Electoral Politics. Monthly Review Press, 2013.

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16

Croke, Kevin, Guy Grossman, Horacio A. Larreguy, and John Marshall. Deliberate Disengagement: How Education Can Decrease Political Participation in Electoral Authoritarian Regimes. Cambridge University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1596/25398.

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17

Della Porta, Donatella, Lorenzo Cini, and César Guzmán-Concha. Contesting Higher Education. Policy Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/policypress/9781529208627.001.0001.

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This close investigation of student protests represents the first comparative review of the subject. Setting the wave of demonstrations within the contexts of student activism, social issues, and political movements, the book casts new light on their impact on higher education and on the broader society. The book begins with an overview of the analysis of transformation in higher education (HE) policies and student politics, linking them to research on the policy outcomes of social movements. HE policies have been shaped by various waves of student mobilization. Students have often been important actors in contentious politics, mobilizing on all main cleavages in society and often stimulating spin-off movements, as well as affecting institutional politics at large. Student protests are therefore affected by public policies at least as much as they affect them. The book focuses on these complex interactions, aiming at understanding the development of student protests within neoliberal universities. It explores four episodes of student contestation over HE reforms, which have recently taken place in Chile, Quebec, England, and Italy. In light of the findings, the book reflects on the impacts of neoliberal policies in contentious politics and point at the relevance of coalitions for a sustained impact of mobilization campaigns. The discussion also points toward the student movements' effects in terms of empowerment, the triggering of spill-over movements, and transformations in electoral and party politics. Offering sophisticated new theoretical arguments based on fascinating empirical work, the insights and conclusions revealed in this study are of value to anyone with an interest in social, political, and related studies.

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18

Bovens, Mark, and Anchrit Wille. The Education Gap in Political Participation. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198790631.003.0005.

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With the help of social survey data, we investigate educational differences in political participation. We look at a range of political activities: spectator activities, voting, membership of political parties, and non-electoral activities, such as signing petitions and joining demonstrations, boycotts and buycotts. Also, we investigate new forms of political engagement, such as internet activism and participation in deliberative settings. Educational differences are manifest in almost all forms of political activity. But for some forms, especially the newer ones, the gap is larger than for others. The well-educated are not only over-represented in numbers; they also are more active, on average, than those with lesser educational qualifications. The more demanding the act of participation is, the more likely it is it will be disproportionately engaged in by higher educated citizens.

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19

Micle, Maria, and Gheorghe Clitan, eds. Innovative Instruments for Community Development in Communication and Education. Trivent Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.22618/tp.pcms.20216.

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The multiple facets of this volume belong to five large themes. The first theme, that of persuasion and manipulation, is studied here through electoral campaigns (i.e., mental filters used in voting manipulation, the mechanisms of vote mobilisation, manipulation and storytelling models). The institutionalization of education represents the second theme, approached here through specific interdisciplinary instruments: the intersection of higher education with public learning, the answers of the knowledge society to the issues of contemporary work problems, the institutional relationships used to solve educational problems specific to childhood and adolescence, as well as the role of media competencies in professional development. The third theme is related to the inheritance and transmission of cultural identity, instrumentalized through issues such as: the duty of intergenerational justice with regard to cultural heritage, education and vocational training in library science, the social inclusion role of public and digital libraries. The collective and cultural identity of communities represents the fourth large theme, being approached through a triple perspective: the philosophical background of restoring the political dignity of communities, the communication space as a point of a needle towards the community space, and the communicational issue of the European capital of culture programmes. Lastly, the fifth theme belongs to practical and applied philosophy, specifically philosophical counselling, debating issues such as: the identification of the communicational background for this type of counselling, the secular approach to the problem of evil from a philosophical counselling perspective, the discussion of Platon’s attitude towards suicide and of frank speech in the Epicurean school, the socio-anthropological perspective of immortality, as well as the formal approach of the relationship between real and imaginary.

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20

Harding, Robin. Rural Democracy. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198851073.001.0001.

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How have African rulers responded to the introduction of democratic electoral competition? Despite the broadly negative picture painted by the prevailing focus on electoral fraud, clientelism, and ethnic conflict, Rural Democracy argues that the full story is somewhat more promising. While these unfortunate practices may be widespread, African rulers also seek to win votes through the provision and distribution of public goods and services. The central argument in Rural Democracy is that in predominantly rural countries the introduction of competitive elections leads governments to implement pro-rural policies, in order to win the votes of the rural majority. As a result, across much of Africa the benefits of democratic electoral competition have accrued primarily in terms of rural development. This broad claim is supported by cross-national evidence, both from public opinion surveys and from individual level data on health and education outcomes. The argument’s core assumptions about voting behavior are supported with quantitative evidence from Ghana, and qualitative historical evidence from Botswana provides further support for the underlying theoretical mechanism. Taken together, this body of evidence provides reasons to be optimistic about the operation of electoral accountability in Africa. African governments are responding to the accountability structures provided by electoral competition; in that sense, democracy in Africa is working.

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21

Goldsmith, Michael. Thomas R. Dye,. Edited by Martin Lodge, Edward C. Page, and Steven J. Balla. Oxford University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199646135.013.21.

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This chapter examinesPolitics, Economics and the Public: Policy Outcomes in the American States, a book by Thomas Dye that highlights the importance of politics in determining public policy. First published in 1966, Dye focuses on the extent to which political variables influenced policy in comparison with economic ones, in particular economic development. He analyzes the impact of economic development and political variables, such as party and electoral systems on five policy areas: education, welfare, highways, tax/revenue policy, and public regulatory policy. Dye also measures economic development in terms of urbanization, industrialization, wealth, and education. This chapter discusses the importance of Dye’s book in the political science literature on public policy by setting it in the context of the state of political science of the period.

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22

Dame Rosalyn, DBE, QC, Higgins, Webb Philippa, Akande Dapo, Sivakumaran Sandesh, and Sloan James. Part 3 The United Nations: What it Does, 19 Democratic Governance. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/law/9780198808312.003.0019.

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Democratic principles are ‘woven throughout the normative fabric of the United Nations’ (UN); and are grounded in the UN Charter, despite the fact that the word ‘democracy’ cannot be found in the Charter. One of the purposes of the UN is the development of friendly relations among nations ‘based on respect for the principle of equal rights and self-determination of peoples’. Democratic governance is also based on individual rights in international human rights law. This chapter discusses the underpinnings of democratic governance; areas of UN assistance; political pluralism; electoral assistance; strengthening and building institutions; civic education; civil society; free and independent media; promoting the rule of law; and protection and promotion of human rights.

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23

Schor, Paul. Immigration, Nativism, and Statistics (1850–1900). Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199917853.003.0014.

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This chapter discusses the emergence of questions on national origins and foreign birth in the censuses of 1850 to 1900 in the context of rising nativism. The 1820 census first introduced the distinction between Americans and foreigners. It also distinguished “foreigners not naturalized” from the rest of the population. Immigration became a subject for official statistics in the 1850 census, which included very detailed questionnaires on numerous social and economic questions, such as occupation, education, or property. In 1870, a major development was the introduction of the question of the foreign birth of each parent. By the 1890 census, statistics on the naturalization of immigrants made it possible to measure the electoral strength of immigrants, whether of the first or second generation.

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24

To the electors of the city of London: Electors of London, in a very few days you will be called upon .. [S.l: s.n., 1987.

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25

Organization of American States. Unit for the Promotion of Democracy., ed. Observaciones electorales en Suriname, 1991. Washington, DC: Organización de los Estados Americanos, 1996.

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26

Einwohner, Rachel L., Reid J. Leamaster, and Benjamin Pratt. Push, Pull, and Fusion. Edited by Holly J. McCammon, Verta Taylor, Jo Reger, and Rachel L. Einwohner. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190204204.013.28.

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Women’s activism has focused not only on state institutions, such as the military, electoral politics, and education, but also on religious institutions. At the same time, participation in organized religion has helped women develop organizational and leadership skills that they can then draw on for their activism, both in movements directed toward religious institutions and in other, non-religious movements. Further, religion provides cultural frames that can be used in making sense of activism and in recruiting others for various causes. This chapter presents an overview of research on women’s activism and religious institutions, with a focus on U.S. activism. It discusses research on the ways in which participation in religious institutions provides resources for women’s activism, including organizational skills and resonant framings. Finally, it notes how women’s activism may exist in tension with religious institutions and identities, but that these tensions may be addressed by what the authors call “fusion.”

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27

Wren, Anne, and Kenneth M. McElwain. Voters and Parties. Edited by Carles Boix and Susan C. Stokes. Oxford University Press, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199566020.003.0023.

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This article studies voters and parties, beginning with realignment or dealignment in the party-voter nexus. It discusses changes in the policy preferences of voters and even organizational changes to the party-voter linkage. Electoral competition, performance of traditional parties, and organizational change are discussed as well. This article determines that there are two parallel trends in the linkage between parties and voters. The first is that voters are showing weaker partisan identification with political parties, and a widening gap between the policy preferences of voters and the electoral manifestos of parties is apparent. The second trend is that improvements in educational attainment and innovations in media technology are strengthening the political capability of both parties and voters.

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28

Bovens, Mark, and Anchrit Wille. The Consequences of Diploma Democracy. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198790631.003.0008.

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Why bother about the rise of diploma democracy? We discuss the consequences of diploma democracy for each of the elements of democracy—representation, responsiveness, accountability, and legitimacy—that we distinguished in Chapter 3. Descriptive representation matters for symbolic, heuristic, and democratic reasons. The over-representation of university graduates in parliament is simply not in line with the preferences of large parts of the electorate. Moreover, educational background is not politically neutral. Different levels of education may lead to diverging preferences and standards, particularly with regard to cultural issues. Because the higher educated are over-represented among political participants and politicians, the political agenda tends to be biased towards their priorities and preferences. This may cause cynicism and distrust. A diploma democracy may not remain stable if large parts of the population feel they are no longer represented politically, and if they have no hope of being able to improve their social position.

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29

Iversen, Torben, and David Soskice. Democracy and Prosperity. Princeton University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691182735.001.0001.

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It is a widespread view that democracy and the advanced nation-state are in crisis, weakened by globalization and undermined by global capitalism, in turn explaining rising inequality and mounting populism. This book argues that this view is wrong: advanced democracies are resilient, and their enduring historical relationship with capitalism has been mutually beneficial. For all the chaos and upheaval over the past century—major wars, economic crises, massive social change, and technological revolutions—the book shows how democratic states continuously reinvent their economies through massive public investment in research and education, by imposing competitive product markets and cooperation in the workplace, and by securing macroeconomic discipline as the preconditions for innovation and the promotion of the advanced sectors of the economy. Critically, this investment has generated vast numbers of well-paying jobs for the middle classes and their children, focusing the aims of aspirational families, and in turn providing electoral support for parties. Gains at the top have also been shared with the middle (though not the bottom) through a large welfare state. Contrary to the prevailing wisdom on globalization, advanced capitalism is neither footloose nor unconstrained: it thrives under democracy precisely because it cannot subvert it. Populism, inequality, and poverty are indeed great scourges of our time, but these are failures of democracy and must be solved by democracy.

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30

Taking Stock of Regional Democratic Trends in Africa and the Middle East Before and During the COVID-19 Pandemic. International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.31752/idea.2021.2.

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This GSoD In Focus aims at providing a brief overview of the state of democracy in Africa and the Middle East at the end of 2019, prior to the outbreak of the pandemic, and then assesses some of the preliminary impacts that the pandemic has had on democracy in the region in the last 10 months. Key facts and findings include: Africa • In 2019 alone, 75 per cent of African democracies saw their scores decline, and electoral processes in Africa have failed to become the path for political reform and democratic politics. The reasons are many, including weak electoral management and executive aggrandizement. • The key challenges to democracy brought about by the pandemic involve the management of elections, restrictions on civil liberties (especially freedom of expression), worsening gender equality, deepening social and economic inequalities, a disruption to education, deterioration of media integrity, disruption of parliaments and an amplified risk of corruption. These challenges exacerbate and accelerate long-standing problems in the region. • Despite the challenges, the COVID-19 pandemic might galvanize governments to reinforce public health and social protection mechanisms, rendering the state more able to cushion the impact of the crisis, and enhancing its legitimacy. The Middle East • The Middle East is the most undemocratic region in the world. Only 2 out of 13 countries in the region are democracies. The COVID-19 pandemic has deepened the economic and social problems of the region, which could exacerbate the pre-existing democratic challenges. • Freedoms of expression and media were severely curtailed in many countries in the region prior to the pandemic. In some cases, COVID-19 has aggravated this. Countries have closed media outlets and banned the printing and distribution of newspapers, under the pretext of combating the spread of COVID-19. This has restricted citizens’ access to information. • Migrant workers and internally displaced people have been disproportionally affected by COVID-19. A significant proportion of the infections in the region have been in impoverished migrant and refugee communities. In the Gulf region, curfews and lockdowns have resulted in many migrants losing their livelihood, right to medical attention and even repatriation. Migrants have also faced discrimination often being held in detention centres, in poor conditions, as part of governmental efforts to curb the number of COVID-19 infections among citizens. The review of the state of democracy during the COVID-19 pandemic in 2020 uses qualitative analysis and data of events and trends in the region collected through International IDEA’s Global Monitor of COVID-19’s Impact on Democracy and Human Rights, an initiative co-funded by the European Union.

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31

Jiménez, Luis F. Migrants and Political Change in Latin America. University Press of Florida, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5744/florida/9781683400370.001.0001.

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In Migrants and Political Change in Latin America, Luis Jiménez looks at how migrants are changing the politics of their country of origin. It argues that migrants can do this in three distinct ways: through social remittances, economic remittances, and the presence of return migrants. In the first case, they can alter political outcomes in their country of origin as they channel ideas that are different than those present at home. In the second case, they can influence how their compatriots, who never left, behave in an indirect manner through the channeling of resources. This is because wealth, as well as education (which itself has an indirect effect on how people behave politically), is associated with higher political participation. Finally, return migrants combine these two aspects, but their physical presence both expands and limits how it manifests itself in the country of origin. All migrants have the potential to influence the politics of their country of origin, but how and when this occurs depends on several critical aspects: the size and density of the diaspora’s social networks and the specific social context of the migrants’ homeland in terms of both political structure and broader local circumstances. This text tests this theory in three cases—Mexico, Colombia, and Ecuador. The author selected these countries carefully because of the size and type of diaspora, the place individuals opted to migrate to, and the different types of political structure. The book finds that migration contributed to an increase in political participation and electoral competitiveness, including the specific individuals that became President among other various political outcomes.

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32

Chhibber, Pradeep K., and Rahul Verma. Ideology and Identity. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190623876.001.0001.

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This book challenges the view that party politics and elections in India are far removed from ideas. It claims that a dominant intellectual paradigm of what constitutes an ideology is not entirely applicable to many multiethnic countries in the twentieth century. In these more diverse states, the most important ideological debates center on statism—the extent to which the state should dominate society, regulate social norms, and redistribute private property, and on recognition—whether and how the state should accommodate the needs of various marginalized groups and protect minority rights from assertive majoritarian tendencies. Using survey data from the Indian National Election Studies (NES) and survey experiments from smaller but more focused studies, and evidence drawn from the Constituent Assembly debates, it shows that Indian electoral politics, as represented by political parties, their members, and their voters, is in fact marked by deep ideological cleavages, with parties, party members, and voters taking distinct positions on statism and recognition. This ideological divide can account for the replacement of the one-party-dominant system by a party system in which regional parties have become far more important and a right-wing Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) had spectacular success in the 2014 national elections. The focus on ideology also explains why leadership is so important in contemporary Indian politics as well as the limited influence of patronage politics. The book shows how education, the media, and religious practice transmit the competing ideas that lie at the heart of the ideological debates in India.

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33

Goodin, Robert E., and Kai Spiekermann. Improve Individual Competence. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198823452.003.0006.

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Improving voter competence can increase the epistemic performance of the electorate. Political scientists tend to be quite pessimistic regarding voter competence, based partly on Downs’s rational ignorance thesis and partly on empirical observations. We show, in the first section, that this pessimism is possibly exaggerated, looking at a classic study by Larry Bartels that compares actual and fully informed voting decisions. The second section demonstrates that improvements in voter competence do not need to happen across the board; merely improving the competence of a subgroup of voters can have substantial effects. We end with some sceptical reflections on the short-term effects of political education.

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34

Roßteutscher, Sigrid, Ina Bieber, Lars-Christopher Stövsand, and Manuela Blumenberg. Candidate Perception and Individual Vote Choice. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198792130.003.0010.

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This chapter explores the relevance of social cues for voting behavior in Germany. It explores effects of social cues that build on role-based and social-similarity-based stereotyping. Using data from voter surveys that are merged with information about candidate characteristics, the analysis demonstrates that role-based cues played no part in affecting voter decisions on the first vote in the 2009 and 2013 German federal elections. By contrast, cues that build on social similarity (e.g. gender, age, education, social class, religion, or migrant background) appear to have made a difference, at least in certain subsections of the electorate, such as partisan independents.

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35

Hart, Daniel, and James Youniss. Renewing Democracy in Young America. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190641481.001.0001.

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This book suggests that youth civic development should be promoted by providing young people with opportunities to participate in community life. make four arguments. The first of these is that youth can be part of the solution to the problems of contemporary American democracy. The book then summarizes what political scientists say about contemporary politics and the systemic ills that have allowed ideological polarization to stymie the democratic process. Civic education must be located in the political context in which it occurs. This is because citizen participation reflects the political system and is not a consequence of citizens’ immutable characteristics. We must supply young people with opportunities. Our second argument is that civic development and civic education will not be improved by more of what we are already doing. There is scant evidence that schools successfully inculcate civic knowledge in students. There is also little evidence of the efficacy of state-mandated community service as a requirement for high school graduation. The third argument is that improving civic development will require new opportunities for youth participation in the community and in the electorate. We propose that civic education be enriched by science-based, community-oriented environmental engagement and by lowering the voting age for municipal elections to 16. Finally, we argue that now is the time to take steps to facilitate civic development. The problems of youth engagement will neither resolve on their own nor be cured by foreseeable changes in social media technologies, federal politics, or generational change.

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36

McCammon, Holly J., and Lee Ann Banaszak, eds. 100 Years of the Nineteenth Amendment. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190265144.001.0001.

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100 Years of the Nineteenth Amendment looks back at the century since the amendment giving women in the United States the right to vote was ratified. The volume asks: how has women’s political engagement unfolded over the last one hundred years? The chapters consider women’s participation in electoral politics as well as their efforts in social movement activism. They reveal that, while women have made substantial strides in the political realm—for example, voting at higher rates than men and gaining greater leadership roles in politics and social movements—barriers to gender equality remain. The book explores the diverse experiences of women from a variety of backgrounds, including women from different racial, ethnic, class, and gender identities and with differing sexual orientations and educational and political backgrounds. As the volume traces women’s presence in politics, it also helps readers look forward, to consider possibilities for the next one hundred years of women’s political engagement.

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37

To the medical electors of the Bathurst and Rideau Division: I have complied with the request of a large number of the registered medical practitioners of Ottawa, and herewith offer myself as a candidate in the approaching election ... [Ottawa?: s.n., 1986.

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38

Seidman, Naomi. Sarah Schenirer and the Bais Yaakov Movement. Liverpool University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/liverpool/9781906764692.001.0001.

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Sarah Schenirer is one of the unsung heroes of twentieth-century Orthodox Judaism. The Bais Yaakov schools she founded in interwar Poland had an unparalleled impact on a traditional Jewish society threatened by assimilation and modernity, educating a generation of girls to take an active part in their community. The movement grew at an astonishing pace, expanding to include high schools, teacher seminaries, summer programmes, vocational schools, and youth movements, in Poland and beyond; it continues to flourish throughout the Jewish diaspora. This book explores the movement through the tensions that characterized it, capturing its complexity as a revolution in the name of tradition. The book presents the context which led to its founding, examining the impact of socialism, feminism, Zionism, and Polish electoral politics on the process, and recounts its history, from its foundation in interwar Kraków to its near-destruction in the Holocaust, and its role in the reconstruction of Orthodoxy in subsequent decades. A vivid portrait of Schenirer shines through. The book includes selections from her writings published in English for the first time. Her pioneering, determined character remains the subject of debate in a culture that still regards innovation, female initiative, and women's Torah study with suspicion.

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39

Holmes, Andrew R. Evangelism, Revivals, and Foreign Missions. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199683710.003.0017.

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Dissenters in the long nineteenth century believed that they were on the right side of history. This chapter argues that the involvement of evangelical Nonconformists in politics was primarily driven by a coherent worldview derived from a Congregationalist understanding of salvation and the gathered nature of the church. That favoured a preference for voluntarism and a commitment to religious equality for all. Although Whig governments responded to the rising electoral clout of Dissenters after 1832 by meeting Dissenting grievances, both they and the Conservatives retained an Erastian approach to church–state relations. This led to tension with both those Dissenters who favoured full separation between church and state, and with Evangelical Churchmen in Scotland, who affirmed the principle of an Established Church, but refused government interference in ministerial appointments. In 1843 this issue resulted in the Disruption of the Church of Scotland and the formation of a large Dissenting body north of the border, the Free Church. Dissenting militancy after mid-century was fostered by the numerical rise of Dissent, especially in cities, the foundation of influential liberal papers often edited by Dissenters such as Edward Miall, and the rise of municipal reforming movements in the Midlands headed by figures such as Joseph Chamberlain. Industrialization also boosted Dissenting political capacity by encouraging both employer paternalism and trades unionism, whose leaders and rank and file were Nonconformists. Ireland constituted an exception to this pattern. The rise of sectarianism owed less to Irish peculiarities than to the presence and concentration of a large Catholic population, such as also fostered anti-Catholicism in Britain, in for instance Lancashire. The politics of the Ultramontane Catholic Church combined with the experience of agrarian violence and sectarian strife to dispose Irish Protestant Dissenters against Home Rule. The 1906 election was the apogee of Dissent’s political power, installing a Presbyterian Prime Minister in Campbell-Bannerman who would give way in due course to the Congregationalist H.H. Asquith, but also ushering in conflicts over Ireland. Under Gladstone, the Liberal party and its Nonconformist supporters had been identified with the championship of oppressed nationalities. Even though Chamberlain and other leading Dissenting liberals such as Isabella Tod resisted the extension of that approach to Ireland after 1886, preferring local government reform to Home Rule, most Dissenting voters had remained loyal to Gladstone. Thanks to succeeding Unionist governments’ aggressive foreign policy, embrace of tariff reform, and 1902 Education Act, Dissenting voters had been keen to return to a Liberal government in 1906. That government’s collision with the House of Lords and loss of seats in the two elections of 1910 made it reliant on the Irish National Party and provoked the introduction in 1912 of a third Home Rule Bill. The paramilitary resistance of Ulster Dissenters to the Bill was far from unanimous but nonetheless drove a wedge between British Nonconformists who had concluded that religion was a private matter and would do business with Irish Constitutional Nationalists and Ulster Nonconformists, who had adopted what looked like a bigoted insistence that religion was a public affair and that the Union was their only preservative against ‘Rome Rule’. The declaration of war in 1914 and the consequent suspension of the election due in 1915 means it is impossible to know how Nonconformists might have dealt with this crisis. It was the end of an era.

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Books on the topic 'Electoral education'

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