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1
Setia Putra, Imam Radianto Anwar, William Socrates Kasimat, and Purwadi Purwadi. "Political Participation of Communities in the 2018 Papua Gubernatorial Election Agenda." Jurnal Bina Praja 12, no. 2 (December 16, 2020): 113–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.21787/jbp.12.2020.113-123.
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This research article aims to describe communities' participation through direct elections, citizen agreement, and the mandate of representatives with actor interaction in the 2018 Papua gubernatorial election. The regional heads who elected democratically manifest the implementation of direct elections mandated by Acts of 1945 with community participation. The participation of communities in gubernatorial elections comes to the polling places and then casts/elects the desired candidate. More than that, communities' participation explains in-depth the form of involvement and typology of community participation in organizing the Papua Gubernatorial Election. Political participation of Papua communities in terms of political participation related to elections (voting/electing). The research was conducted using a qualitative approach with a case study method to explain the Papua communities' awareness at the Papua gubernatorial election. The data was collected using three methods, namely, the documentation study method, interview method, and Focus Group Discussions (FGD) with respondents from the General Elections Commission (KPU), the Regional Government of Papua Province, the Legislative and the Papuan People's Assembly (MRP), traditional figures, religious figures, academics, and Papua communities. Based on the quantitative calculation of communities participating in the gubernatorial election, it reached 88.44% of the total voters of 3,447,008 people who entered the final voter list, meaning that many communities used their voting rights. There were three mechanisms to facilitate community political participation in the Papua gubernatorial election, including direct mechanisms, citizen agreement, and representative mandates. Increasing the quality of political participation of communities in gubernatorial elections begins with regulations governing the legal norms of gubernatorial elections. It needs adjustment to the paradigm, and various experiences of holding Papua gubernatorial elections have been running to date. The standards that must be considered starting from the system, model, mechanism, and form of involvement of gubernatorial election organizers, so that the absolute and actual political participation of the community is formed.
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Salim, Hardy, and Cut Memi. "KEWENANGAN MAHKAMAH KONSTITUSI DALAM MENGADILI PERKARA PERSELISIHAN HASIL PEMILIHAN KEPALA DAERAH (SUATU KAJIAN TERHADAP PUTUSAN MAHKAMAH KONSTITUSI NOMOR 97/PUU-XI/2013 JO. PUTUSAN MAHKAMAH KONSTITUSI NOMOR 072-073/PUU-II/2004)." Jurnal Hukum Adigama 1, no. 2 (January 21, 2019): 570. http://dx.doi.org/10.24912/adigama.v1i2.2847.
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Acccording to the Arrticle 24C paragaaph (1) the Constttution of thr Republic of Indonesia of 1945, the Constitutional Court of thr Republic of Indonesia have thr power to decide upon disputes over the results of general election. The general election referred to here is elections to elect members of the legislature, regional representative councils, regional legislatures, president amd vice president. Both of thr provisions have been limitative, so there will no be any other elections that included. However, in its development, the Constittutional Court of the Republc of Indonesia is given the power to decide upon disputes ovrr the results of regional hed elections with a legal basis of the Constittutional Court Ruling Number 072-073/PUU-II/2004. However, a litle later the Constttution Court of the Republic of Indonesia issued a Consttttuional Court Ruling Number 97/PUU-XI/2013 which said tht the Constitusional Court of the Republic of Indonesia can’t have the power to decide upon disputes over the resuls of regional hed elections. This reaises problems regarding whether regional head elections are included in thr general election regime? And whether the Constitutional Court of the Republic Indonesia has thr authorty to decide upon disputes over the results of regional hed elections? Thr Author examined the issue by normative method. The results of thr resrarch show tht thr regional hesd elections is not a part of the general electiins regime and the Constututional Corrt of the Republic Indonesia can’t have thr power to decide upon disputes ovrr thr resulls of the regional hesd elections.
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Karmanis Karmanis, Sugiyanto Sugiyanto, Sumarmo Sumarmo, and Murdiansyah Murdiansyah. "Pembentukan Dana Cadangan Pemilihan Kepala Daerah Serentak Tahun 2024." MIMBAR ADMINISTRASI FISIP UNTAG Semarang 20, no. 2 (October 25, 2023): 94–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.56444/mia.v20i2.1124.
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The direct election of a regional head will produce a regional head and deputy regional head who are qualified, competent and have integrity, according to democratic ideals and the will of the people. In comparison with the pattern of electing regional heads through the election of the Regional People's Representative Council, the pattern of electing regional heads directly requires a lot of funds, the regional government must prepare as well as competing candidates as participants. This study examines the Formation of Reserve Funds for the 2024 Simultaneous Regional Head Elections in Pekalongan Regency, using a qualitative method. The author finds that the Regional Regulation concerning the Establishment of Reserve Funds for the 2024 Concurrent Regional Head Elections is urgently needed, because the costs of holding Regional Head Elections are quite large and need to be budgeted for more than one fiscal year, a Reserve Fund is needed, the budgeting of which is allocated for two years.
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Słomka, Tomasz. "Udział parlamentu w wyborach Prezydenta RP – tradycje i uwagi de lege ferenda." Studia Politologiczne, no. 3/2023(69) (July 10, 2023): 126–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.33896/spolit.2023.69.8.
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The article concerns a potential change in the method of electing the President of the Republic of Poland, consisting in abandoning the universal and direct elections in force since 1990 and introducing elections using the method of an extended parliament. The study verifies the hypothesis that forms of electing the president with the participation of the parliament are present in the Polish tradition. The second research assumption relates to the relationship between the constitutional role of the head of state and the over-normative legitimacy resulting from the general election.
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Kazemi, Said Reza. "Talking about and Doing Elections: The Shaping of a Local Electoral Field in Western Afghanistan." Central Asian Affairs 5, no. 2 (April 27, 2018): 160–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22142290-00502004.
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This paper investigates elections as the construction of a two-faceted field in a semi-urban area in Herat, western Afghanistan. Looking at Afghanistan’s 2014 presidential and provincial council elections, the paper first surveys the elections as a discursive field. It tries to understand what the local people, given their historical and social contexts, said about the elections. The second facet examines the elections as a performative field, attempting to unpack how local actors enacted the elections. The paper shows that an election’s discursive and performative framing needs to be situated in the wider historical and social contexts of a place. It also shows that in a place where there is greater freedom immediately following an oppressive era (for instance, that of the Taliban) and where there is egalitarianism among elites, the election is turned into a lively and unpredictable process where the discourse is marked by polyphony and instability, and the performance is characterized by mobilization of ties on various fronts and by shifting differentiation of local actors on political, generational, gender, and other grounds.
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Tawakkal, George Towar Ikbal, Irma Fitriana Ulfah, Andi Setiawan, Andrew D. Garner, and Thomas R. Seitz. "WHEN DIFFERENT ELECTIONS HAVE DIFFERENT SALIENCIES FOR VOTERS: MOST IMPORTANT AND CONSIDERATION (EVIDENCE FROM INDONESIAN VOTERS)." Humanities & Social Sciences Reviews 8, no. 4 (August 27, 2020): 625–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.18510/hssr.2020.8462.
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Purpose of the study: Generally, the purpose of this study is to explain the salience of each form of election for voters. To explain that, this study examines which election is perceived as the most important election for voters, and what matters are considered by voters in each election, especially in the most important election and money politics.
Methodology: The data are drawn from a survey of 800 respondents in Central Java during the 2019 Indonesian elections. The survey asked two questions; which election they perceive as the most important election ("what is the most important election for you?"), and what matters they consider when voting for a candidate ("what is your consideration in each election?"). The dataset also includes variables related to money politics.
Main Findings: Voters have different importances and considerations in various forms of elections. More voters see the executive election as the most important than the legislative election in every level of election. More voters consider the program in the legislative elections, while more voters consider the figure of candidates in the executive elections. But in more detail, there are various patterns.
Applications of this study: Referring to the number of elections in Indonesia, this finding can help the government, electoral commission, or activists to develop better strategies for educating citizens. Also, referring to the widespread money politics in Indonesia, this finding can help them to improve participation and reduce money politics in elections, especially at local levels.
Novelty/Originality of this study: Many scholars who talked about the meaning of election or the Importance of election do not explain clearly the possibility of voters having different meanings for different elections, while a voter faces several elections for different positions. This article fills in the literature explanation by discussing the level of elections when understanding the meaning of elections for voters.
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Bezubik, Kamila. "Rola federalnej komisji wyborczej w procesie wyborczym – uwagi na tle wyborów do Bundestagu w 2021 r." Przegląd Prawa Konstytucyjnego 75, no. 5 (October 31, 2023): 113–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2023.05.08.
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During the preparation and conduct of elections to the Bundestag, up to the determination and confirmation of the election result and the allocation of seats, electoral and administrative bodies and other institutions make a number of decisions and actions related to the elections. The procedure for verifying the correctness of the elections takes place after the elections, so it comes too late. The Federal Elections Act provides for legal remedies that can be taken before the elections, i.e. a complaint against the decision of the Federal Election Commission not to grant party status and a complaint against the decision of the State Election Commission not to admit the national list to the elections. The article is a synthetic analysis of the competence of the federal election commission in the field of applying legal measures to prevent irregularities during elections.
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A.M. Shayo, Daniel. "Supervision of Local Government Elections in Tanzania: The Plight for Independent Electoral Organs." Eastern Africa Law Review 47, no. 1 (June 30, 2020): 170–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.56279/ealr.v47i1.6.
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Local government elections provide an opportunity for people to choose their immediate leaders at the grass-root level. They are means to ensure democracy at such levels. Prompted by events and results of the 2019 local government elections, this study examines the efficiency of the existing laws and regulations on local government elections in ensuring free and fair elections. The results point out to lack of independence and neutrality of election supervisory bodies at the said levels. The study recommends review of the whole election system at grassroot level in order to ensure free and fair elections. Key Terms: Local Government Elections, Election Supervision, Independence of Election Supervisors
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Bolysbek, M. A., and B. B. Bulegenova. "Elections of rural akims: new electoral reform." BULLETIN of the L.N. Gumilyov Eurasian National University.Political Science. Regional Studies. Oriental Studies. Turkology Series. 143, no. 2 (2023): 21–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.32523/2616-6887/2023-143-2-21-29.
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The article describes the election system of rural akims in the Republic of Kazakhstan since 2021 and examines the technologies of pre-election campaigning from the point of view of electing village akims. During the elections of akims, the main attention is paid to the need to agitate the electoral system of akims. The scientific novelty of the article lies in the study of the main problems of campaigning activities of rural leaders in the electoral process.The authors argue that the direct elections of rural akims are a very important event, marking a completely new stage in the modernization of the local self-government system. The innovation of the bill is the introduction of elections of rural akims by secret ballot on the basis of universal, equal and immediate suffrage, as well as the introduction of the procedure for nominating candidates through political parties and self-nomination.Direct elections of rural akims provide an opportunity for citizens to actively exercise their constitutional rights, increase their understanding of the needs and problems of local executive bodies, and fully implement the concept of a «listening state».
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Murjani, Murjani, and Suwardi Sagama. "THE EXISTENCE OF THE ELECTION SUPERVISORY AGENCY POST 2024 BASED ON POSITIVE LAW." Syiah Kuala Law Journal 6, no. 3 (December 1, 2022): 242–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.24815/sklj.v6i3.28441.
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Bawaslu was formed to oversee elections and elections to run in a direct, free, confidential, honest, and fair manner. Bawaslu's authority is only to supervise in stages. In 2024, elections and elections will be held simultaneously. The stages will start again before the elections and elections in 2029. Researchers are interested in knowing the existence of Bawaslu post-election and elections in 2024. The research uses a normative legal research method with a statutory approach. Based on Law Number 7 of 2017 concerning Elections, Bawaslu only has supervisory authority at the election and election stages for 20 months. Bawaslu oversees the stages set by the KPU based on the PKPU. After the general election and simultaneous elections in 2024, Bawaslu does not have supervisory authority until it enters the stages for implementation in 2029. The existence of Bawaslu without any supervisory activities can return to being an ad hoc body at the beginning of its formation.
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Stewart, Charles. "Trust in Elections." Daedalus 151, no. 4 (2022): 234–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/daed_a_01953.
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Abstract The sometimes violent movement to reject the outcome of the 2020 U.S. presidential election draws our attention to the topic of trust in the institution of American election administration. An examination of this topic must make an important distinction between trust in elections (a psychological construct) and the trustworthiness of election results (a legal construct). The history of election administration in the United States is full of examples of efforts to increase the trustworthiness of elections to ensure that results are based on fair and competent administration. The resilience of these efforts was on display following the 2020 election, as formal institutions rejected claims that the election was fraudulent. Still, the past two decades have seen a decline in trust in American elections that has primarily been driven by a slow but steady decline in trust among Republicans. Surprisingly, the increased polarization in trust most recently has been due more to Democrats suddenly becoming more trusting. Election officials must continue to try to overcome attacks on trust in the system, but it is unclear how long they can sustain the legal system guaranteeing free and fair elections without broad-based public trust in how we administer elections.
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Cauble, Emily. "PROTECTIVE TAX ELECTIONS." Columbia Journal of Tax Law 13, no. 2 (May 31, 2022): 77–121. http://dx.doi.org/10.52214/cjtl.v13i2.9795.
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In many instances, taxpayers can select among various available tax outcomes by simply filing (or not filing) a tax election. Oftentimes, taxpayers file tax elections on a protective basis. When a taxpayer believes that filing an election may not be necessary but files it just in case, the taxpayer files a “protective tax election.” While existing academic literature explores various aspects of tax elections, the filing of tax elections on a protective basis has not been addressed. This Article begins to fill that gap. In some circumstances, the tax outcome that follows from making a protective tax election is not necessarily what the taxpayer intends to claim. A taxpayer might plan to claim a given tax outcome but be wary of a risk that the claim will fail. The taxpayer files a protective tax election to opt for the taxpayer’s second choice. In other words, the taxpayer uses the election to ensure that, if the taxpayer’s intended claim does fail, the alternative tax treatment imposed upon the taxpayer is more favorable than what would befall the taxpayer in the absence of the protective tax election. This Article adopts the phrase “Favorable Fallback Protective Tax Elections” to refer to protective tax elections filed under these circumstances. The policy implications of Favorable Fallback Protective Tax Elections are numerous. The policy disadvantages of such elections include their potential to trap unwary taxpayers as well as their propensity for encouraging well-advised taxpayers to take more aggressive reporting positions. One policy advantage of such elections is the possibility that they may encourage taxpayers to reveal useful information to the IRS. This Article explores the various uses of protective tax elections, assesses their policy advantages and disadvantages, and recommends ways to amplify their advantages and mitigate their disadvantages.
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Ari Nur Utomo and Malik Akbar Mulki Rahman. "MODEL PILIHAN PENYELESAIAN SENGKETA HASIL PILKADA." Al-Ijtima`i: International Journal of Government and Social Science 8, no. 2 (April 30, 2023): 119–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.22373/jai.v8i2.2461.
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Regional General Elections or often referred to as regional elections are a method or mechanism for electing regional heads that are based on the constitution and are legal according to law. With the regional election, it is hoped that a fair, honest and wise leader can be elected to form a democratic government, but in the process there are disputes over the results of the vote count so that it has the potential to cause conflict if not resolved quickly. To overcome this, the government appointed the Supreme Court which has the right to adjudicate the dispute, over time the authority was then transferred to the Constitutional Court, causing a tug of war against the authorities authorized to adjudicate disputes over the results of the elections. Therefore, the writing of this paper will try to provide a study that aims to provide input to the government to choose the right institution for adjudicating the results of regional election disputes. This writing uses a normative juridical method with a statutory, historical, and conceptual approach and is supported by primary and secondary data. The results of this paper have four recommendations for institutions that have the right to adjudicate regional elections including the Constitutional Court, High Administrative Court, Election Watchdog, and the Special Court.
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Pratama, Surya Mukti, Ela Nurlela, and Hendry Gian Dynantheo Sitepu. "Gagasan Pembentukan Peradilan Khusus Pilkada Dalam Mewujudkan Electoral Justice." JURNAL YUSTIKA: MEDIA HUKUM DAN KEADILAN 24, no. 01 (November 24, 2021): 14–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.24123/yustika.v24i01.4451.
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General Election and Regional Election are two different things on a constitutional basis. Then it was strengthened and confirmed by the decision of the Constitutional Court No. 97 / PUU / XI / 2013. This condition encourages the author to discuss the urgency of establishing a special election court with a simultaneous regional election system and a special court format that is effective in realizing electoral justice. This article aims to discuss the problems faced in resolving regional election results disputes in order to realize electoral justice in regional elections. The juridical formation of a special regional elections judicial body is an urgent need because it is a mandate of the law that must be implemented. The regional elections court format in realizing electoral justice includes three important principles that must be possessed by the regional elections court, the status and position of the regional elections court, the regional elections court judges, the role of the Supreme Court as judex juris and is attributed the authority to review the decision of the regional elections special court and relate to absolute competence. from the regional elections court.
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TURNER, ARTHUR W. "Postauthoritarian Elections." Comparative Political Studies 26, no. 3 (October 1993): 330–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414093026003003.
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The past two decades have seen a resurgence of democracy in formerly autocratic countries. The behavior of the electorate in each first election following a period of authoritarian rule is closely watched for clues to the future success of democracy. Yet the scarcity of empirical studies of similar elections has left us with little more than commonsense expectations to guide our analysis. This article empirically tests several of these expectations, using data from earlier postauthoritarian parliamentary elections. Expectations of unusually high turnout could not be supported, but future levels of turnout are affected by the timing of subsequent elections. The large number of newly formed parties competing in a postauthoritarian election seldom persist, and prediscontinuity power relationships among surviving parties are generally preserved. Expectations that postauthoritarian elections are followed by a period of volatile electoral behavior could not be supported. Parties that finish first in postauthoritarian elections also finish first in the next election. The article concludes that these elections are not sufficiently different from other elections to warrant their exclusion from comparative research.
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Ceyhun qızı Qasımova, Aysel. "Legal basis of parliamentary elections in the Republic of Azerbaijan." SCIENTIFIC WORK 15, no. 2 (March 9, 2021): 128–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.36719/2663-4619/63/128-131.
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As in other democratic states, parliamentary elections are the most regular form of citizen participation in the management of the state and public life in the Republic of Azerbaijan. Also, parliamentary elections are a mechanism that ensures the transparency of state power and facilitates the legalization of this area. The democratic and free conduct of elections, which is an expression of people’s will, depends on the socio-political stability in the country and the existence of norms that legally regulate the conduct of these elections. In this sense, the Constitution of the Republic of Azerbaijan and the Election Code are the main acts regulating election law relations. These legal acts create methods for the democratic conduct of elections, including parliamentary elections in the Republic of Azerbaijan, Key words: elections, suffrage, majoritarian election system, voter signature, election commission.
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Lestari, Endang Puji, and Muh Risnain. "EVALUASI NORMA KEDAULATAN RAKYAT DALAM KONSTITUSI DAN PELAKSANAANNYA DALAM KERANGKA NEGARA HUKUM DEMOKRATIS." Indonesian Journal of Law and Policy Studies 1, no. 1 (May 31, 2020): 25. http://dx.doi.org/10.31000/ijlp.v1i1.2633.
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The issue of determining the winners of the presidential election, the tenure of president and vice president, the principle of electing the regional head and the legal regime of the regional head are issues that are still not completely regulated in the constitution and need improvement. Several articles in the constitution relating to people's sovereignty should the MPR make changes to article 6 paragraph (3), article 7, article 18 paragraph (4) and article 23 paragraph (2) by looking at the practice of state administration and the dynamic development of democratic life. MPR as an institution that has the authority to change the constitution can carry out the process of changing the constitution according to the mechanism of article 37 of the 1945 Constitution. such as the absence of the presidential treshold regime and separate elections between legislative elections, presidential elections, local elections. Therefore, the Parliament and the President are called upon to amend Law No. 7 of 2017 concerning elections in line with constitutional values
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Yusdar, Yusdar. "AMBIVALENSI PENGATURAN PEMILIHAN UMUM DI INDONESIA." Al-Adalah: Jurnal Hukum dan Politik Islam 4, no. 1 (July 31, 2019): 21–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.35673/ajmpi.v4i1.216.
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This study aims to understand the ambivalence of organizing elections in Indonesia so that they can conceptualize the ideal setting for conducting general elections with integrity. This research is normative legal research (normative legal research). This research was conducted by examining primary legal material and secondary legal material.The results of the study indicate that the regulation of elections used in the administration of elections in Indonesia only emphasizes the regulation of procedural aspects. Whereas the indicators of the success of the election if the election organizers, election participants and the public as voters carry out the stages of the election in accordance with the rules of the election stage even though they set aside substantial aspects. Therefore, arrangements are needed in the administration of elections that emphasize substantial aspects, so that elections with integrity can be realized.
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Rakia, A. Sakti R. S. "Controversies and Unconstitutional Practices of Elections Postponement in Indonesia: State Interest or Political Elite Interest?" JUSTISI 10, no. 2 (April 25, 2024): 429–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.33506/js.v10i2.3276.
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The Indonesian political atmosphere has recently been shocked by controversial issues regarding the postponement of the Indonesian elections in 2024 nationally. The reason for postponing the election is due to the unstable economic condition of the country after COVID-19 so that it is considered incapable of holding elections in 2024. This study aims to find out how the postponement of elections is regulated in Indonesia, as well as whether the postponement of elections is a constitutional action or for the interests of groups elite. The results of this study indicate that basically the Indonesian Election Law does not specifically regulate the postponement of elections. The postponement of elections in the provisions of election law in Indonesia only regulates regional election delays. Meanwhile, national election delays are not adequately regulated. Therefore, nationally postponing the election is considered a violation of the Indonesian constitution. In addition, it is seen that the postponement of the election is not an aspiration of the Indonesian people so that it is considered an attempt by the political elite to take political advantage in the 2024 election.
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Clayton, Katherine, and Robb Willer. "Endorsements from Republican politicians can increase confidence in U.S. elections." Research & Politics 10, no. 1 (January 2023): 205316802211489. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/20531680221148967.
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Since the 2020 U.S. presidential election, perceptions of the validity of the outcome and broader trust in the American electoral process have reached historically low levels among Republicans. While this trend has potentially harmful consequences for democratic stability, there is little research on how beliefs that an election was fair—and trust in the electoral process more generally—can be restored. In a preregistered survey experiment ( n = 2101), we find that viewing real messages from Republican politicians defending the legitimacy of the 2020 election increased faith in the election’s outcome and in the broader electoral process among Republican voters, compared to either a neutral control condition or to comparable messages from Democratic politicians. These effects are statistically mediated by shifts in voters’ perceptions of elite Republican opinion about the 2020 election, highlighting a potentially useful intervention for efforts to restore faith in elections going forward. Notably, exposure to messages from Republican politicians affirming the election’s legitimacy did not significantly decrease support for the Republican Party, suggesting that Republican politicians who endorse the 2020 election results might not face backlash from voters.
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Korovin, Evgeniy M. "ELECTION CAMPAIGN: DEFINITION AND TEMPORAL BOUNDARIES." Law Enforcement Review 4, no. 1 (May 25, 2020): 37–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.24147/2542-1514.2020.4(1).37-48.
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The subject. Detection of the essence of electoral process, the election campaign and their influence on the temporal component of the electoral process is the subject of this publication.
The purpose of the article is to confirm or disprove hypothesis that the concept of "election campaign" should include activities for the preparation and conduct of elections, carried out in the period from the date of the decision on the appointment of elections to the day of official publication (publication) of the decision on the results of elections
The methodology. General scientific methods were used when considering and analyzing the concepts of the electoral process, election companies, and stages of the electoral process. Normative-logical and comparative-legal methods were used in the process of analyzing the electoral legislation.
The main results and scope of their application. The definition of the electoral process is considered by scientists not only as a system of relations, but also as a phenomenon, as an institution, as a form of implementation of constitutional principles, as a legal technology, as a technological infrastructure. Almost all authors, detecting the essence of the electoral process, cannot avoid the temporal aspect of this phenomenon. Political scientists and sociologists understand an election (election) campaign as a system of various campaigning events, with the help of which political parties and individual candidates seek the support of voters in elections. The election campaign in the broad sense is the period of time during which citizens have the opportunity to exercise most of their electoral rights. It is essential not only to legislate consolidation of the definition of “election campaign”, but also to define its temporal component, adequate to the goals and objectives of the implementation of the constitutional right to elect and to be elected.
The current law defines the election campaign as activities for the preparation and conduct of elections from the date of publication of the announcement of elections until the day the election commission submits the election report.
The start of the election campaign is given by the publication of the announcement of the election, but not the adoption of this decision. The campaign ends not with the determination of the winner, but after the election commission submits a report on budget spending, i. e. 3 months after the actual completion of the election. This duration of the campaign does not correspond to the objectives of the election and artificially lengthens the election campaign.
The time limits of an election campaign are closely related to the stages of the electoral process, i.e., a set of electoral actions and procedures that are separate in time, aimed at forming a government body and electing an official. The author refers to the mandatory stages of the electoral process as determining the voting day and publishing the decision to call elections; nominating and registering candidates (lists of candidates); election campaigning; voting, determining the results of voting, determining the results of elec-tions and publishing them. Deadlines mark the boundaries of the stages of the electoral process, affecting its institutional, subject and technological components.
Conclusions. Nowadays, it is necessary to reduce the legislatively fixed period of the elec-tion campaign and, as a result, clarify the definition of “election campaign”, which is preferably defined as activities for the preparation and conduct of elections, carried out from the date of the decision of the authority or official on the election to be held until the day official publication of the decision of the election commission on the election re-sults.
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Wielgosz, Łukasz. "Funkcjonowanie międzypartyjnych porozumień wyborczych w formie koalicyjnych komitetów wyborczych oraz komitetów wyborczych partii w latach 2018–2019." Przegląd Prawa Konstytucyjnego 69, no. 5 (October 31, 2022): 67–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2022.05.05.
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Election committees in Poland nominate candidates for elections and organize election campaigns for them. The legislator lists three types of committees that may take part in elections to the Sejm, Senate and the European Parliament: the election committee of a political party, a coalition election committee and an election committee of voters. Of these, the coalition committee is the most complicated formula – to organize it, an agreement between several parties is required. In 2019, Poland saw a consolidation of the political scene – at that time, in the elections to the European Parliament, only six committees put up lists of candidates across the country, while in the elections to the Sejm – only five committees. This was because multi- party electoral agreements formally took part in the elections as party rather than coalition election committees. So is the institution of a coalition election committee still useful?
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Mutawalli, Muhammad, and Zulhilmi Paidi. "Periodic Principles in General Elections: Orientation and Implications in Indonesia." Jurnal Penelitian Hukum De Jure 23, no. 3 (September 29, 2023): 357. http://dx.doi.org/10.30641/dejure.2023.v23.357-374.
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The general election is one part of the practice of democracy in Indonesia. In this case, the general election is a manifestation of people’s sovereignty. In general, the principles of elections include the principles of direct, general, free, confidential, honest, and fair. This study seeks to explore the legal construction related to the periodic principle of general elections which must be held periodically every five years to become a separate principle in elections. The issue of periodization in general elections really needs to be emphasized as one of the principles in general elections as the main basis for creating a cycle of replacement and filling of public positions in the state administration system. This research is a normative legal research with statutory and conceptual approaches. The results of the study confirm that the orientation of legal construction on the periodic principle has actually been expressly stated in the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia and is based on a systematic interpretation. In this case, the orientation of the periodic aspect is part of the general election principle which is obligatory and must be implemented. This implies that the principles of general elections include the principles of direct, general, free, confidential, honest, and fair, and must be held periodically for five years. In this case, the periodic principle becomes very important to be recognized and explicitly stated in the general election law as a new principle in the technical implementation of general elections. this has implications for the implementation of elections that are inconsistent and tend to change in each implementation. Whereas in holding general elections, the periodic principle will uniformize the holding of elections simultaneously, both national elections and elections at the regional level by setting forth and affirming in the general election law that periodization is a technical principle in holding general elections in Indonesia.
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Orien Effendi. "Euforia Pemilu Legislatif, Pilpres Dan Pemilukada Serentak Di Indonesia." Politica: Jurnal Hukum Tata Negara dan Politik Islam 8, no. 2 (December 1, 2021): 57–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.32505/politica.v8i2.3544.
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Euphoria of the Legislative Election, Presidential Election and Regional Head Election Simultaneously in Indonesia. Since the collapse of the New Order government in 1998, the enthusiasm of the Indonesian people in welcoming the atmosphere of the birth of the first democratic system by holding direct elections has been great. Through direct elections at that time began the election of the president and vice president elected by the people for the first time. The direct election by the people also applies to elections at the regional level which include the election of regional heads. Meanwhile, in the course of history, legislative elections have been held long before starting in 1955, so that it is recorded that legislative elections have been held 12 (twelve) times since they were held for the first time until their implementation in 2019. Along the way, the legislative, presidential and post-conflict local elections showed high enthusiasm in facing various challenges in each election period. So that the Indonesian people continue to learn from history and improve all deficiencies which then produce maturity in democracy. By reviewing the literature, this paper tries to review events related to the spirit or euphoria of the election.
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Sassetti, Francisca. "Social Media and Crowdsourced Election Monitoring." Politikon: The IAPSS Journal of Political Science 42 (September 16, 2019): 7–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.22151/politikon.42.1.
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With the rise of social media in Sub-Saharan Africa, citizen-led organizations in countries such as Kenya, Nigeria and Ghana have embraced crowdsourcing for domestic election monitoring, at a time when holding competitive elections has proven insufficient to ensure democratic elections. Yet, while existing literature focuses on the contrast between crowdsourcing and traditional monitoring, the effects of crowdsourced election monitoring on the transparency and quality of elections remain unaddressed. This paper makes a comparative analysis of elections in Nigeria from 2003-2015, framed within Sub-Saharan Africa, supported by a dataset of election monitoring deployments. Findings show that, in Nigerian elections where crowdsourcing was used, higher levels of election transparency were registered based on the introduction of the concept of participatory democracy and its practical application. This would, then, contribute to more peaceful and democratic elections. This research also sheds some light on the benefits of domestic election monitoring for citizen engagement.
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Nasution, Ferry Irawan, Surya Perdana, and Cakra Arbas. "OPTIMIZING THE ROLE OF THE ELECTION SUPERVISORY COMMITTEE IN HANDLING ELECTION ADMINISTRATIVE VIOLATIONS IN ACEH PROVINCE." JHR (Jurnal Hukum Replik) 11, no. 2 (October 17, 2023): 203. http://dx.doi.org/10.31000/jhr.v11i2.8974.
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The Authority of the Election Supervisory Body in the Process of Resolving Administrative Violations of Elections has been regulated by Law Number 7 of 2017. The Election Supervisory Body has the authority to issue final decisions. With this authority, the role of the Election Supervisory Body is strengthened in the law enforcement framework for electoral justice. This research aims to determine how this authority is implemented, especially in the Province of Aceh. The selection of Aceh Province as the research object is due to the increased cases handled by the Election Supervisory Body in the 2019 Elections compared to 2014. The problem formulations for this journal are: How is the Authority of Election Supervisory Committee in Handling Administrative Violations of Elections? What is the Mechanism for Handling Administrative Violations of Elections? and What Factors Influence the Election Supervisory Committee in Resolving Administrative Violations of Elections in the 2019 Elections? This research is normative legal research accompanied by supporting data. Research data was collected through a literature study. The analysis was carried out using qualitative methods. Based on the research results, it is concluded that the institutional strengthening of election oversight has developed with each decade of electoral implementation, manifested through revisions of laws governing the authority of the Election Supervisory Body. Second, the Election Supervisory Body has issued Regulation Number 7 of 2017 concerning the Handling of Findings and Reports of Electoral Violations and Regulation Number 8 of 2018 concerning resolving administrative violations of elections. Third, factors influencing the Election Supervisory Committee in resolving administrative violations of elections include internal factors such as 1) Human Resource Issues, 2) Facilities and Infrastructure, and 3) Budget.Keywords: Election Supervisory Committee of Aceh, Administrative Election Violations
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Franklin, Mark N., and Luana Russo. "The 2019 European Elections: something old, something new, something borrowed, and something green." Italian Political Science Review/Rivista Italiana di Scienza Politica 50, no. 3 (November 2020): 307–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ipo.2020.32.
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In the aftermath of a European Parliament (EP) election, there are normally two prominent aspects that receive attention by scholars and experts: the turnout rate and whether the Second Order Election (SOE) model proposed by Reif and Schmitt (1980) still applies. That model is based on the idea that, because EP elections do not themselves provide enough stimulus as to replace the concerns normally present at national elections, the outcomes of EP elections in any participating country manifest themselves as a sort of distorted mirror of national (Parliamentary) elections in that country. The mirror is distorted because those national concerns are modified, not so much by the concerns arising from the European context in which EP elections are held as simply by the fact that EP elections are not national elections. In particular, at EP elections, national executive power is not at stake. The same party or parties will rule in each country after an EP election as ruled there before.
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Ogu, Chukwuma, and Musa Abraham. "Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) and the Conduct of 2023 General Elections in Nigeria: A Discourse." African Journal of Politics and Administrative Studies 16, no. 2 (December 1, 2023): 253–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/ajpas.v16i2.14.
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The study analyzes the conduct of 2023 general elections in Nigeria. The 2023 general elections were conducted by INEC on 25th February, and March, 18th 2023. INEC was constituted in 1998 by Abdulsalam Abubakar. The roles of INEC are, delimits the country into constituencies for the purpose of electing representatives into government, organizes/conducts elections into various levels of government, registers political parties wishing to contest elections, register voters, recruits, trains and deploys officials to different part of the country to assist in the conduct of elections. The perpetration of electoral violence by desperate politicians, late arrival of electoral materials and some officials of INEC to polling units, malfunctioning of electronic machines in some places and vote buying by politicians, among others were examined by this paper. This paper adopts system theory propounded by Gabriel Almonds, David Easton and Von Bentallaffy. This study uses the qualitative method of research, relying exclusively on secondary source of data such as textbooks, newspapers, journals, magazines, among others. The data gathered were summarized. The findings of the study shows that the presidential election conducted on 25th February by INEC was won by Bola Ahmed Tinubu of All progressive congress (APC).In the Governorship election held on March 18th 2023, APC won in 16 States, PDP won in 10 States, NNPP won in One State while Labour party won in Abia State. The paper recommends that; INEC, politicians and the electorates should adhere strictly to the laws, rules and regulations guiding the conduct of general elections in Nigeria. INEC should make adequate preparations before embarking on future general elections.
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Yusrang. "Mitigasi Risiko Dan Jaminan Social Bagi Penyelenggara Pemilu 2024." Journal of Law and Administrative Science 1, no. 2 (October 25, 2023): 29–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.33478/jlas.v1i2.10.
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Abstract; It is the constitutional mandate of the Republic of Indonesia to make elections a means of popular sovereignty and to be held every 5 years. Reflecting on the 2019 experience, elections were held simultaneously based on the Constitutional Court Decision MK No. 14/PUU-XI/2013 which simultaneously held presidential elections and national parliamentary elections and was followed up in Law No. 7 of 2017 concerning General Elections which also simultaneously held local parliamentary elections (provincial and district/city DPRD) along with presidential-vice presidential elections and parliamentary elections national (DPR and DPD). This assignment is directly proportional to the workload carried out by election organizers. For this reason, there is a need for health insurance and social security for election organizers as risk mitigation. In the future 2024 elections it has been anticipated through a strict recruitment process for election organizers and for social security the Presidential Instruction of the Republic of Indonesia has been issued Number 2 of 2021 concerning Optimizing the Implementation of the Employment Social Security Program.
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Wardana, Dodi Jaya. "Konsep Pengadilan Khusus Dalam Penyelesaian Perkara Pemilihan Kepala Daerah di Indonesia." Jurnal Justiciabelen 3, no. 1 (February 1, 2021): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.30587/justiciabelen.v3i1.2241.
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A special court for the settlement of regional head election cases needs to be established / held for the settlement of cases for regional head elections and this special court is established before the implementation of regional head elections simultaneously nationally. This special court for regional head elections is nothing new, but something that already exists. Moreover, this special election court has been implemented in Uruguay. The authority of the Election Court in Uruguay appears to be very broad, covering everything related to elections, from the making of the regulations, the implementation, to the settlement of the case. The form and design of the special election court institutions must be adapted to the conditions of the temporary (ad hoc) Indonesian state under the Supreme Court and has the authority to handle all cases that arise in the election process, ranging from administrative cases and election crimes to disputes over results. Regional elections.
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Kerr, Nicholas, and Michael Wahman. "Electoral Rulings and Public Trust in African Courts and Elections." Comparative Politics 53, no. 2 (January 1, 2021): 257–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.5129/001041521x15930293747844.
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On the African continent, where elections are often surrounded by accusations of fraud and manipulation, legal avenues for challenging elections may enhance election integrity and trust in political institutions. Court rulings on electoral petitions have consequences for the distribution of power, but how do they shape public opinion? We theorize and study the way in which court rulings in relation to parliamentary election petitions shape public perceptions of election and judicial legitimacy. Using survey data from the 2016 Zambian election, our results suggest that opposition voters rate quality of elections lower when courts nullify elections. However, judicial legitimacy seems unaffected even for voters in constituencies where the courts have shown independence vis a vis the executive and nulli' fied parliamentary elections won by the governing party.
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Tjenreng, Muhammad Baharuddin Zubakhrum. "Democratic System Strengthening Through Concurrent Election Implementation To Improve Political Stability and National Development." Journal of Social and Development Sciences 7, no. 2 (July 6, 2016): 44–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.22610/jsds.v7i2.1306.
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Indonesian recently held a regional head concurrent elections in the first phase on December 9, 2015. Concurrent elections has been a historic moment for Indonesia to elect regional heads organized and structured massively. Concurrent election significance for Indonesian politics, especially at the local level, not only to read limited local democratic party, but rather an instrument for strengthening the democratic process. This research seeks to examine and analyze the democracy strengthening through concurrent election implementation in order to improve political stability of national development. In carrying out this study, researchers using qualitative methods. Whereabout the main data from this study is the researchers observation result on the concurrent election day, which is supported by several secondary data from the media. Featured models concurrent election (local concurrent election) is believed to be the best solution to counter the problems remaining in the elections execution, especially in two important reasons: First, the elections implementation effectiveness in order to realize the elections are more qualified and dignified from both the process and elections outcome aspects; second, the elections efficiency especially from the budget efficiency aspect which must be issued by the state to finance the electoral process.
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Çarkoğlu, Ali, and Emre Erdoğan. "Fairness in the Apportionment of Seats in the Turkish Legislature: Is There Room For Improvement?" New Perspectives on Turkey 19 (1998): 97–124. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0896634600003046.
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As new elections approach, Turkish political agenda is once again dominated by discussions of election systems and impending changes in the existing one. These discussions are not without consequence. Since the first competitive and fair elections of 1950, twelve general elections have been held and a total of 37 legislative arrangements concerning elections have been implemented. Three of those were passed by the parliament just before the December 1995 elections (Tuncer, 1997, 5). The new early election, expected to be held in April 1999, seems to be no exception to this general pattern. Besides incessant attention in the media paid to the characteristics of the existing election system in Turkey and their political consequences, a number of publications appeared over the past few years following the 1995 election that reflect an intense debate about how the election system should be changed.
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Tobing, Rudyanti Dorotea, and Sri Astutik. "THE ROLE OF THE YOUNGER GENERATION IN PARTICIPATORY SUPERVISION GENERAL ELECTION IN 2024." Awang Long Law Review 6, no. 1 (January 16, 2024): 313–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.56301/awl.v6i1.1145.
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The purpose of this research is first to describe the implementation of the 2024 General Election and, secondly, to describe the role of the younger generation in participatory supervision of the 2024 General Election. The normative legal research method uses legal materials as the main source, carried out using the philosophical, statute, conceptual, and historical approaches. The research results show that the 2024 general election will be the same as the 2019 election, namely that the legislative and presidential elections (Pilpres) will be held simultaneously. The legal basis for holding the 2024 General Election is the same as the 2019 General Election, namely Law Number 7 of 2017 concerning General Elections (Election Law). The 2024 general election stages begin on June 14, 2022; by Article 167 paragraph (6) of the Election Law, the general election stages begin 20 months before voting day, while voting day is February 14, 2024. Second, supervision of implementing general elections is a desire based on noble concerns (ultimate concerns), to achieve quality general elections. The existence of Bawaslu has experienced significant changes from time to time, which is a sign that its existence is very important for upholding general election justice. The limited number of supervisors is still one of the obstacles for Bawaslu in carrying out supervision at all stages of the general election. The younger generation's involvement in election supervision carried out by Bawaslu is participatory. Participatory supervision is generally described as a joint collective effort involving various components of society to supervise the implementation of general elections. The role of the young generation as participatory observers in general elections is to be able to provide initial information on suspected general election violations, participate in supervising/monitoring the implementation of general elections, prevent general election violations, and report suspected general election violations.
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Kartika Nabela, Tiara, and Arfa'i Arfa'i. "PENGATURAN PENYELENGGARAAN PEMILIHAN KEPALA DAERAH SERENTAK TAHUN 2024 BERDASARKAN UNDANG-UNDANG NOMOR 10 TAHUN 2016." Limbago: Journal of Constitutional Law 3, no. 3 (October 30, 2023): 415–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.22437/limbago.v3i3.22189.
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Based on Law Number 10 of2016 article 201 paragraph 8 determines simultaneousnational voting in the election of governors and deputy governors, regents and deputyregents, as well as mayors and deputy mayors throughout the territory of the Unitary Stateof the Republic of Indonesia to be held in November 2024. This research aims: 1). To findout and analyze the implementation of the implementation of simultaneous regional headelections in 2024 in Indonesia. 2). To find out and analyze the supervision of simultaneousregional head elections in 2024. The research method used in this study is a normative juridical method. This study usesastatutory,historicalandconceptualapproach.Presidential elections (Pilpres), legislative elections (Pileg) and regional head elections(Pilkada)wereheldinthesameyear.RegardingtheimplementationofPilkadaasstipulatedin Article 18 paragraph (4) of the 1945 Constitution, regional election is a regionalgovernment election regime and not an election regime as referred to in Article 22E of the1945 Constitution. The 2024 elections and regional elections will be very complex becausethe stages of holding elections will take place in parallel with the stages of holding theregionalelections.Forthisreason,effortstoimprovetheprocessofholdingelectionsinthefuture areneeded. Â
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Dadi, Agustinus F. Paskalino, Lasarus Didimus Bhute, and Paulus Devian Asno Gobang. "Penyuluhan Hukum sebagai Upaya Membentuk Kecerdasan Pemilih Pemula pada Pemilu 2024." Prima Abdika: Jurnal Pengabdian Masyarakat 4, no. 1 (March 18, 2024): 149–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.37478/abdika.v4i1.3843.
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General elections (elections) have an important meaning in the implementation of democracy. Elections are a means of implementing people's sovereignty. Therefore, it is hoped that the election will be democratic and participated in by all members of the community who have met the requirements. One group of people who need serious attention is the group of first-time voters. Beginner voters as participants who have never participated in an election before are expected to participate in the 2024 election intelligently. This means that beginner voters are expected to understand election rules, get to know election participants, know about voting mechanisms, and matters related to hoaxes and money politics. Good understanding and adequate knowledge can make beginner voters to participate in elections well, avoid election violations, and can choose candidates based on good criteria. This situation and condition are also experienced by students at Wonda Restoration Vocational School. There are 82 Restoration Vocational School students in the category of beginner voters who need to broaden their horizons and knowledge about elections. Various election regulations and their changes need to be studied and explored through legal education activities. Through socialization about election law, it is hoped that students can become intelligent voters during the elections at 2024.
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Syafei, Muhammad, and Muhammad Rafi Darajati. "Design of General Election in Indonesia." LAW REFORM 16, no. 1 (March 27, 2020): 97–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.14710/lr.v16i1.30308.
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The 2019 general elections in Indonesia have been held differently from the previous period. The 2019 general elections held simultaneously five boxes. This article discusses how the implementation of the 2019 general election and how the rather election should be carried out in the future. The author concludes that the implementation of simultaneous general elections in 2019 caused tremendous complexity for participants, voters, and organizers. The complexity and constraints that occur make the selection process not run well and less efficient and effective time spent. Then for the coming period, the elections should be carried out using the design of simultaneous national elections and simultaneous regional elections. In the simultaneous national election, it held to elect the President and Vice President, members of the House of People’s Representative, and members of the Regional Representative Board. Then in the simultaneous regional election, it held to elect the Governor, Regent/ Mayor, Provincial Legislative Council, and Regency/ City Legislative Council.
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Kim, Hyungui. "Constitutional review of invalidation of election due to election crimes by others." Korean Association of International Association of Constitutional Law 29, no. 1 (April 30, 2023): 133–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.24324/kiacl.2023.29.1.133.
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Trials for election crimes function to punish criminal acts that infringe on the freedom of elections and undermine the fairness of elections. Indirectly, it restores the fairness of elections disturbed by election crimes. However, there are far more cases in which the result of an election is changed by punishment for election crimes than in cases where the result of an election is corrected through an election lawsuit. In particular, there are many constitutional problems with a system that uniformly invalidates elections only by sentences of imprisonment or fines of 3 million won or more for other people's election crimes, not their own. The invalidation of the election due to election crimes by others violates the constitutional principle of responsibility or self-responsibility, as well as due process of law, thereby violating the candidate's right to hold public office. Above all, it can impose a burden on judges to simultaneously consider the policy judgment on the invalidation of the elected candidate in sentencing for other people's election crimes, thereby damaging the unique function of the judiciary. Comparatively, the UK and Japan also recognize the invalidity of elections due to election crimes by others. However, apart from the criminal trial for election crimes, whether to invalidate the election due to election crimes is decided through the judgment of the election court or the court in charge of election litigation. These comparative legislative examples can support the argument that the election invalidation system under Articles 263 and 265 of the Public Official Election Act violates the due process of law and violates the candidate's right to hold public office. In order to overcome the unconstitutionality of the invalidation of elections due to election crimes by others, it is necessary to think about guaranteeing a separate procedure for invalidation of elections. Therefore, legislative improvement should be made in the direction of organizing a due process that can determine whether or not an election is invalid, separate from criminal trials for other people's election crimes.
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Ashfiya, Dzikry Gaosul. "Desain Ulang Konsep Penegakan Hukum Pemilu di Indonesia dalam Kerangka Pemilu Demokratis dan Berkeadilan." Jurnal Kajian Konstitusi 1, no. 1 (June 15, 2021): 33. http://dx.doi.org/10.19184/jkk.v1i1.23792.
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The enforcement process of electoral law needs to be simplified by proposing the single authority granted to a special election court. This is because the segmentation of electoral law enforcement into several law enforcement agencies has not been able to guarantee legal certainty and enforce election justice. This article aims to revisit the various problems in segmenting election law enforcement and their implications for the quality of election administration in Indonesia. It offers an ideal concept of electoral law enforcement within the framework of democratic and fair elections. This article shows that election law problems and the concept of law enforcement which have been segmented into several categories with various settlement mechanisms and law enforcement agencies often only cause overlapping authorities and decisions between judicial institutions and still allow for a legal vacuum so that it has negative implications for the quality of elections in Indonesia. Consequently, it is necessary to revamp the concept of electoral law enforcement by simplifying and redesigning its law enforcement agencies, one of which is to strengthen the idea of a special election court body. This is seen as the ideal concept of law enforcement for elections in Indonesia within the framework of democratic and fair elections.
Keywords: Elections, Election Law Enforcement, Democratic and Fair Elections.
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Muchammad, Nur, and Munsharif Abdul Chalim. "Analysis Of Criminal Liability Crime of Legislative Elections (Case Study Legislative Elections in Semarang)." Jurnal Daulat Hukum 2, no. 1 (March 15, 2019): 83. http://dx.doi.org/10.30659/jdh.v2i1.4210.
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This study aims to determine the form of criminal responsibility to the crime of legislative elections in Semarang; and obstacles in the implementation of criminal law enforcement against criminal acts of the legislative elections in the city of Semarang.The results showed that the process of law enforcement against criminal acts in general legislative elections held in the context of the criminal justice system in Indonesia, which includes the process of investigation by the police, prosecution by prosecutors and sentencing / verdict by the District Court. Criminal investigations are conducted legislative elections Police, in accordance with the provisions of Article 1 Paragraph (13) of Act No. 2 of 2002 on the Indonesian National Police. In the organization of the legislative elections, in the enforcement of the criminal acts of the legislative elections undergone many obstacles such as: Non-fulfillment of formal requirements and substantive a report criminal election, which resulted election supervisors or investigators difficulty to follow up a report, on terms materially one of them seek witnesses were very hard done by the Election Supervisory; The absence of witnesses because people who know the incident did not dare to testify due to intimidation;The limited time handling criminal offense elections, at both or election supervisory level law enforcement officers.Keywords: Criminal Liability; Crime; Legislative Election.
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Utami, Bernadhita H. S., Dwi Herinanto, Miswan Gumanti, and Bambang Purwanto. "Money Politic vs Political Marketing (Case Study: Legislative Election of the Pringsewu District Legislative Council Members for the 2019-2024 Period)." Jurnal Bina Praja 12, no. 2 (December 16, 2020): 125–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.21787/jbp.12.2020.125-136.
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The meaning of "sovereignty is in the hands of people" namely that people have sovereignty, responsibilities, rights, and participatory political obligations to democratically elect a leader who can form a government to take care of and serve all levels of society, as well as electing people's representatives to oversee the running of the government. However, the phenomena that occur are democratic parties, presidential elections, elections, and legislative elections are always colored by systemic money politics. This research using the quantitative method. Primary data were obtained by survey. The writer then describes the public opinion about the Pringsewu District Legislative Council Members' election for the 2019-2024 period on political marketing and money politics. The results showed that 40.37% of voters gave support to legislative candidates for reasons of money.
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Lowenthal, Diane. "The Paradox of Multiple Elections and Divided Government." American Review of Politics 26 (January 1, 2006): 369–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.15763/issn.2374-7781.2005-2006.26.0.369-383.
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In this paper, I identify a relationship between the paradox of multiple elections (PME) (Brams, Kilgour, and Zwicker 1997, 1998) and divided government. PME occurs when voters who face several elections may not know the results of one election before they vote in another. Often the winning combination (the set of winners of each individual election) is not a combination that most voters prefer. ANES data shows that when elections result in divided government PME emerges; when elections result in one party rule, PME is not present. While the 2000 elections break a pattern found in the 12 previous presidential elections, a new definition explains the anomaly. This study concludes that elections reflect majority preferences when they exist, but otherwise tend to be some-hat arbitrary.
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Carlson, Elizabeth. "The perils of pre-election polling: Election cycles and the exacerbation of measurement error in illiberal regimes." Research & Politics 5, no. 2 (April 2018): 205316801877472. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2053168018774728.
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Pre-election polls are increasingly being used to forecast and study elections in new and weak democracies yet the tension that surrounds elections in less liberal regimes may make data from such surveys particularly prone to measurement error. Polls conducted before and after the 2011 Ugandan election and data gathered at various points of the election cycles in 34 African countries are compared to show that, before elections, survey respondents become increasingly wary of the interview and its purpose, especially in less liberal regimes. Those who are wary report more support for the incumbent, the incumbent’s policies and the state and effect of wariness on attitudes is significantly higher on surveys that take place immediately before elections. Misreporting increases the estimated level of support for the incumbent, and may also significantly change the apparent correlates of regime support across the election cycle. Ironically, it was found that pre-election polls may be particularly poorly suited to forecasting elections or capturing the effects of campaigns on political attitudes.
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Dairani and Trinah Asi Islami. "URGENSI PELIBATAN DAN PARTISIPASI MASYARAKAT DALAM PENGAWASAN PENYELENGGARAAN PEMILU SERENTAK TAHUN 2024." YUSTISIA MERDEKA : Jurnal Ilmiah Hukum 9, no. 1 (June 14, 2023): 12–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.33319/yume.v9i1.213.
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Simultaneous elections in 2024 will soon take place, this is marked by the start of several election stages starting from the formation of election commissions/organizers to the drawing of serial political party numbers. The holding of democratic elections in accordance with the principles of elections is a must to be realized, especially in the simultaneous elections in 2024. So that concrete efforts are needed in monitoring, overseeing and supervising and supporting stages by stages in the implementation of elections. Constitutionally, Bawaslu is an institution whose job is to supervise the implementation of elections. However, the involvement and participation of the public/community in terms of monitoring the implementation of elections is important to do by looking at the form, number and characteristics of massive and systematic violations. Public involvement is a constitutional right in overseeing and giving control over the holding of democratic elections in order to ensure people's sovereignty in the holding of elections. There are several important and crucial stages in the election stage, namely the collection of voter list data which is often found by fictitious voters and unregistered voters and the second crucial stage is the implementation of voting in the field. The 2024 simultaneous elections will be more complicated and take up a lot of time and energy so that the existence and involvement of the public/community in terms of oversight and monitoring functions is absolutely necessary in order to assist the Bawaslu in carrying out its duties and functions so that quality elections can be created with intelligent voters by being able to suppress and minimize the number of election violations.
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Groshev, I. V., A. V. Gorbenko, V. V. Lukin, and I. V. Antonenko. "Socio-psychological characteristics elections with weak content." Vestnik Universiteta, no. 2 (April 7, 2019): 164–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.26425/1816-4277-2019-2-164-170.
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The socio-psychological features of elections with a weak content have been considered. The factors of interest of the electorate in such elections have been allocated. The main socio-psychological features of elections with a weak content, that determine the effectiveness of the use of political technologies have been noted. The causal typology of the features of elections with weak content, including formal, socio-psychological and political-technological features, has been presented. The process of effective information support of the election campaign has been analyzed and the conclusion has been made about the need for quality monitoring of candidates ‘ ratings in any election campaign. Conclusions have been drawn about the possibility of using the identified socio-psychological features of elections with low content in election campaigns.
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Bokoeva, Zh, Zh Akmatbekova, and D. Sydygalieva. "PR as a Tool of Political Technologies (on the Example of the 2020 Parliamentary Elections in Kyrgyzstan)." Bulletin of Science and Practice 8, no. 1 (January 15, 2022): 191–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.33619/2414-2948/74/27.
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The main task of elections in a democratic state is not only to elect representatives of power, but also to ensure the legitimacy of newly elected persons and the political system as a whole. Today, elections are one of the most democratic ways for voters to freely express their opinion in matters of appointing the heads of legislative and executive bodies of power. Consequently, the most important and indispensable condition for a democratic system is free elections. Elections are designed to perform functions such as electing a new political elite, resolving conflicts, reflecting the interests and opinions of various peoples, social strata and groups of society, mobilizing the population to support party programs and social values, etc. PR-technologies occupy a special place in election campaigns. In this regard, the article examines PR-technologies used by parties in the 2020 parliamentary elections in Kyrgyzstan. The study covers the time period from September 4 to October 3, 2020. As part of the study, a linguistic analysis of information posted on the official websites and social pages of parties, media reports and reports of relevant organizations was carried out. Based on the results of the study, a number of practical recommendations have been developed that must be taken into account during the next parliamentary and presidential elections.
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Patterson, Steven Thomas. "Cross-Level Partisanship in Concurrent Federal-Provincial Elections:." Federalism-E 20, no. 1 (April 17, 2019): 1–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.24908/fede.v20i1.12828.
Full textAbstract:
The purpose of this project is to explore the following research question: do same day (i.e. concurrent) provincial-federal elections exhibit a higher degree of cross-level partisanship than non-concurrent elections? This paper proposes that concurrent elections lead to a convergence in voters evaluations of federal-provincial co-partisans, and that this results in a higher degree of cross-level partisanship than in non-concurrent elections. Using 2011 Canada Election Studies (CES) data on federal party vote choice and provincial party preference, this paper will project the results of concurrent federal-provincial elections for three Canadian provinces. The results of these projected concurrent elections will be compared to actual party vote shares received in the first provincial election held following the 2011 Canadian federal election. The comparison of these data will be used to test the hypothesis that concurrent elections have a higher degree of cross-level partisanship than non-concurrent elections.
This paper consists of five sections. First, I introduce the aims of this research and discuss its theoretical and substantive significance by referencing relevant literature. Second, a comprehensive theoretical framework is developed to explain why cross-level partisanship is expected to be higher in a concurrent election. Third, I outline the research design and methodology used to test this causal hypothesis. Fourth, I report and interpret my findings which show that overall cross-level partisanship was slightly higher in projected concurrent elections. I conclude by discussing the implications and limits of this study.
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Fuadi, Fuadi. "Pertentangan Pengaturan Pemilihan Anggota Komisi Independen Pemilihan di Aceh." Jurnal Konstitusi 13, no. 3 (November 22, 2016): 680. http://dx.doi.org/10.31078/jk13310.
Full textAbstract:
For the implementation of democratic elections required the existence of an institution independent of the general elections. The regulation of the formation of management bodies General Election in Aceh that was different from other regions are specifically regulated in Law Number 11 Year 2006 about Aceh Government and Qanun Aceh No. 7 of 2007 on General Election Organizer in Aceh. The purpose of this paper is to identify and explain the setting election of members of the general elections in Aceh and institute legal position of the general elections in Aceh. Based on the results of the study reveal any rules that conflict with the principles and legislation governing the establishment of the general elections in areas outside Aceh that assessed the existence of the institution of the general elections in Aceh are not independent because of the intervention of members of political parties.
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M., Moniruzzaman. "Local Election Competition for National Party Survival: An Analysis of Merlimau By-Election in Malaysia." Journal of Social Science Studies 3, no. 2 (March 23, 2016): 117. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/jsss.v3i2.9202.
Full textAbstract:
<p>Party politics in Malaysia has become tumultuous over the past two decades. As such national and regional level elections as well as by-elections have become equally sensitive for party politics. Of late by-elections have taken a special position as they are considered unseasonal barometer for testing popularity and legitimacy of the incumbent and the opposition competition. The effect of the dramatic 2008 national general elections in Malaysia continued during the subsequent three years through nearly one and a half dozen by-elections throughout the country. Until November 2010, the opposition remained jubilant over its victory in eight out of 11 by-elections maintaining the funfair of the rising opposition unprecedented in Malaysia’s election history. But the tide started to dwindle with the subsequent three wins in Galas, Tenang and Batu Sapi by the ruling coalition turning the trend around. Under this circumstance came the Merlimau by-election in March 2011. Reflecting the reality on the ground, therefore, this by-election became a battleground for party political survival for both the ruling and opposition coalitions. This article discusses the campaign strategies of the competing coalitions, the results of the election, and its implications. The importance of this by-election is that it reflected the intensity of national level electoral sensitivity since the ruling party’s political survival was dependent upon wining this election against a series of by-elections won by the opposition.</p>
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Norman, Ishmael Dilnos. "Foreign Election Interference in Africa’s De-Democratization Culture." European Journal of Law and Political Science 3, no. 3 (May 21, 2024): 23–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.24018/ejpolitics.2024.3.3.130.
Full textAbstract:
The 2016 USA elections appear to have made Russia the “poster-boy” for election interference across the globe, allegedly using tools such as disinformation, misinformation, mal-information, email hacking, leaking of confidential information, and others. All such activities are a threat to national self-determination, democracy, and the autonomy of the people. Since then, elections in developing democracies in Africa are also alleged to have experienced interference by the usual suspect: Russia. In Africa, the actors of election interferences have been expanded beyond Russia to include foreign countries and companies in past elections in Kenya, Madagascar, Mozambique, Nigeria, and Ghana. The next general elections in Ghana are in December 2024. In the previous general elections in Ghana, there were no significant allegations of election interference, although, in 2020, the specter of foreign election interference emerged in the political discourse. The actions of the domestic actors to de-democratize elections were mentioned selectively. It may be simplistic to argue in favor of election non-interference in Ghana’s political business cycle every four years since 1992, but the allegations are not supported by evidence and are merely anecdotal and subjective or based on geopolitical realism. What can be proven is the de-democratization of incumbents and other domestic political actors in domestic elections through open vote-buying by politicians and vote-rigging by incumbent political leaders. In such a political dysmorphic situation, it is difficult to accuse any entity of being the mastermind of election interferences in Africa.