Academic literature on the topic 'Electoral education'

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Journal articles on the topic "Electoral education"

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Mukherjee, Diganta, and Rajlakshmi Mallik. "Education and Electoral Outcomes." Theoretical Economics Letters 02, no. 02 (2012): 186–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.4236/tel.2012.22033.

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Scervini, Francesco, and Paolo Segatti. "Education, inequality and electoral participation." Research in Social Stratification and Mobility 30, no. 4 (December 2012): 403–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.rssm.2012.06.004.

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Dahlgren, Robert. "Hacking Democracy: Education on the Electoral Process." Theory & Research in Social Education 35, no. 1 (January 2007): 139–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00933104.2007.10473330.

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KAPUR, J. N., C. R. BECTOR, and UMA KUMAR. "Mathematical Modelling of Electoral Systems." Teaching Mathematics and its Applications 6, no. 4 (1987): 184–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/teamat/6.4.184.

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Hill, Dave. "Marxist education and teacher education against capitalism in neoliberal/ neoconservative/ neofascist/ times." Cadernos do GPOSSHE On-line 2, no. 1 (August 14, 2019): 91–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.33241/cadernosdogposshe.v2i1.1524.

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In this article I analyse global and national neoliberalisms- economic and social class war from above- neoconservatisms which are leading to and connected with NeoFascisms- with their scapegoating, racism, xenophobia, misogyny, heterophobia, militarism and the attacks on dissent- whether electoral, media, or from academics/ universities and workers’ organisations and actions. Six prime examples are Erdogan in Turkey, Bolsonaro in Brazil, Trump in the USA, Orban in Hungary, the Law and Justice government in Poland, and the racist government in Italy, in effect led by Salvini. Across Europe Far-right anti-immigrant, xenophobic and ultra nationalist authoritarian parties are recruiting and becoming electorally significant- and, in some cases, significant on the streets. Critique social democratic reformist parties and governments for adopting neoliberal austerity policies and thereby becoming delegitimised, together with the too-often `accomodationist' trade union and party leaderships. and critically examine prospects for left social democracy as represented, for example, by the Jeremy Corbyn led Labour Party in the UK. Much of the article is devoted to the resistant and the revolutionary role of teachers, academics and education/ cultural workers in different arenas, from national and local electoral and direct action politics/ Focusing on Critical Education, Critical Educators, Marxist Education, Marxist Educators, I seek to address four aspects of education: pedagogy, the curriculum, resistance in the classroom and the hidden curriculum, and the structure of schooling nationally and locally (within-school). I conclude by setting out what is specifically Marxist about the proposals set out. These are: (1) Class Analysis: the Capital-Labour Relation; (2) Capitalism must be replaced by Socialism and that change is Revolutionary; and (3) Revolutionary Transformation of Economy and Society needs to be preceded by and accompanied by a Class Programme, Organisation, and Activism. Regarding capitalism, our task is to replace it with democratic Marxism, to lead, firstly, into socialism, and ultimately, into communism. As teachers, as educators, as cultural workers, as educational, union and party activists, as intellectuals, we have a role to play.
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MEIER, KENNETH J., and AMANDA RUTHERFORD. "Partisanship, Structure, and Representation: The Puzzle of African American Education Politics." American Political Science Review 108, no. 2 (April 10, 2014): 265–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055414000148.

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The 1982 amendments to the Voting Rights Act targeted electoral structures as significant determinants of minority representation. The research regarding electoral structures and representation of constituents, however, has produced conflicting results, and the continued application of some of the provisions set forth in the Voting Rights Act is in doubt. This article addresses the impact of at-large elections on African American representation and reveals a striking and unanticipated finding: African Americans are now overrepresented on school boards that have at-large elections when African Americans are a minority of the population. Using the 1,800 largest school districts in the United States (based on original surveys conducted in 2001, 2004, and 2008), we find that partisanship changes the relationship between electoral structures and race to benefit African American representation.
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Mayer, Nonna. "Vote Front National et malaise urbain." Res Publica 37, no. 2 (June 30, 1995): 189–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/rp.v37i2.18681.

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In ten years the National Front's scores rose from less than 2 percent to more than 13 percent of the valid votes and the number of its electors from a hundred thousand to almost four millions. On the basis of two surveys conducted by CEVIPOF (Centre d'étude de la vie politique française) and OIP (Observatoire interrégional du politique) (1988-1989) , this paper analyses the factors that account for this electoral rise. If the National Front vote is more frequent in urban areas, it is not so much because of objective factors (more contacts with immigrant populations, exposure to crime and violence, drugs) than because of subjective factors (fear and feeling of insecurity, pessimism) in relation with sociocultural and political specificities of the National Front's electorate (poor education, atomization, limited sociability, lack of trust in institutions etc.).
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WANGSIKKIM. "Implications of the Electoral Reform Upon the Political Education." Journal of Research in Curriculum Instruction 11, no. 2 (December 2007): 549–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.24231/rici.2007.11.2.549.

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Kolstad, Ivar, and Arne Wiig. "Education and electoral participation: reported versus actual voting behaviour." Applied Economics Letters 23, no. 13 (December 4, 2015): 908–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13504851.2015.1119785.

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Muhinat, Bello Bolanle. "EDUCATING BORDER DWELLERS TO PROMOTE PEACE AND SECURITY IN AN ELECTORAL PROCESS: PERCEPTION OF COMMUNITY MEMBERS’." SPEKTA (Jurnal Pengabdian Kepada Masyarakat : Teknologi dan Aplikasi) 1, no. 2 (November 10, 2020): 73. http://dx.doi.org/10.12928/spekta.v1i2.2793.

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This study examined the perception of border community members on educating border dwellers so as to promote peace and security in an electoral process in Nigeria. The study adopted a descriptive survey design, with a target population of This study examined the perception of border community members on educating border dwellers so as to promote peace and security in an electoral process in Nigeria. The study adopted a descriptive survey design, with a target population of Zamfara state’s Zurmi Local Government Areas border communities of Gurbin Bore. Researcher’s designed questionnaire with psychometric properties of content validity of 0.61 and a reliability index of 0.87 was used to elicit the needed data from the respondents. A multistage sampling technique was used to sample 384 respondents. The research questions and hypotheses were analyzed using mean score and t-test. The finding revealed that all the community members perceive educating them as a welcome development that would help in breeding youth that is needed in an electoral process. It was thus, recommended among others that, the government should provide qualitative education for people residing in the international border areasThis study examined the perception of border community members on educating border dwellers so as to promote peace and security in an electoral process in Nigeria. The study adopted a descriptive survey design, with a target population of This study examined the perception of border community members on educating border dwellers so as to promote peace and security in an electoral process in Nigeria. The study adopted a descriptive survey design, with a target population of Zamfara state’s Zurmi Local Government Areas border communities of Gurbin Bore. Researcher’s designed questionnaire with psychometric properties of content validity of 0.61 and a reliability index of 0.87 was used to elicit the needed data from the respondents. A multistage sampling technique was used to sample 384 respondents. The research questions and hypotheses were analyzed using mean score and t-test. The finding revealed that all the community members perceive educating them as a welcome development that would help in breeding youth that is needed in an electoral process. It was thus, recommended among others that, the government should provide qualitative education for people residing in the international border areas.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Electoral education"

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Treadgold, Claire, and n/a. "The nature and development of electoral education in Australia." University of Canberra. Communication, Media & Tourism, 1996. http://erl.canberra.edu.au./public/adt-AUC20061109.152254.

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This thesis is a study of the nature and development of electoral education, a public information program intended to contribute to the political development of Australians. The aim of the program is to increase awareness of the voting system and other relevant electoral matters. It seeks to counteract the demonstrated ignorance that Australians, especially young Australians, display about this aspect of the democratic processes of Australian society. The present study attempts to identify the origins of electoral education, the factors that gave impetus to its development, and the roles played by its main proponents. The study also examines the impact electoral education has had on education curriculums throughout the years, and the reasons for it attracting greater attention in recent times. The contributions that the Australian Electoral Commission has made to electoral education will be discussed. This includes their Electoral Education Centres, teacher in-service courses, and resource development. Other providers of electoral education will be examined for their contributions to the field. The thesis concludes with an historical case study of the Aboriginal electoral education undertaken by the Australian Electoral Commission.
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Brand, Molly Ziek. "The Electoral Influence of Teachers’ Unions on Democratic Education Policy Priorities." Oberlin College Honors Theses / OhioLINK, 2015. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=oberlin1435092973.

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Rustemeyer, Jan. "Education, Disinformation and Electoral Violence : A Quantitative Study on the Association between Education and Violent Elections." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för freds- och konfliktforskning, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-445351.

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The institutional, electoral and ethnic factors contributing to electoral violence have well been documented through both quantitative and qualitative research, while the mobilization process for electoral violence has been examined qualitatively. This study aims to contribute to quantitative research on factors that explain why citizens turn into perpetrators of electoral violence by examining how education can contribute to a decrease in electoral violence through the question: How does the level of education influence the occurrence of electoral violence? Given the presence of disinformation about elections during the electoral cycle, this research asserts that education contributes to a decrease in electoral violence by decreasing the acceptance of disinformation about elections. The hypothesis is tested through a large-N study on sub-national data of elections organized between 2004 and 2012 worldwide. The study’s results identify no support for the hypothesized association between education and election violence.
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Dutton, Shiloh D. "Election Timing as a Predictor of Electoral Outcomes in Public School Bond Elections in Missouri." Thesis, University of Missouri - Columbia, 2019. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=13877142.

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This quantitative study sought to investigate the differences in the electoral outcomes of school bond elections in Missouri from 2009-2016 based on election timing. The researcher utilized election timing theory as a framework for the study. Data from Missouri school bond elections was compiled from online databases, the Missouri State Auditor’s office, and archived newspaper reports. Results suggest that differences exist in electoral outcomes for school bond issues based on election timing. The study concludes with recommendations for Missouri school administrators, designed to aid in the successful passage of school bond issues.

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Alao, 'Remi Kehinde Reuben. "Use of direct mail for improved electoral education that encourages civic behavior and election credibility." Thesis, University of Phoenix, 2013. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=3569144.

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In this quantitative quasi-experimental study, correlation and regression analyses were used to test two research hypotheses. The experiment was to examine if a relationship existed between the mode of electoral information dissemination from the election organizing body (EMB) and voters’ behavior and attitudes associated with an electoral process. A Baptist church located in Otta, Nigeria gave permission to conduct the experiment within its premises, and 285 church members took part as participants in the study. Three main elements each of modern and traditional electoral information and communication channels including short message service (SMS), e-mail, surface post, newspaper, posters, and radio/television (TV) were tested to determine the validity of the research assumptions. Results of the study indicated voters’ preference for receiving direct electoral information from the organizer, preferably using mobile direct communication channels. There was an indication of knowledge and attitude changes because the electoral management body disseminated the electoral information directly to voters via direct mail. Knowledge and attitude changes could have implications for subsequent elections and other electoral management decisions. The implication of this study was that proper information system management could be a key remedy for unethical behavior during the electoral process. The suggestion following the result of the study was that if a sustainable, systematic planning and execution of electoral information and communication management is adopted, it could likely lead to improved voter knowledge and informed decision-making ability. It also has the prospect of reducing unethical stakeholder behavior during elections, and election of qualified candidates based on merit would be possible as may be demonstrated through informed participation by the electorates.

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De, La O. Torres Ana Lorena. "Effects of anti-poverty programs on electoral behavior : evidence from the Mexican Education, Health, and Nutrition Program." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/42390.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Political Science, 2007.
Includes bibliographical references (leaves 190-202).
Ever since Latin American economies collapsed in the 1980s and early 1990s, traditional redistributive programs began to coexist with new anti-poverty programs that usually took the form of conditional cash transfers (CCT). I examine the effects of the Mexican Education, Health, and Nutrition program (Progresa), the first and largest CCT implemented in the region, on electoral behavior. I argue that Progresa not only was substantially different from traditional clientelism, but that it challenged local monopolies on political power by increasing voter's income and giving recipients implicit and explicit information about its non-political nature. This weakening of monopolies, in turn, gave political parties incentives to compete for the votes of Progresa recipients. As a consequence, recipients increased their electoral participation, at least in the short term, and clientelism was irrevocably eroded. Despite the increased competition, however, recipients rewarded parties that proposed and retained Progresa. My understanding of Progresa's electoral effects is based on theory, field research on four villages, interviews with Progresa's designers and personnel, and analysis of media sources from 1996 until 2003. To test this argument, I use the Mexico 2000 Panel Study; aggregate data at the municipality level from 1997-2003; and to explicitly deal with the historic correlation between poverty, rural residence, and support for the seventy-year incumbent party, Institutional Revolutionary Party, I take advantage of the fact that early assignment of program benefits included a randomized component originally designed to evaluate the program effects on schooling and health.
by Ana Lorena De La O Torres.
Ph.D.
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Snelling, Charlotte Jane. "Puzzling participants or disaffected citizenry? : re-examining education's impacts on the electoral mobilisation of Britain's youth." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/22850.

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This thesis extends our understanding of a ‘puzzle of participation’ (Brody 1978). Across established Western democracies, turnout in elections has been steadily falling - at the same time, society is modernising. Central to this latter phenomenon is educational expansion, a process in which there is increased higher education (HE) enrolment, rising attainment levels, and even wider citizenship education. Under classic civic education hypotheses, such factors are anticipated to increase political literacy, raise electoral interest, and provide encouraging environments for political participation. Hence, the patterns we observe in turnout present as paradoxical. This is especially evident among the very youngest electors, who comprise arguably the most educated generation yet but are also the least likely to vote. The thesis thus poses the question: Why is the comparatively higher level of education enjoyed by young people today not associated with a higher level of voter turnout? My response takes inspiration from Norris’s ‘critical citizens’ (1999, 2011) and combines this with repertoire replacement (Dalton 2008; Norris 2003) and sorting model (Nie et al 1996) theories to develop an argument based on a multiplicity of education effects on turnout. Specifically, I present a thesis which contends that higher levels of education today encourage the emergence of a non-voting disaffected citizenry, characterised by two distinct dimensions. The first, a dissatisfied-disaffection is thought to be present among growing student populations. It is this demographic group which, in response to its members’ HE experiences, is challenging established political processes, becoming more demanding of an active role in politics, and turning to alternative participation activities when opportunities arise. Within this I posit two non-voter types: (a) frustrated electors, committed to voting yet exasperated by the responsiveness of political actors and their policy offers at elections, and (b) engaged activists, pointedly rejecting voting in favour of more direct and ongoing influencing activities. The second dimension reflects alienated-disaffection. Here, individuals who lack HE experience are seeing their status and position decline in line with educational inflation, and, as a consequence, experience limited political network mobilisation, find their confidence for participation falling, and so withdraw from politics altogether. They are marginalised citizens. Meanwhile, a number of young people will continue to vote, receiving encouragement from their social networks and partisan attachments; mobilised voters. This thesis makes its contributions in testing and refining these propositions in the case of the British electorate using data from the British Election Study, British Participation Survey, and the Citizens in Transition Survey. Through a range of statistical techniques (including logistic regression, latent class analysis, and structural equation modelling) I devise new ways of operationalising disaffection, and assess its varied impact on turnout. This thesis progresses to explore typologies of participation repertoires, within which combinations of disaffection attitudes and turnout behaviours exist. It then examines in more detail the educational mechanisms through which these occur.
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Misirli-ozsoy, Aysegul. "8th Grade Students." Phd thesis, METU, 2010. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12612737/index.pdf.

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The purpose of the study is to investigate 8th grade Turkish students&rsquo
perceptions towards civic concepts and issues like good citizenship, government responsibilities and women&rsquo
s political and social rights and to determine the factors affecting their intentions to participate in electoral, political and civic activities. In order to achieve this aim, a nation-wide survey was conducted with a sample of 2497 students from 60 schools in 21 provinces. The questionnaire developed by International Association for the Evaluation of Educational Achievement (IEA) on civic education was adapted and used as the data collection instrument. The data obtained from the sample were analyzed through both descriptive (mean, frequencies and percentages) and inferential statistics (ANOVA, Hierarchical Multiple Regression). The results revealed that students value both conventional and social movement citizenship activities to be a good citizen. However, although they plan to participate in electoral and civic activities, more than half of them do not plan to participate in political activities such as joining a party, being a candidate for a local office. Moreover, it was found that the variances in students&rsquo
intentions to participate in electoral, political and civic activities were explained by students&rsquo
background characteristics, their media consumption habits, their discussion practices and discussion environment in classrooms, curricular and extracurricular experiences and finally by their perceptions of good citizenship and participation in school. Findings were discussed around relevant literature both in Turkey and abroad.
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Leão, Michele de. "A participação de Rui Barbosa na reforma eleitoral que excluiu os analfabetos do direito de voto no Brasil." reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/71268.

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O presente estudo tem como objetivo verificar a participação e a influência de Rui Barbosa na reforma eleitoral para introdução do voto direto no Brasil que, resultando na Lei Saraiva (1881), acabou por excluir os analfabetos do direito de voto. Esta pesquisa também busca: investigar qual era o liberalismo que Rui Barbosa representava e qual a posição assumida por ele no contexto da reforma eleitoral; examinar por que, para o governo e as elites, até mesmo para a grande maioria dos parlamentares liberais, especialmente no que se refere a Rui Barbosa, que se posicionou fortemente pela “exclusão” dos analfabetos do direito de voto, o voto dos analfabetos passou a ser um problema, o que não era até então; e, constatar qual o entendimento de classe social que norteava o pensamento de Rui Barbosa no momento em que ele afirmou que a reforma eleitoral, ao excluir o analfabeto do direito de voto, não estaria constituindo uma exclusão de classe. O presente estudo realiza uma interface entre a História Social e a História Política. Pois, essa pesquisa procura relacionar questões políticas com as suas correlativas questões sociais. Assim, apesar de minha atenção estar voltada continuamente para uma figura de destaque da política nacional, o então deputado Rui Barbosa, essa dissertação busca não se limitar somente às suas ações isoladas, mas sim, verificar como que posições e decisões dos políticos nacionais se refletiram e afetaram a vida das grandes massas. Mais especificamente, como que as ações tomadas por políticos brasileiros, em um dado momento da nossa história, decidiram quem poderia e quem não poderia, daí em diante, ter o direito de participar da vida política do país.
The present study aims to verify the participation and influence of Rui Barbosa in the electoral reform to introduce direct voting in Brazil that, resulting in the Saraiva Law (1881), turned out excluding the illiterate of the right to vote. This research also seeks to investigate what was the liberalism that Rui Barbosa represented and what position had been taken by him in the electoral reform; to examine why, to the Government and the elites, even for the vast majority of liberal parliamentarians, particularly in relation to Rui Barbosa, who strongly had positioned himself in favor of "excluding" the illiterate of the right to vote, the vote of the illiterate became a problem, which was not until then; and to see what had been the understanding of social class that had been Rui Barbosa’s guidance at the time when he said that the electoral reform’s disenfranchising the illiterates of voting rights, would not be an exclusion of class. The present study provides an interface between the Social History and Political History. Therefore, this research seeks to link political issues with its correlative social issues. So, despite my attention be continuously focused on a prominent figure of the national politics, the Congressman Rui Barbosa, this dissertation will not be limited only to their actions, but rather, verify how national politicians' decisions and positions reflected and affected the lives of the lower class. More specifically, how the actions taken by Brazilian politicians, at any given moment in our history, decided who could and who could not, thereafter, be entitled to participate in the political life of the country.
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Gonçalves, Maria Neves Leal. "O ideário educativo republicano: da propaganda eleitoral republicana aos debates parlamentares (1878-1910)." Doctoral thesis, Universidade de Évora, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10174/11655.

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Este trabalho visa contribuir para o estudo do ideário educativo republicano veiculado na propaganda eleitoral e nos debates parlamentares nos decênios anteriores à queda da Monarquia. De modo a operacionalizar a temática em análise, estruturámos o texto em três partes. Na Parte I, procedemos ao enquadramento político das candidaturas republicanas nas eleições legislativas do período em estudo. Na Parte II, centrámo-nos nas especificidades da acção republicana e da sua propaganda eleitoral no campo educativo. E, na Parte III, abordámos os debates parlamentares dos deputados antidinásticos em torno da questão educativa. A multiplicidade de questões a abordar obrigou-nos a recorrer a um conjunto alargado de fontes, iconográficas, manuscritas e essencialmente impressas. Contudo, os dois núcleos fundamentais que constituíram a base para o desenvolvimento desta investigação foram a imprensa republicana e o Diário da Câmara dos Senhores Deputados. Assim, foi nosso objectivo configurar um painel revelador dos temas educativos que mobilizaram quer os propagandistas republicanos nas campanhas para os sufrágios quer os deputados antimonárquicos no hemiciclo durante o período que medeia entre 1878 e 1910. # # # Abstract - The republican educational ideals from the republican electoral campaign to the parliamentary debates (1878-1910) are the goal of this thesis. We aim to contribute for the study of the propagated republican educative idealism (and ideas) in the electoral propaganda and the parliamentary debates in the previous years of the fall of the Portuguese Monarchy (1910). Constructing a panel of the main themes throughout a content analysis was our first effort. Therefore, we have structured the thesis in three parts. In Part I, we present the framing politician from the republican candidacies in the legislative elections, of the period. In Part II, we focus on the specificities of the republican share and its electoral propaganda in the educative field. And, in Part III, we tried to make an approach of the parliamentary debates of the nondinastic members of the "House of Representatives" around the educative question. The multiplicity of questions to approach made obligator the resource to a widened set of sources such as iconographic, hand written and bibliographical printed material. However, the two basic focuses go around those that had constituted the basis for the development of this inquiry, which had been the "Republican Daily Press" and the "Daily of the Members of the Representatives House Chamber". Altogether, it is our objective to configure a revealing panel of the educative subjects that had mobilized the propagandist republicans in the campaigns for the suffrages both for the monarchic and antimonarchic members of the "House of Representatives" in the Portuguese Republican Assembly during the period that mediates between 1878 and 1910.
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Books on the topic "Electoral education"

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Fowler, Gerry. The learning society: Political rhetoric and electoral reality. Nottingham: Association for Lifelong Learning, 1992.

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Rāshṭriya Nirvācana Paryavekshaṇa Samiti, Nepāla, ed. Electoral education in Nepal: Appraisal of information, education & communication approach, June 2012-February 2013. Lalitpur, Nepal: National Election Observation Committee, 2013.

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Elecciones y educación: El proceso electoral nacional del 2006. Lima: Foro Educativo, 2006.

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General, Botswana Office of the Auditor. The report of the Auditor General on intensification of civic and voter education by the Independent Electoral Commission. Gaborone, Botswana: Office of the Auditor General, 2009.

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Aina, Bimbo. Citizenship, gender and participation in the electoral process and governance: Report on a civic education forum. Lagos: Transition Monitoring Group, 2001.

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Neth, Willy Alexandre. Projet Cohesion: Education civique des populations du Departement de Tabou : le processus electoral : la participation de femmes. Abidjan: Ligue Ivoirienne des Droits de l'Homme (LIDHO), 2012.

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Nwosu, Humphrey N. The transition-to-civil-rule programme and the academic community with particular reference to the National Electoral Commission. Maduguri, Nigeria: University of Maiduguri Press, 1991.

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Talamantes, Cecilia Pérez. El valor de la autonomía: Universidad Autónoma de Aguascalientes, partidos políticos y procesos electorales. Aguascalientes, Ags: Universidad Autónoma de Aguascalientes, 2007.

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Schirrmacher, Friedrich Wilhelm. Die Entstehung des Kurfürstenkollegiums. Bonn: Verlag für Kultur und Wissenschaft, 2003.

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Nouvelles douces coleres. [Montreal]: Boreal, 1999.

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Book chapters on the topic "Electoral education"

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Segawa, Noriyuki. "Ethnic politics, electoral bargaining and negotiation." In National Identity, Language and Education in Malaysia, 43–83. New York : Routledge, 2019. | Series: Asia’s transformations ; 53: Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429423185-3.

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Hoskins, Bryony, Lihong Huang, and Cecilia Arensmeier. "Socioeconomic Inequalities in Civic Learning in Nordic Schools: Identifying the Potential of In-School Civic Participation for Disadvantaged Students." In IEA Research for Education, 93–122. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-66788-7_5.

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AbstractThis chapter provides an analysis of the complex role of Nordic schools in both enhancing and reducing socioeconomic inequalities in civic competences. A multilevel analysis method was used to examine the IEA International Civic and Citizenship Education Study (ICCS) 2009 and 2016 data of all four Nordic countries. The results show that unequal access to civic learning (in-school civic participation and open classroom climate) exist in all Nordic countries. We found differences in access within schools in which students with more advantages experienced greater opportunities to participate. Additionally, we found differences between schools. Those schools that had an intake with a higher proportion of socioeconomically advantaged students tended to provide more civic learning opportunities and open classroom climates. Inequalities in access to civic learning activities manifested itself in different ways in schools across the Nordic countries. There is some evidence that this happens more regularly in Sweden than Finland, though Norway recorded the highest levels of unequal access inside schools, and no Nordic country provides equal access to all the forms of civic learning we studied. At the same time, however, there were forms of civic learning in Nordic schools that were found to reduce socioeconomic inequalities in civic competences. The results showed that when disadvantaged students gained access to civic learning, they mostly appeared to benefit either the same or more from the experience than their more advantaged peers. A unique contribution of this chapter to the field of citizenship education is that we found that in-school civic participation can compensate for a disadvantaged background for developing future electoral participation and civic knowledge in students from disadvantaged backgrounds.
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"48. Electoral Reform." In Political Education of Arnold Brecht: An Autobiography, 1884-1970, 247–50. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9781400867455-049.

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"Chapter 3. The Socio-economic Variables (1): Education and its Geographical Composition." In Indonesian Electoral Behaviour, 97–138. ISEAS Publishing, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1355/9789812305350-008.

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Silver, Joseph “Pete”, and Rodney W. Dennis. "The Politics of Desegregation in Higher Education: Analysis of Adams States Progress." In Black Electoral Politics, 110–28. Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781351313803-8.

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Fieldhouse, Edward, Jane Green, Geoffrey Evans, Jonathan Mellon, Christopher Prosser, Hermann Schmitt, and Cees van der Eijk. "Brexit and the Reshaping of British Electoral Politics." In Electoral Shocks, 163–87. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198800583.003.0009.

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In this chapter we show how the vote to leave the EU in 2017 brought about a return to two-party politics and a fundamental shift in the social and geographical alignment of party support. Electoral competition between the two main parties previously dominated by concerns relating to redistribution, taxation, and an emphasis on the free market versus social protection now also focused almost equally on the EU, immigration, and liberal–authoritarian values. For the first time in modern history, economic left–right competition between Labour and the Conservatives was accompanied by a commensurate emphasis on a second cultural, or social, dimension of politics. This was also reflected in changes in the demographic patterns of party support, especially age and education.
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Halili. "‘Aesthetic’ electoral politics: How songs are utilized in Indonesian elections." In 21st Century Innovation in Music Education, 475–83. Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1201/9780429024931-63.

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Porta, Donatella della, Lorenzo Cini, and César Guzmán-Concha. "Conclusions." In Contesting Higher Education, 171–88. Policy Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/policypress/9781529208627.003.0006.

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This concluding chapter summarizes the empirical results presented in the previous chapters from a comparative perspective by locating them within previous research on social movement outcomes. In light of the findings, it reflects on the impacts of neoliberal policies in contentious politics and point at the relevance of coalitions for a sustained impact of mobilization campaigns. But beyond the policy outcomes, the discussion also points toward the student movements' effects in terms of empowerment, the triggering of spill-over movements, and transformations in electoral and party politics. After summarizing the main contributions of the book, the chapter looks at the potential lines of inquiry that can be further pursued by scholars. Given the limited attention that social movement studies have given to contentious politics in universities, it is believed that this book might help stimulate further research on student protests.
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Fayoyin, Adebayo. "Electoral Polling and Reporting in Africa." In Advances in Media, Entertainment, and the Arts, 164–81. IGI Global, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-5225-2095-5.ch009.

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Opinion polling during elections plays a pivotal role in influencing the political and media agenda, and can potentially affect voting behaviour. However, evidence from various countries indicates that electoral polls have been characterised by contradictions and contentious debates which undermine their usefulness in democratic processes. The digital age has also led to a mushrooming of online polls, but some of them are of dubious quality. Thus, the chapter questions the continued use of electoral polls in multiparty politics in Africa. It argues that as a result of the inherent political and electoral volatility in many African countries, the utility of opinion polls need to be reconsidered. The paper recommends strategies for addressing the identified pitfalls, including increased professionalization of opinion polling, voter education on the limitations of pre-election polls and stronger appreciation of data journalism for media professionals. Stricter regulations, such as the embargo of election opinion polling may also be considered in different contexts.
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Fayoyin, Adebayo. "Electoral Polling and Reporting in Africa." In African Studies, 697–714. IGI Global, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-7998-3019-1.ch037.

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Opinion polling during elections plays a pivotal role in influencing the political and media agenda, and can potentially affect voting behaviour. However, evidence from various countries indicates that electoral polls have been characterised by contradictions and contentious debates which undermine their usefulness in democratic processes. The digital age has also led to a mushrooming of online polls, but some of them are of dubious quality. Thus, the chapter questions the continued use of electoral polls in multiparty politics in Africa. It argues that as a result of the inherent political and electoral volatility in many African countries, the utility of opinion polls need to be reconsidered. The paper recommends strategies for addressing the identified pitfalls, including increased professionalization of opinion polling, voter education on the limitations of pre-election polls and stronger appreciation of data journalism for media professionals. Stricter regulations, such as the embargo of election opinion polling may also be considered in different contexts.
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Conference papers on the topic "Electoral education"

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Antipin, Vladislav. "EVOLUTION OF THE ELECTORAL LEGISLATION OF THE RUSSIAN EMPIRE IN THE EARLY TWENTIETH CENTURY." In Current problems of jurisprudence. ru: Publishing Center RIOR, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.29039/02058-6/022-028.

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The article considers some of the reasons for the emergence and development of the electoral law, the factors that influenced its evolution in general and in Russia itself at the beginning of the twentieth century. The interrelationships of socio-economic changes in the country after the reforms of Alexander II and the electoral legislation are revealed. The question of the correlation between this process and the level of development of education, in particular legal education, is raised separately.
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Kozlova, Daria. "ELECTION SYSTEM OF THE REPUBLIC OF KAZAKHSTAN." In Current problems of jurisprudence. ru: Publishing Center RIOR, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.29039/02032-6/108-114.

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This article discusses the general characteristics of the electoral system of Kazakhstan by the example of elections of the President of the Republic, the Senate of the Parliament of Kazakhstan and deputies of the Mazhilis. The features of dividing this system into majority and proportional are also disclosed. The article analyzes the features of the appointment and conduct of elections and the principles on which they are based. It is also shown how the active activity of the state in the field of legal education of young people and their familiarization with the electoral system affects the high participation rates of citizens in elections.
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Toapanta, Segundo Moisés T., Manuel Agustin Aycart Armijos, and Luis Enrique Mafla Gallegos. "Analysis of Cybersecurity Models Suitable to Apply in an Electoral Process in Ecuador." In ICETM 2019: 2019 2nd International Conference on Education Technology Management. New York, NY, USA: ACM, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1145/3375900.3375912.

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Fuadi, Abdul, and Zaka Aditya. "The Indonesian Electoral System Development: Does Papua Need Local Parties?" In Proceedings of the 1st International Conference on Education, Humanities, Health and Agriculture, ICEHHA 2021, 3-4 June 2021, Ruteng, Flores, Indonesia. EAI, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4108/eai.3-6-2021.2310829.

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Toapanta, Segundo Moisés T., Marjorie Isanoa Sinche, and Luis Enrique Mafla Gallegos. "A Cyber Environment Approach to Mitigate Vulnerabilities and Threats in an Electoral Process in Ecuador." In ICETM 2019: 2019 2nd International Conference on Education Technology Management. New York, NY, USA: ACM, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1145/3375900.3375914.

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Toapanta, Segundo Moisés T., Luis Briones Peñafiel, and Luis Enrique Mafla Gallegos. "Prototype to Mitigate the Risks of the Integrity of Cyberattack Information in Electoral Processes in Latin America." In ICETM 2019: 2019 2nd International Conference on Education Technology Management. New York, NY, USA: ACM, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1145/3375900.3375915.

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Khoerunnisa, Lutfi, Pawit M. Yusup, and Ute Khadijah. "Information Searching Pattern of Children With Special Needs (ABK): Background, Starters And Electoral Processes Information Needs." In Proceedings of the International Conference on Language, Literature, and Education (ICLLE 2018). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/iclle-18.2018.95.

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Боков, Юрий Александрович. "«POLITICAL MATURITY» AS THE HIGHEST LEVEL OF POLITICAL CULTURE: ON THE MATERIALS OF THE PRESS OF THE GERMAN STATES OF THE XIX CENTURY." In Образование. Культура. Общество: сборник избранных статей по материалам Международной научной конференции (Санкт-Петербург, Февраль 2021). Crossref, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.37539/ecs295.2021.44.28.003.

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Уровнями политической культуры являются "политическая зрелость" и "политическая инфантильность". На политическую зрелость оказывают влияние различные факторы: мораль, образование, духовность, объём прав человека и др. Избирательное право способствует достижению состояния политической зрелости. Исследование выполнено при финансовой поддержке РФФИ в рамках научного проекта № 20-011-00436. The levels of political culture are "political maturity" and "political infantility". Various factors influence political maturity: morality, education, spirituality, the scope of human rights, etc. Suffrage contributes to the achievement of a state of political maturity. Acknowledgments: The reported study was funded by RFBR, project number 20-011-00436 “Electoral legal culture of citizens of Germany (1871-1933)".
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H.Fimeir, Liadi, Anwar Khairil, and Erawati Desi. "Politics Identity and Electoral Contestation Among The Bakumpai Tribes (a Geopolitical Survey at Central Kalimantan) Subtitles: Politics Identity, Prespective Political Education on Beginner Voters." In Proceedings of the 1st International Conference on Education and Social Science Research (ICESRE 2018). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/icesre-18.2019.22.

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Reports on the topic "Electoral education"

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Habyarimana, James, Ken Ochieng' Opalo, and Youdi Schipper. The Cyclical Electoral Impacts of Programmatic Policies: Evidence from Education Reforms in Tanzania. Research on Improving Systems of Education (RISE), September 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.35489/bsg-rise-wp_2020/051.

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A large literature documents the electoral benefits of clientelistic and programmatic policies in low-income states. We extend this literature by showing the cyclical electoral responses to a large programmatic intervention to expand access to secondary education in Tanzania over multiple electoral periods. Using a difference-indifference approach, we find that the incumbent party's vote share increased by 2 percentage points in the election following the policy's announcement as a campaign promise (2005), but decreased by -1.4 percentage points in the election following implementation (2010). We find no discernible electoral impact of the policy in 2015, two electoral cycles later. We attribute the electoral penalty in 2010 to how the secondary school expansion policy was implemented. Our findings shed light on the temporally-contingent electoral impacts of programmatic policies, and highlight the need for more research on how policy implementation structures public opinion and vote choice in low-income states.
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Cesur, Resul, and Naci Mocan. Does Secular Education Impact Religiosity, Electoral Participation and the Propensity to Vote for Islamic Parties? Evidence from an Education Reform in a Muslim Country. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, December 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w19769.

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