Relevant bibliographies by topics / Electoral boundaries

Academic literature on the topic 'Electoral boundaries'

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Published: 10 December 2022
Last updated: 28 January 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Electoral boundaries"

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Korovin, Evgeniy M. "ELECTION CAMPAIGN: DEFINITION AND TEMPORAL BOUNDARIES." Law Enforcement Review 4, no. 1 (May 25, 2020): 37–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.24147/2542-1514.2020.4(1).37-48.

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The subject. Detection of the essence of electoral process, the election campaign and their influence on the temporal component of the electoral process is the subject of this publication. The purpose of the article is to confirm or disprove hypothesis that the concept of "election campaign" should include activities for the preparation and conduct of elections, carried out in the period from the date of the decision on the appointment of elections to the day of official publication (publication) of the decision on the results of elections The methodology. General scientific methods were used when considering and analyzing the concepts of the electoral process, election companies, and stages of the electoral process. Normative-logical and comparative-legal methods were used in the process of analyzing the electoral legislation. The main results and scope of their application. The definition of the electoral process is considered by scientists not only as a system of relations, but also as a phenomenon, as an institution, as a form of implementation of constitutional principles, as a legal technology, as a technological infrastructure. Almost all authors, detecting the essence of the electoral process, cannot avoid the temporal aspect of this phenomenon. Political scientists and sociologists understand an election (election) campaign as a system of various campaigning events, with the help of which political parties and individual candidates seek the support of voters in elections. The election campaign in the broad sense is the period of time during which citizens have the opportunity to exercise most of their electoral rights. It is essential not only to legislate consolidation of the definition of “election campaign”, but also to define its temporal component, adequate to the goals and objectives of the implementation of the constitutional right to elect and to be elected. The current law defines the election campaign as activities for the preparation and conduct of elections from the date of publication of the announcement of elections until the day the election commission submits the election report. The start of the election campaign is given by the publication of the announcement of the election, but not the adoption of this decision. The campaign ends not with the determination of the winner, but after the election commission submits a report on budget spending, i. e. 3 months after the actual completion of the election. This duration of the campaign does not correspond to the objectives of the election and artificially lengthens the election campaign. The time limits of an election campaign are closely related to the stages of the electoral process, i.e., a set of electoral actions and procedures that are separate in time, aimed at forming a government body and electing an official. The author refers to the mandatory stages of the electoral process as determining the voting day and publishing the decision to call elections; nominating and registering candidates (lists of candidates); election campaigning; voting, determining the results of voting, determining the results of elec-tions and publishing them. Deadlines mark the boundaries of the stages of the electoral process, affecting its institutional, subject and technological components. Conclusions. Nowadays, it is necessary to reduce the legislatively fixed period of the elec-tion campaign and, as a result, clarify the definition of “election campaign”, which is preferably defined as activities for the preparation and conduct of elections, carried out from the date of the decision of the authority or official on the election to be held until the day official publication of the decision of the election commission on the election re-sults.
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Courtney, John C. "Parliament and Representation: The Unfinished Agenda of Electoral Redistributions." Canadian Journal of Political Science 21, no. 4 (December 1988): 675–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423900057395.

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AbstractSince 1964, federal electoral boundary readjustments have been the responsibility of independent commissions—one for each province and one for the Northwest Territories. The three redistributions completed to date under the new arrangements suggest that the commissions have increasingly accepted a substantial measure of intraprovincial population equality as the standard by which to define electoral boundaries. At the same time Parliament, in its debates and amendments to theElectoral Boundaries Readjustment Act, has urged commissions to move in the opposite direction by creating more, rather than fewer, electoral districts of unequal populations. These contrary positions derive from different views of what counts in determining electoral boundaries—territory or population. Drawing on American experience sinceBakerv.Carr(1962), Canadian courts may eventually be called upon to resolve the issue.
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Ong, Paul, and Albert Lee. "Asian Americans and Redistricting: Empowering Through Electoral Boundaries." AAPI Nexus: Policy, Practice and Community 8, no. 2 (January 2010): 87–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.17953/appc.8.2.v702m3n235843j11.

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Ong, Paul, and Albert Lee. "Asian Americans and Redistricting: Empowering Through Electoral Boundaries." AAPI Nexus Journal: Policy, Practice, and Community 8, no. 2 (2010): 87–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.36650/nexus8.2_87-108_ongetal.

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This article examines the background, history, and outcomes of Asian American engagement in political redistricting. It provides a historical context through an overview of the efforts by African Americans and Latinos, which established a foundation for Asian Americans. Through an analysis of demographic and spatial patterns, the paper argues that Asian Americans face a unique challenge and consequently have had to rely on utilizing a strategy based on the concept of “Community of Common Interest” to defend the integrity of Asian American neighborhoods from being fragmented by redistricting. Although it is difficult to construct Asian-majority districts, the creation of Asian-influence districts has contributed to an increase in the numbers of elected Asian American officials.
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Amos, Brian, and Michael P. McDonald. "A Method to Audit the Assignment of Registered Voters to Districts and Precincts." Political Analysis 28, no. 3 (January 17, 2020): 356–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/pan.2019.44.

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Electoral boundaries are an integral part of election administration. District boundaries delineate which legislative election voters are eligible to participate in, and precinct boundaries identify, in many localities, where voters cast in-person ballots on Election Day. Election officials are tasked with resolving a tremendously large number of intersections of registered voters with overlapping electoral boundaries. Any large-scale data project is susceptible to errors, and this task is no exception. In two recent close elections, these errors were consequential to the outcome. To address this problem, we describe a method to audit the assignment of registered voters to districts. We apply the methodology to Florida’s voter registration file to identify thousands of registered voters assigned to the wrong state House district, many of which local election officials have verified and rectified. We discuss how election officials can best use this technique to detect registered voters assigned to the wrong electoral boundary.
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Pal, Michael. "The Fractured Right to Vote: Democracy, Discretion, and Designing Electoral Districts." McGill Law Journal 61, no. 2 (August 10, 2016): 231–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1037248ar.

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Electoral boundary commissions and Parliament have recently transformed Canada’s federal electoral map. The 2015 federal election was contested on a new map of 338 ridings, after 30 seats were added to the House of Commons by the Fair Representation Act and commissions set the boundaries of each district. The introduction of independent, non-partisan commissions in 1964 to draw the maps has achieved great success in eliminating the previously entrenched practice of gerrymandering. The extensive discretion granted to commissions to set boundaries, however, generates a new series of potential problems that can undermine the fairness of the electoral map. This article takes the new map as an opportune time to analyze the Canadian experience with electoral boundary commissions and, particularly, their exercise of discretionary authority. It demonstrates that the ten provincial commissions have adopted divergent approaches to their common task of establishing electoral boundaries. The commissions are at times in direct conflict with one another on the meaning and scope of fundamental principles of redistricting, such as representation by population, community of interest, and minority representation. These conflicting approaches have gone beyond reasonable disagreements over the specific content of the relevant legislative and constitutional principles. The exercise of the discretion held by the commissions in these competing ways has frustrated the principle of the political equality of all citizens. This article argues that the discretion granted to Canadian electoral boundary commissions should be restructured in order to better achieve a common realization of the right to vote.
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Dovhan, Halyna. "Ensuring National Minorities’ Interests while Establishing Electoral Boundaries in Ukraine: The Example of the Hungarian National Minority." International Journal on Minority and Group Rights 26, no. 3 (May 14, 2019): 484–501. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718115-02601006.

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This article concerns ensuring national minorities’ interests while establishing electoral boundaries in Ukraine. Special attention is paid to the areas with a concentrated minority settlement. A Hungarian national minority resident in Transcarpathia is the subject of the research. Among the three basic laws of Ukraine that regulate presidential, local and parliamentary elections, only the law regulating parliamentary elections complies with the international requirements regarding the consideration of national minorities’ interests during delimitation of electoral borders. An electoral district in which majority of voters were Hungarians had been established before the 1998 parliamentary elections. But later, the Hungarian community was divided between three constituencies. Some comments and recommendations from the reports of observers from different international organizations have been elucidated. A review of law enforcement practice revealed that the long-lasting problem concerning the drawing of electoral boundaries in Transcarpathia has not yet been solved.
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Poffenroth, Kim. "Raîche v Canada:A new direction in drawing electoral boundaries?" Commonwealth Law Bulletin 31, no. 2 (January 2005): 53–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03050718.2005.9986679.

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Hooghe, Liesbeth. "Nota over de herinrichting van de kiesindeling in Brabant." Res Publica 29, no. 2 (June 30, 1987): 259–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/rp.v29i2.18953.

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Despite major institutional and political changes in the Belgian political system in the last 25 years, the electoral organization has been very stable.The adaptations of the electoral organization have even been less in the province of Brabant, although the politica! developments have caused there additional problems. Brabant's electoral constituencies contain a rather strange mixture of heterogeneous electorates : (1) a constituency, which consists of the bilingual capital Brussels as welt as several Flemish communes, (2) a unilingual Walloon constituency, (3) a unilingual Flemish constituency. The proposed solutions for Brabant's complex situation can be summarized into six alternative systems of electoral organization, concentrating either on the functioning of the system of provincial allotment (II, III, IV : to prevent the election of a candidate from one language community in the unilingual constituency that is part of the other language community), or on a radical redrawing of the boundaries of the electoral constituencies (V, VI, VII : to separate theFlemish and French electorale more neatly).The impact of the six alternatives on the seats distribution among the political parties is rather restricted. The shifts of seats inside the parties (from one constituency to another) are more striking than between the parties. Alternatives IV and VI cause the largest reallocation of seats between the parties, whereas alternatives II, III and V result in only minor changes.
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JOU, WILLY. "Partisan Bias in Japan's Single Member Districts." Japanese Journal of Political Science 10, no. 1 (April 2009): 43–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109908003368.

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AbstractThe delineation of constituency boundaries and variations in vote distribution across districts often favor certain parties at the expense of others. Applying a hitherto under-utilized formula (Brookes, 1959; Johnston et al., 1999), this study investigates whether the mechanism translating votes into seats in Japan's single-member districts results in systematic partisan advantage that may influence election outcomes. Simulations are conducted for the 2003 and 2005 general elections under two scenarios: where the governing coalition and the main opposition party receive equal vote shares, and where their vote shares are reversed from the actual results. Components of electoral bias are then disaggregated into size and distribution effects, and the impact of malapportionment, electorate size, turnout, and the role of third party/independent candidates on overall electoral bias is examined. Results show that while partisan bias exists, disadvantages toward one party in some components are likely to cancel out benefits derived from others, producing a relatively small net effect. Furthermore, electoral bias in Japan is found to award sectoral rather than partisan seat bonuses.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Electoral boundaries"

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Spychal, Martin Vincent. "Constructing England's electoral map : Parliamentary boundaries and the 1832 Reform Act." Thesis, University of London, 2017. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.737000.

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Ehrhard, Thomas. "Le découpage électoral en France sous la Vème République : entre logiques partisanes et intérêts parlementaires." Thesis, Paris 2, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014PA020064.

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Le découpage électoral est marqué par le mythe du gerrymandering, ou du « charcutage électoral ». Gouvernements et majorités l’utiliseraient dans l’objectif d’établir une carte électorale favorable par la délimitation de circonscriptions visant produire des gains électoraux. Il serait un outil électoraliste utilisé à des fins partisanes. En France, cette perception prédomine notamment en raison du peu de travaux consacrés au découpage électoral qui est, pourtant, un objet important au sein de la littérature politiste internationale. La thèse propose une étude du découpage des circonscriptions législatives sous la Ve République selon deux axes. Le premier, relatif au processus, interroge le rôle et l’action du gouvernement. Grâce à une analyse pluridisciplinaire, il apparaît que le découpeur est soumis à de fortes contraintes, et que les députés y occupent un rôle majeur. Le second porte sur les conséquences des délimitations. Après l’élaboration d’une méthode permettant d’appréhender l’aspect politique des découpages, l’étude empirique – statistique et cartographique – établit que les circonscriptions sont découpées en fonction des députés – sortants –, avant d’être favorables aux partis politiques, ou à la majorité qui y procède. S’il apparaît également que les changements de délimitations ne produisent pas toujours les effets escomptés, ils disposent de conséquences structurelles qui se vérifient sur la compétition électorale. Sous la Ve République, les découpages électoraux peuvent être qualifiés d’interparlementaires et d’intrapartisans. In fine, ni le processus, ni les conséquences des découpages électoraux ne correspondent à sa représentation cognitive classique
The myth of the gerrymandering overshadows the redistricting. Governments allegedly use it to draw a favorable electoral map aiming electoral profits. Thus, it is supposed to be an electioneering mechanism used for partisan motives. In France, few studies have been devoted to redistricting which is also an important object within the international political scientist literature. The thesis puts forward a study of the legislative redistricting under the Fifth Republic following two axes. The first one, the analysis of the policy process, questions the role and the actions of the government. Through a multidisciplinary analysis, it appears that the government is strongly constrained and that MPs have a main function. The second one relates to the consequences of redistricting. After developing a method to understand the politics of limits, the empirical study – statistical and cartographic – shows that districts are made according to deputies – incumbents –, before favoring political parties, or the majority making the redistricting. It also appears that if the constituency boundaries are not decisive, they still have structural consequences on the electoral competition. Under the Fifth Republic, redistricting can be described as interparliamentary and intrapartisan. To sum up, neither the redistricting process nor its electoral consequences match the "classic" cognitive representation of the redistricting
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Briggs, Casey. "Using Aggregated Demographic Data To Inform Electoral Boundary Redistributions: 2010 South Australian Election." Thesis, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/2440/94479.

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Electoral boundaries in South Australia are currently a contentious issue in politics, with allegations that the current boundaries are unfair. South Australia has fairness provisions that are unique in Australia governing the boundaries of electoral districts. However, in three of the last six state elections, the objective of fairness as characterised by these provisions has not been met. Boundaries are drawn by the independent Electoral Districts Boundaries Commission, and are revised after every general election in South Australia. The Commission's method uses estimates for the voting behaviours in small areas to inform the decisions about boundary changes. The objective of this thesis is to develop an alternative method for calculating these estimates, and test the credibility of the resultant estimates from our new method. We develop a series of gradually refined regression models that use demographic data in South Australia to predict voting behaviour. The demographic data is sourced from the periodical Census of Population and Housing. In this research we also test the proposition that income, education level, and the language people speak at home are significant factors in their voting behaviour, at an aggregated group level. We contend that the predictions calculated under the preferred model in this thesis are credible, and that the techniques used warrant further exploration.
Thesis(M.Phil)-- University of Adelaide, School of Mathematical Sciences, 2015
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Books on the topic "Electoral boundaries"

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Commission, Saskatchewan Electoral Boundaries. Electoral Boundaries Commission, 1988. [Regina, Sask: The Commission, 1988.

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Tonga. Royal Constituency Boundaries Commission. Report on proposed constituency boundaries. Tonga]: Royal Constituency Boundaries Commission, 2010.

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Commission, Saskatchewan Electoral Boundaries. Final report: Electoral Boundaries Commission 1988. Regina, Sask: Electoral Boundaries Commission, 1989.

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Commission, Saskatchewan Electoral Boundaries. Electoral Boundaries Commission, 1988: Interim report. [Regina, Sask: The Commission, 1988.

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British Columbia Electoral Boundaries Commission. Preliminary report: British Columbia Electoral Boundaries Commission. Victoria,B.C: British Columbia Electoral Boundaries Commission, 2007.

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Manitoba. Electoral Divisions Boundaries Commission. Report of the 1998 Electoral Divisions Boundaries Commission. Winnipeg: The Commission, 1998.

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Ottawa-Carleton Electoral Boundaries Commission (Ont.). Report of the Ottawa-Carleton Electoral Boundaries Commission. [Toronto: Ministry of Municipal Affairs, 1990.

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Manitoba, Elections. Indexes to Manitoba electoral divisions: Pursuant to the 1988 Electoral Divisions Boundaries Commission. [Winnipeg]: Elections Manitoba, 1989.

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(1992), Alberta Legislative Assembly Select Special Committee on Electoral Boundaries. Report of the Select Special Committee on Electoral Boundaries. [Edmonton]: The Committee, 1992.

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Commission, Alberta Electoral Boundaries. Proposed electoral division areas, boundaries and names for Alberta. Edmonton, Alta: Alberta Electoral Boundaries Commission, 1996.

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Book chapters on the topic "Electoral boundaries"

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Ostwald, Kai. "Electoral boundaries in Malaysia’s 2018 election." In Malaysia’s 14th General Election and UMNO’s Fall, 86–110. New York : Routledge, 2019. | Series: Routledge Malaysian studies series: Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429318375-5.

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Munck, Gerardo L. "2. Drawing Boundaries: How to Craft Intermediate Regime Categories." In Electoral Authoritarianism, 25–40. Lynne Rienner Publishers, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9781685857479-004.

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Seniloli, Kesaia. "Fiji’s electoral boundaries and malapportionment." In From Election to Coup in Fiji: The 2006 campaign and its aftermath. ANU Press, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.22459/fecf.06.2007.22.

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Forgette, Richard, and Marvin King. "Electoral Cycles in Racial Polarization and the 2006Senate Elections." In Beyond the Boundaries, 111–22. Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781351313926-8.

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"EXPANDING THE BOUNDARIES OF ELECTORAL COALITIONS." In Partners and Rivals, 113–42. Princeton University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctv18zhdcd.10.

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Walton, Hanes, and Robert C. Starks. "The Early Electoral Contests of Senator Barack Obama: A Longitudinal Analysis." In Beyond the Boundaries, 123–38. Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781351313926-9.

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"The 2020 Electoral Boundaries Review Committee Report." In Unmasking Singapore's 2020 General Elections, 43–52. WORLD SCIENTIFIC, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/9789811227646_0003.

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Hill, Walter W. "Statewide Races in Maryland: Unusual Beginnings of a New Era in Electoral Politics?" In Beyond the Boundaries, 99–110. Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781351313926-7.

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"CHAPTER 5. EXPANDING THE BOUNDARIES OF ELECTORAL COALITIONS." In Partners and Rivals, 113–42. Princeton University Press, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9780691223919-008.

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Thirunavukkarasu, R. "On Studying Elections and Democracy." In The Algebra of Warfare-Welfare, 334–56. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199489626.003.0013.

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This conversation between R. Thirunavukkarasu and T.K. Oommen underscores the sociological significance of analysing electoral democracy. Electoral studies pre-supposes democracy which is a recent phenomenon; as recent as 2000, only 58 per cent of the world’s population had electoral democracies. These factors explain the rickety level of election studies in sociology. In West European countries, wherein democracy flourishes the co-terminality between political and cultural boundaries is either a fact or an ideal. However, in India cultural pluralism is both a fact and a valued goal. The three-tier Indian polity—local, provincial (linguistic states), and national—witnesses different behaviours. Along with factors such as class, gender, age, and rural–urban differences which are common to democracies, the specificity of caste is important in India. In addition to the horizontal factors, caste divides voters vertically and the intersectionality among these factors increases the complexity of democracy and electoral behaviour. The conversation also discusses the forthcoming 2019 general election.
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Conference papers on the topic "Electoral boundaries"

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Borodin, Allan, Omer Lev, Nisarg Shah, and Tyrone Strangway. "Big City vs. the Great Outdoors: Voter Distribution and How It Affects Gerrymandering." In Twenty-Seventh International Joint Conference on Artificial Intelligence {IJCAI-18}. California: International Joint Conferences on Artificial Intelligence Organization, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.24963/ijcai.2018/14.

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Gerrymandering is the process by which parties manipulate boundaries of electoral districts in order to maximize the number of districts they can win. Demographic trends show an increasingly strong correlation between residence and party affiliation; some party’s supporters congregate in cities, while others stay in more rural areas. We investigate both theoretically and empirically the effect of this trend on a party's ability to gerrymander in a two-party model ("urban party" and "rural party"). Along the way, we propose a definition of the gerrymandering power of a party, and an algorithmic approach for near-optimal gerrymandering in large instances. Our results suggest that beyond a fairly small concentration of urban party's voters, the gerrymandering power of a party depends almost entirely on the level of concentration, and not on the party's share of the population. As partisan separation grows, the gerrymandering power of both parties converge so that each party can gerrymander to get only slightly more than what its voting share warrants, bringing about, ultimately, a more representative outcome. Moreover, there seems to be an asymmetry between the gerrymandering power of the parties, with the rural party being more capable of gerrymandering.
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Motiee, Mehrnaz, Amir Khajepour, and Raafat R. Mansour. "New Finite Element Formulation for Micro Electro-Thermo-Mechanical Domains." In ASME 2006 International Mechanical Engineering Congress and Exposition. ASMEDC, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/imece2006-14992.

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In the analysis and modeling of MEMS devices, a general finite element formulation is necessary to solve a multidisciplinary domain of the device with large number of nodes and elements. In this paper, we present a step by step finite element formulation for automated modeling of multi-disciplinary domains. The electro-thermo-mechanical domain is explained and an algorithmic approach for sequential analysis of an arbitrary ground structure with multi-disciplinary boundaries is developed and implemented in Matlab with a graphical user interface. The results of the finite element approach is compared and verified with exact solutions and test results from literature. The agreement of results verifies the application of proposed finite element formulation to the analysis of elector-thermo-mechanical domains. This formulation provides a fast and reliable tool to analyze electro-thermo-elastic devices which allows large flexibility in the selection of mechanical and electrical boundary conditions.
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