Journal articles: 'Elections Netherlands'

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Guseletov, Boris. "Results of the Parliamentary Elections in Netherland and their Impact on Russian-Netherlands Relations." Nauka Kultura Obshestvo 27, no. 2 (June 21, 2021): 22–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.19181/nko.2021.27.2.2.

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The article examines the results of the parliamentary elections in the Netherlands, held on March 15-17, 2021. It compares the results of the leading political parties in the elections of 2017 and 2021, and describes all the leading Dutch political parties that were represented in parliament in the period from 2017 to 2021. The results of the activities of the government headed by the leader of the “People’s Party for Freedom and Democracy” M. Rutte, formed following the results of the 2017 elections, are presented. The reasons for the resignation of this government, which took place on the eve of the elections, and its impact on the course of the election campaign are revealed. It was noted how the coronavirus pandemic and the government’s actions to overcome its consequences affected the course and results of the election campaign. The activity of the main opposition parties in this country is evaluated: the right-wing Eurosceptic Freedom Party of Wilders, the center-left Labor Party and others. The course of the election campaign and its main topics, as well as the new political parties that were elected to the parliament as a result of these elections, are considered. The positions of the country’s leading political parties on their possible participation in the new government coalition are shown. The state of Russian-Dutch relations is analyzed. A forecast is given of how the election results will affect the formation of the new government of this country and the political, trade and economic relations between Russia and the Netherlands.

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Żelichowski, Ryszard. "Polityka w cieniu koronawirusa." Politeja 18, no. 6(75) (December 16, 2021): 119–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/politeja.18.2021.75.06.

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Politics in the Shadow of COVID-19: Parliamentary Election in the Kingdom of the Netherlands On March 15-17, 2021, the first parliamentary elections in the European Union during the pandemic took place in the Kingdom of the Netherlands. The political authorities of the Kingdom of the Netherlands decided to hold the elections despite severe sanitary restrictions and curfew. On January 15, 2021, the outgoing Prime Minister Mark Rutte, chairman of the People’s Party for Freedom and Democracy (VVD), handed over the resignation of the entire government to the King. The immediate cause was the report of the parliamentary investigative commission announced in December 2020 on the extremely restrictive operation of local tax offices in connection with government child benefits. Mark Rutte has been running the country efficiently since 2010 and was also a favorite in the upcoming parliamentary elections. The elections were conducted without any disturbances. 37 parties were admitted to elections, the largest number in the post-war history of the Kingdom of the Netherlands. The election winners were ruling party VVD party and progressive liberals from D’66. The discussion on the formation of the new government has already started and is accompanied by great emotions. It is going to be a long period of negotiations and their results are difficult to be predicted. The article presents the main actors of this parliamentary game.

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Dassonneville, Ruth, Michael S. Lewis-Beck, and Philippe Mongrain. "Forecasting Dutch elections: An initial model from the March 2017 legislative contests." Research & Politics 4, no. 3 (July 2017): 205316801772002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2053168017720023.

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Serious election forecasting has become a routine activity in most Western democracies, with various methodologies employed, for example, polls, models, prediction markets, and citizen forecasting. In the Netherlands, however, election forecasting has limited itself to the use of polls, mainly because other approaches are viewed as too complicated, given the great fragmentation of the Dutch party system. Here we challenge this view, offering the first structural forecasting model of legislative elections there. We find that a straightforward Political Economy equation managed an accurate forecast of the 2017 contest, clearly besting the efforts of the pollsters.

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Tahzib-Lie, Bahia, and Jan Reinder Rosing. "A Competitive Race among Friends: The Campaign of the Kingdom of the Netherlands for a Seat on the UN Security Council." Hague Journal of Diplomacy 14, no. 4 (November 15, 2019): 467–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1871191x-14401068.

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Summary On 31 December 2018, the Kingdom of the Netherlands — the Netherlands, Aruba, Curaçao and St Maarten — concluded its one-year membership of the United Nations Security Council (UNSC), prompting many to reflect on its meaningful contribution to international peace and security during this time. The UNSC has exclusive and far-reaching powers with regard to maintaining international peace and security. For this reason, non-permanent seats on the UNSC are highly coveted. They confer prestige, influence and respectability on the seat-holders. Given the popularity of these seats, the Kingdom’s ability to influence decision-making within the UNSC became possible only after an intensive election campaign. In this practitioners’ perspective, we provide our insights and observations on the Kingdom of the Netherlands’ campaign strategy for the UNSC elections in 2016.

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AARTS, KEES, STUART ELAINE MACDONALD, and GEORGE RABINOWITZ. "Issues and Party Competition in the Netherlands." Comparative Political Studies 32, no. 1 (February 1999): 63–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414099032001003.

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The Netherlands represents the prototypic case of a consociational democracy; in addition, the Dutch system has an extremely low threshold for obtaining representation in the legislature, making it open to challengers of any political persuasion. This article has two explicit goals: to compare two models of issue-based party choice, the directional and proximity models; and to understand the changing nature of electoral competition in the Netherlands. The article's analytic focus is the elections of 1971, 1986, and 1994. These elections, the only ones for which appropriate data are available for testing the issue theories, represent important points in the historical sequence. Tests of the alternate issue voting models generally favor directional over proximity theory. The broader analysis suggests substantial change in Dutch politics, away from the tight structuring of subcultural allegiances to a more politically homogeneous culture in which party strength appears rather fluid.

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Irwin, Galen A., and Joop J. M. Van Holsteyn. "The 2002 and 2003 parliamentary elections in The Netherlands." Electoral Studies 23, no. 3 (September 2004): 551–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.electstud.2003.12.006.

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Meijers, Maurits, and Christian Rauh. "Has Eurosceptic Mobilization Become More Contagious? Comparing the 2009 and 2014 EP Election Campaigns in The Netherlands and France." Politics and Governance 4, no. 1 (February 29, 2016): 83–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v4i1.455.

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With the lingering Euro crisis, personalized competition for the Commission presidency, and a surge of Eurosceptic parties, the 2014 European Parliament elections took place against an unknown level of European Union politicization. How does this changing context affect the supply side of party competition on European issues in EP election campaigns? This article compares the 2014 and 2009 EP elections in two EU founding members with high electoral support for radical left and radical right Euroscepticism—France and the Netherlands. We study publically visible patterns of partisan mobilization in the written news media with semi-automated content analyses. The data indicate that visible party mobilization on EU issues was on average not significantly higher in 2014. While particularly mainstream and especially incumbent parties publically mobilize on European issues during both campaigns, the radical right’s mobilization efforts have become more visible during the 2014 elections. Examining the temporal dynamics within electoral campaigns, we show that the Eurosceptic fringes exhibit significant contagion effects on the mainstream parties, but that the extent of this contagion was surprisingly lower in the 2014 campaign. As a result, the increasing EU politicization between the 2009 and 2014 electoral contests has not resulted in an enhanced and more interactive supply of partisan debate about Europe.

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Otjes, Simon. "The EU Elephant: Europe in the 2021 Dutch General Elections." Intereconomics 56, no. 2 (March 2021): 70–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10272-021-0956-y.

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Gouglas, Athanassios, and Bart Maddens. "Legislative turnover and its sources: It’s the selection." Politics 39, no. 1 (May 11, 2017): 101–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0263395717701161.

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The research note argues that legislative turnover can be decomposed into two main sources of newcomer entry into the legislature: entry by election and entry by selection. This is demonstrated using available data on political mandates in the lower chambers of Austria, Belgium, the Netherlands and the United Kingdom in the period 1945–2015. We observe that selection is the leading source of new member entry across country and across time. Most turnover happens prior to general elections. This appears to be a general rule characterizing the phenomenon. We speculate as to the reason why. The conditions under which election appears to overtake selection as a major source of new member entry are investigated.

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Frandsen, Annie Gaardsted. "Size and Electoral Participation in Local Elections." Environment and Planning C: Government and Policy 20, no. 6 (December 2002): 853–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/c0228.

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This paper reviews local election turnout for the period since the 1970s in five European countries: Denmark, the Netherlands, Norway, Switzerland, and the United Kingdom. It explores especially the relationship between size of municipality and turnout in local elections. The author seeks to explore this issue in the light of Dahl and Tufte's 1973 classic study Size and Democracy (Stanford University Press) which claimed that citizens' motivation to participate is greater in small governmental units than in large ones. This study confirms the Dahl and Tufte hypothesis, in that turnout is consistently higher over time in small municipalities in all the countries reviewed, although the strength of the relationship varies between the different countries. The paper also shows that other factors, such as the type of electoral system used or whether voting is compulsory or not, also have an effect on turnout.

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Mudde, C. E., and J. J. M. van Holsteyn. "Over the Top: Dutch Right-Wing Extremist Parties in the Elections of 1994." Politics 14, no. 3 (December 1994): 127–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9256.1994.tb00011.x.

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In 1994 three elections were held in the Netherlands. For a time it seemed that the right-wing extremist parties were destined to break out of their marginal position. However, after these three elections, in terms of electoral support they ended up where they had started. The variation in electoral support for these parties can only in part be attributed to developments within the parties and the (negative) publicity these developments incited in the media. An alternative explanation based upon protest voting and the theory of first and second-order elections appears more promising.

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Cameron, Scott. "Policy Forum: Independent Platform Costing—Balancing the Interests of the Public and Parties." Canadian Tax Journal/Revue fiscale canadienne 68, no. 2 (July 2020): 491–504. http://dx.doi.org/10.32721/ctj.2020.68.2.pf.cameron.

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This article provides an evaluation of the design of independent election platform costing in Canada, as established by the Parliament of Canada Act and the operating decisions of the parliamentary budget officer. The author compares the balance struck between serving the interests of the public and the interests of political parties in Canada with the balance struck in the Netherlands and Australia. Although Canada's legislation is tilted in favour of serving political parties, in practice the costing culture that evolved during the 2019 general election raised the level of debate and produced an amount of information comparable to what would be expected of a service designed to favour the public. The article concludes with a discussion of options for expanding the policy-costing service for future elections.

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De Vreese, Claes, Rachid Azrout, and Judith Moeller. "Cross Road Elections: Change in EU Performance Evaluations during the European Parliament Elections 2014." Politics and Governance 4, no. 1 (February 29, 2016): 69–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v4i1.462.

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The 2014 European Parliament (EP) elections were held after a period where public opinion about the EU changed significantly. In this paper we investigate evaluations of the performance of the European Union, as this dimension of EU attitudes is particularly relevant ahead of elections. We look at public opinion developments since 2009 and then zoom in on the role played by the news media in shaping public opinion about EU performance by linking citizens’ evaluations across time to the news media content they were exposed to. The article relies on original multiple wave survey panel data and a systematic media content analysis in the Netherlands. It shows how public opinion has changed, how it changes around EP elections, and how exposure to media coverage can help improve citizens’ evaluations of EU performance.

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Gattermann, Katjana, and Franziska Marquart. "Do Spitzenkandidaten really make a difference? An experiment on the effectiveness of personalized European Parliament election campaigns." European Union Politics 21, no. 4 (July 8, 2020): 612–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1465116520938148.

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This article investigates the impact of pan-European candidates in European Parliament election campaigns. It focusses on the two 2019 nominees for the European Greens, who were Dutch and German, respectively. We conducted a pre-registered experiment in the Netherlands and Germany in early April 2019 to test the effects of (non-)personalized campaign posters on (a) turnout intention and (b) vote intention for the Greens alongside possible mediating effects of campaign and candidate evaluations. Our results suggest that while personalized campaigns as opposed to non-personalized campaigns may not matter per se for turnout and vote intention, individual candidates can make a difference in European elections, particularly with respect to vote intention. As such, the results have important implications for our understanding of European Parliament election campaigns.

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Schryen, G., and E. Rich. "Security in Large-Scale Internet Elections: A Retrospective Analysis of Elections in Estonia, The Netherlands, and Switzerland." IEEE Transactions on Information Forensics and Security 4, no. 4 (December 2009): 729–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/tifs.2009.2033230.

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Van Coppenolle, Brenda. "Political dynasties and direct elections in bicameralism: Democratisation in the Netherlands." Electoral Studies 76 (April 2022): 102454. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.electstud.2022.102454.

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Gladdish, Ken. "The Dutch Political Parties and the May 1986 Elections." Government and Opposition 21, no. 3 (July 1, 1986): 317–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1986.tb00704.x.

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IN THE MID 1960S, HANS DAALDER CONTRIBUTED A CLASSIC survey of the dynamics of the Dutch party system to Dahl's major anthology on opposition. His study was entitled ‘Opposition in a Segmented Society’. The focus upon opposition however was dictated less by the nature of Dutch politics than by the requirements of a comparative study. Thus the emphasis of the account was upon the essentially non-oppositional character of organized national politics in the Netherlands, for reasons which he showed to be both historical and practical.

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Zulfajri, Zulfajri, H. Jalil, and Iskandar A. Gani. "Pemilihan Kepala Daerah di Indonesia dan Perbandingannya dengan AS, Belanda, dan India." Kanun Jurnal Ilmu Hukum 21, no. 3 (February 13, 2020): 377–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.24815/kanun.v21i3.14280.

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Penelitian ini bertujuan membahas mekanisme pemilihan kepala daerah di Indonesia, dengan melakukan perbandingan sistem pemilihan kepala daerah di sejumlah negara, antara lain: Amerika Serikat, Belanda, dan India. Mekanisme ini sebagaimana dalam Pasal 18 ayat (4) UUD NRI 1945 yang menyebutkan bahwa gubernur, bupati, wali kota masing-masing sebagai kepala pemerintahan provinsi, kabupaten dan kota, dipilih secara demokratis. Frasa dipilih secara demokratis selalu ditafsirkan bahwa pemilihan kepala daerah harus dilakukan secara langsung oleh rakyat. Penelitian ini menggunakan penelitian yuridis normatif dengan menggunakan pendekatan perundang-undangan dan pendekatan perbandingan. Penelitian menemukan bahwa potret pemilihan kepala daerah saat ini menunjukkan bahwa pemerintah belum mampu menciptakan kesejahteraan rakyat, bahkan menyebabkan semakin rusaknya moral para pejabat negara dan rakyatnya. Regional Election in Indonesia and the Comparison in United States, Netherlands, and India This research aims to discuss the mechanism of regional election in Indonesia by compairing it with others country, which are United State, the Netherland, and India. This mechanism as in Article 18 paragraph (4) of the Indonesian Constitution 1945 (UUD 1945) which state that the governors, regents and mayors as heads of provincial, district and city governments, are democratically elected. The phrase democratically is always interpreted that the regional election must be carried out directly by the people. This study applies normative juridical research by using a statutory approach and a comparative approach. The study found that the current portrait of regional elections shows that the government has not been able to create people's welfare, even causing moral damage to state officials and people.

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Lucardie, Paul. "General elections in the Netherlands, May 1994: The triumph of grey liberalism." Environmental Politics 4, no. 1 (March 1995): 119–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09644019508414187.

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Witteveen, Dirk. "The Rise of Mainstream Nationalism and Xenophobia in Dutch Politics." Journal of Labor and Society 20, no. 3 (December 11, 2017): 373–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24714607-02003006.

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Although right-wing nationalist Geert Wilders—party leader of the Party for Freedom in the Netherlands—did not receive the most votes in the 2017 parliamentary elections, it is questionable whether this result really marks a retreat of nationalist and xenophobic politics. In the months leading up the elections in March of 2017, polls had indicated a potential victory of Wilders’ party with a margin as big as 8 percent to its nearest rivals in January of the same year. As argued in this essay, the turnaround in the 2 months preceding the elections, in favor of the Liberal Conservatives and the Christian Democrats, has been falsely considered a push-back from the political center. Instead, the traditional centrist parties have slowly adopted Wilders’ position on Islam, Muslim-Dutchmen, immigration, refugees, and the EU. This essay makes the case for mainstreaming of the far-right ideology.

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Missier, Clyde Anieldath. "The Making of the Licitness of Right-Wing Rhetoric: A Case Study of Digital Media in the Netherlands." SAGE Open 12, no. 2 (April 2022): 215824402210995. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/21582440221099527.

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In the Netherlands, the challenges of the multicultural society are high on the political agenda. At present 24.4% of the Dutch population has an immigration background of which 13.9% has a non-western migration background and almost 50% of all the people with a migration background are second-generation migrants born in the Netherlands. However, today’s Dutch multicultural society is associated with a complex range of challenges linked with cultural and religious diversity. This article investigates how news media in the Netherlands facilitated the making of the licitness of xenophobic rhetoric of the two main Dutch populist right-wing parties Partij voor de Vrijheid (PVV) and Forum voor Democratie (FvD) during the Provincial Elections in March 2019. I conclude that these rising political extremist movements dominate the immigration debate and are accountable for the making of the licit social resentment against particularly non-western immigrants.

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Irwin, Galen A., and Joop J. M. van Holsteyn. "Keeping Our Feet Dry: Impediments to Foreign Interference in Elections in the Netherlands." Election Law Journal: Rules, Politics, and Policy 20, no. 1 (March 1, 2021): 54–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1089/elj.2020.0654.

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Te Brake, Wayne P. "Violence in the Dutch Patriot Revolution." Comparative Studies in Society and History 30, no. 1 (January 1988): 143–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417500015073.

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In the small provincial cities of the eastern Netherlands, the annual election of magistrates and town councilors was perhaps the most important public ritualof the year under the old regime. The elaborate and often solemn ceremony symbolized ancient chartered liberties—even when results of the co-optative elections were a foregone conclusion—and thus served to reinforce the community's sense of corporate identity. In 1786, however, in the midst of astruggle for control of the city, the annual Petrikeur in Deventer got out of hand. The day started out normally enough with the traditional worship service in the Grote Kerk, but after the black-robed members of the town council had passed in procession across the square to the stadhuis, a group of dissident councilors, who called themselves Patriots and were implacably opposed to the influence of the stadhouder in municipal politics, attacked aportrait of Prince William III of Orange, the stadhouder who in 1675 first insinuated himself into the electoral process.

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Keating, John. "Populist discourse and active metaphors in the 2016 US presidential elections." Intercultural Pragmatics 18, no. 4 (August 30, 2021): 499–531. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ip-2021-4004.

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Abstract In recent years, the specter of populism has grown increasingly restless in the Western world and beyond. This new populism has been observed in different political movements in Europe; the Brexit movement in the UK, Podemos and Vox in Spain, Rassemblement National in France, Partij voor de Vrijheid in the Netherlands, and Viktor Orbán’s illiberal democracy in Hungary. Inevitably, it is most commonly associated with the election of Donald Trump as president of the USA in 2016. In this paper, a pragmatic interaction theory of metaphorical utterances is applied to a corpus of speeches given by candidates during the American 2016 presidential elections. First, speeches and candidates were graded for populism according to a holistic grading method. Secondly, speeches were analyzed using quantitative and qualitative methods to investigate if and how active metaphorical language was used to construct the populist frame. The findings suggest that active metaphors can be useful for politicians who wish to counter the dominant conventional frames, and so can serve the ideological purposes of populists and non-populists alike. Therefore, this paper also argues that novel metaphorical concepts and active metaphorical utterances make important contributions to the communication of ideologies in political discourse and should not be overlooked by analysts.

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Carr, Caleb T. "The Delocalization of the Local Election." Social Media + Society 6, no. 2 (April 2020): 205630512092477. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2056305120924772.

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Local elections are no longer just influenced by, marketed toward, or relevant to only a small, geographically constrained electorate. Social media increasingly connect politics to publics that may extend beyond politicians’ or issues’ local constituencies. Every election—from Senator to alderperson—has been rendered accessible and relevant to broad individuals, organizations, and interests. Now, campaigns—particularly in close races or battleground areas—can canvas beyond the local level to seek donations, campaign volunteers, or to encourage local residents to vote. Social media have become venues to demonstrate a candidate’s likability with users, which are parlayed into local goodwill and electability. And foreign nationals and governments increasingly are using social media to spread disinformation or to otherwise sway local issues. Ultimately, what was once a city, county, state, provincial, or national election can now play out on a global stage through social media, with all of the subsequent influence and impacts. This article uses several geographically dispersed and representative examples to exemplify the delocalization of the local election, including Beto O’Rourke’s 2018 Senate Campaign (the US), the effect of nationwide social media popularity and interactivity on local election results (Taiwan and The Netherlands), and Russian influence in the 2016 Brexit Referendum (the UK). It concludes by calling for new understanding of what political involvement and political action may mean in a socially mediated society.

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Burni, Aline. "Extreme right parties in Europe today: definition and electoral performance." Revista Estudos Políticos 9, no. 17 (December 10, 2019): 124. http://dx.doi.org/10.22409/rep.v9i17.39854.

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Since the 1980’s, many European countries known for their consolidated democratic systems, have experienced the unexpected electoral emergence of so-called extreme right or populist radical right parties. With the development of recent elections in the Netherlands, France, Germany and Austria, extreme right parties such as the Dutch Party for Freedom (PVV), the French National Front (FN), the Alternative for Germany (AfD) and the Freedom Party of Austria (FPO) have attracted attention both from the media and in academic investigation, because of their radical and populist appeals, as well as their relevant electoral results. What do these parties have in common? Do they belong to a single party family? More recently, what has been their electoral support in different countries and types of elections? To contribute to introductory comparative understanding about this topic, this paper will examine the existing literature, and analyze descriptive electoral data of recent contests. The aims of this work are twofold. First, it intends to provide theoretical background about discussions on the terminology and party family definition, which will be done grounded on the specialized literature. I argue that extreme right parties can be defined based on three features: identitarian politics, authoritarian values and a populist style. Second, this work assesses the current electoral performance of main extreme right parties across European countries, using descriptive data collected from three platforms: “ParlGov”, “Parties and Elections in Europe” and “European Elections Database”.

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van Veen, Adriejan. "TUSSEN VERGADERING EN VERENIGING." De Moderne Tijd 1, no. 3 (January 1, 2017): 247–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/dmt2017.03-04.003.veen.

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BETWEEN MEETING AND ASSOCIATION The public debate about and experiments with candidate selection and voter organization preceding the first direct elections for the Lower House of the Dutch Parliament in 1848 In November 1848, for the first time direct elections took place for the Lower House of the Dutch Parliament. Until then, overt political organization and participation had been frowned upon in the Netherlands, and made nearly impossible by a highly complex electoral system. This article, on the basis of digitized newspapers, for the first time examines the Dutch public debate about and country-wide local experiments with voter organizations in 1848. It argues that the risky openness of the new system persuaded many elite voters to accept voter organizations as a means to prevent possible radical minorities from selecting candidates. While the divided Dutch past and the revolutionary European present were invoked to plea for a ‘calm’ and ‘tranquil’ type of political organization, local political practice displayed more contestation and experimentation than heretofore recognized.

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Dassonneville, Ruth, and Michael S. Lewis-Beck. "A changing economic vote in Western Europe? Long-term vs. short-term forces." European Political Science Review 11, no. 1 (November 21, 2018): 91–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755773918000231.

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AbstractConsiderable research shows the presence of an economic vote, with governments rewarded or punished by voters, depending on the state of the economy. But how stable is this economic vote? A current argument holds its effect has increased over time, because of weakening long-term social and political forces. Under these conditions, short-term forces, foremostly the economic issue, can come to the fore. A counter-argument, however, sees the economic vote effect in decline, due to globalization. Against these rival hypotheses rests the status-quo argument: the economic vote effect remains unchanged. To test these claims, we estimate carefully specified models of the incumbent vote, at both the individual and aggregate levels. Western European elections provide the data, with particular attention to Denmark, Germany, Great Britain, Italy, The Netherlands, Norway, and Sweden. Perhaps surprisingly, we find the economic vote to be stable over time, a ‘standing decision’ rule that voters follow in national elections.

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Eisinga, Rob, Philip Hans Franses, and Dick van Dijk. "Timing of Vote Decision in First and Second Order Dutch Elections 1978–1995: Evidence from Artificial Neural Networks." Political Analysis 7 (1998): 117–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pan/7.1.117.

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A time series (t = 921) of weekly survey data on vote intentions in the Netherlands for the period 1978–1995 shows that the percentage of undecided voters follows a cyclical pattern over the election calendar. The otherwise substantial percentage of undecided voters decreases sharply in weeks leading up to an election and gradually increases afterwards. This article models the dynamics of this asymmetric electoral cycle using artificial neural networks, with the purpose of estimating when the undecided voters start making up their minds. We find that they begin to decide which party to vote for nine weeks before a first order national parliamentary election and one to four weeks before a second order election, depending on the type of election (European Parliament, Provincial States, City-councils). The effect of political campaigns and the implications for political analysis are discussed.

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Loukili, Sakina. "Fighting Fire with Fire? “Muslim” Political Parties in the Netherlands Countering Right-Wing Populism in the City of Rotterdam." Journal of Muslims in Europe 9, no. 1 (December 19, 2019): 21–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22117954-12341409.

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Abstract This article explores the emergence of Muslim-majority political party DENK in Dutch politics by focusing on two encounters before the 2018 local elections in Rotterdam. It explains the circumstances of DENK’s rise and success and argues that social media plays a central role. By analysing social media data, the author demonstrates that the party counters right-wing populist discourse by making use of the local context and particular on- and offline strategies. In addition, the article shows that a novel development is taking place concerning Muslim political participation in the Netherlands, which is part of a broader trend in Western Europe.

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Żelichowski, Ryszard. "Oswajanie populizmu. Scena polityczna Królestwa Niderlandów po 2015 roku." Studia Polityczne 48, no. 1 (March 30, 2020): 125–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.35757/stp.2020.48.1.06.

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The mass influx of immigrants to Europe in 2015 shook the foundations of the political system of the Kingdom of the Netherlands. The concept of populism dominated the political discourse related to various concepts of how to solve this problem. After the death of Pim Fortuyn and Theo van Gogh, two politicians using harsh anti-immigrant rhetoric and murdered by Islamic fanatics, a new generation of right-wing populist activists appeared on the political scene of the Kingdom of the Netherlands. Two of them, Geert Wilders and Thierry Baudet, run their own political parties and are increasingly successful. The Freedom Party of Geert Wilders became the second strongest party in the Kingdom of the Netherlands and the Forum for Democracy party founded by Thierry Baudet won two seats in the Second Chamber of Parliament in the 2017 election.The author of this article focuses on both these politicians and their party programmes. He argues that the culmination of populism in Europe, which fell between the peak of the 2015 migration crisis and the 2017 parliamentary elections, has changed the attitude of leading politicians to this concept. Populism has been ‘permanently’ appearing in salons. The thesis of ‘good’ populism, proclaimed by Prime Minister Mark Rutte, indicates its inclusion in the arsenal of political means also used by liberals to defend a democratic order.

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박성호. "Unions, Elections and the Modality of Wage-Setting Coordination: A Comparative Analysis of Belgium and the Netherlands." Korean Political Science Review 45, no. 6 (December 2011): 127–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.18854/kpsr.2011.45.6.007.

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Van Witteloostuijn, Arjen. "Why the European Union is not Delivering. An Essay on the Role of Diversity." European Review 20, no. 3 (May 2, 2012): 365–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798711000615.

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The European Union (EU) has suffered from fall-out recently. Clear cases in point were the anti-EU outcomes of the referenda in France and the Netherlands, as well as the messy process in response to the Euro crisis. More broadly, recent elections in many European countries have resulted in winning parties that advertise an explicit anti-EU sentiment, often linked to an equally explicit anti-immigrant stance. Apparently, in the eyes of many, the EU is not delivering – quite to the contrary. In this essay, insights from a variety of social sciences will be reviewed that may shed light on this issue, with a focus on the role of a multidimensional conception of diversity.

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Abou-Chadi, Tarik, and Marc Helbling. "How Immigration Reforms Affect Voting Behavior." Political Studies 66, no. 3 (October 4, 2017): 687–717. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0032321717725485.

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This article investigates how changes in immigration policies affect migration as a vote-defining issue at upcoming elections. So far, the literature on issue voting has mostly focused on the role of issue entrepreneurs in politicizing new issues. In this article, however, we introduce policy change as a new potential determinant in the process of issue evolution. Moreover, in contrast to most of the literature that investigates the role of policy outcomes (such as economic growth or unemployment) on voting decisions, we analyze the effect of laws which can be directly attributed to governments and political parties. We focus on within-country variation and analyze national election surveys from the Netherlands, Denmark, and Germany between 1994 and 2011. These surveys include information on both self- and party-placements regarding immigration issues. To measure policy changes, we use data on immigration policies from the newly built Immigration Policies in Comparison dataset. While we expect a general reform effect, we investigate in more detail whether liberal and restrictive reforms have a similar effect on votes for left/right, government/opposition parties. It is shown that both liberal and restrictive reforms lead to increasing issue voting. While we show that government parties are not more affected than opposition parties, we see that party ideology partly plays a role.

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Rutjes, Mart. "In Search of Republican Unity." Early Modern Low Countries 6, no. 2 (December 22, 2022): 233–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.51750/emlc11133.

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The importance of the Dutch Revolution of the late eighteenth century for political developments in the Northern Netherlands is still contested. Most historians view the period as the starting point of a number of democratic institutions, including elections. Others have pointed out, however, that the nineteenth century shows a remarkable amount of continuity in political practice with the early modern period, and have therefore questioned the impact of political change. Scholarship on the political system during the revolutionary era has paid little attention to the exclusion of a specific group from electoral politics: political opponents of the revolution. The debates on the question of whether Orangists should have access to the ballot were intense in the Northern Netherlands, where a political struggle between Patriots and Orangists had been taking place since the 1780s. Through a consideration of why the Dutch revolutionaries placed such electoral barriers against their political adversaries (mainly Orangists, but for a brief period also moderates and federalists), this essay argues that this period ought to be viewed with its particular revolutionary character in mind, rather than considering it simply as a period that relied on old practices or one that gave birth to new ones.

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HARST, Jan VAN DER, and Gerrit VOERMAN. "Post-war Manifestations of Euroscepticism in Germany and the Netherlands, 1950-2021. A Comparative Approach." Journal of European Integration History 28, no. 2 (2022): 349–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0947-9511-2022-2-349.

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This contribution addresses post-war manifestations of Euroscepticism in Germany and the Netherlands. The two countries are selected as relevant cases to study in historical-comparative perspective, because of the many similarities as far as European integration policies is concerned, but the different ways in which Euroscepticism took shape in their political arenas. This partly resulted from historical experiences, particularly the processing of the war trauma after 1945, but also because of differences in the political systems and practices of the two countries. The article’s focus is on political parties and their programmes from 1950 till the most recent elections in 2021. Looking at the national party level, the authors observe differences in intensity and duration regarding support of the European Union and its predecessors, with Dutch Eurosceptic parties in a generally more critical role than their German counterparts. In that sense, the recent rise of the German Alternative für Deutschland (AfD) constitutes a trend break in this historical development.

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Spierings, Niels, Kristof Jacobs, and Nik Linders. "Keeping an Eye on the People: Who Has Access to MPs on Twitter?" Social Science Computer Review 37, no. 2 (April 5, 2018): 160–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0894439318763580.

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Twitter is credited for allowing ordinary citizens to communicate with politicians directly. Yet few studies show who has access to politicians and whom politicians engage with, particularly outside campaign times. Here, we analyze the connection between the public and members of parliament (MPs) on Twitter in the Netherlands in-between elections in 2016. We examine over 60,000 accounts that MPs themselves befriended or that @-mentioned MPs. This shows that many lay citizens contact MPs via Twitter, yet MPs respond more to elite accounts (media, other politicians, organized interests,…), populist MPs are @-mentioned most but seem least interested in connecting and engaging with “the” people, and top MPs draw more attention but hardly engage—backbenchers are less contacted but engage more.

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Majeed, Fareeha. "IMPACT OF TRUMP POLICIES ON US-EU PARTNERSHIP IN CURRENT AND PROJECTED TIMEFRAME." Journal of Social Sciences and Humanities 56, no. 2 (December 31, 2017): 145–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.46568/jssh.v56i2.52.

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After the American elections of 2016, an upset occurred with the victory of Donald Trump as the president of United States of America. From day one, he was in lime light due to his controversial polices and extremist behaviour towards Muslims and other countries of the world. Similarly, he had a very odd behaviour towards European Union and its member countries or in other words it would be accurate to say that he wanted to demolish European Union. In current scenario, EU is facing multidimensional problems in the form refugee crisis from many parts of the world, Russian aggressive policies towards EU, ethnic movements in Europe, and above all critical elections in Italy, France and the Netherlands. Currently, it seems that the whole Europe is at stake and all these circumstances are leading EU towards a huge crisis. It seems that EU is facing the most difficult time period since its emergence. Critics are clearly indicating that EU could only survive with the active participation of France and Germany and that Europe needs serious changes by hearing the voice of the people and can gain its strength back by solving the major issues such as immigration problems and increased terrorism.

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Brunner, Martin. "Does politics matter? The influence of elections and government formation in the Netherlands on the Amsterdam Exchange Index." Acta Politica 44, no. 2 (June 3, 2009): 150–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/ap.2008.37.

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Vargiu, Chiara. "It’s All Relative: Perceptions of (Comparative) Candidate Incivility and Candidate Sympathy in Three Multiparty Elections." Politics and Governance 10, no. 4 (December 30, 2022): 261–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v10i4.5677.

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While growing attention has been devoted to candidates’ use of incivility in campaigns, its role in informing voters’ feelings toward candidates is still debated. This study embraces a constructionist perspective on incivility and focuses on the relationship between perceptions of candidate incivility and candidate sympathy. Its contribution is twofold. First, it extends incivility research generalizability by testing the association between voters’ perceptions of candidate incivility and candidate sympathy during three election campaigns beyond the US context. Second, it builds upon the notion of incivility as a norm violation and tests the hypothesis that perceptions of a candidate’s uncivil behavior are negatively associated with candidate sympathy when this behavior is inappropriate (i.e., it violates injunctive civility norms) and especially when it is uncommon (i.e., it violates descriptive civility norms). These interests are pursued through post‐electoral survey data collected in the Netherlands, Germany, and France. Findings show that incivility perceptions can, but not always, correspond to more negative feelings toward candidates. Furthermore, it is the incivility of candidates relative to that of their competitors that really counts for candidate sympathy.

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Doležalová, Jitka. "The Political-Budget Cycle in Countries of the European Union." Review of Economic Perspectives 11, no. 1 (January 1, 2011): 12–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/v10135-011-0005-z.

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The Political-Budget Cycle in Countries of the European Union We empirically estimate the political-budget cycle in the member countries of the European Union in period of 1988-2008. We indirectly analyze the potential of these countries to deal with increasing public debts which were augmented by the global economic crisis. The selection of the EU countries depends on three characteristics of democracy - shared power, openness and adaptability. The openness of democracy is the most important characteristics in relation to effective behavior of governments. We suppose that governments are motivated to make electoral manipulation in countries which have lower level of openness. We choose Finland, the Netherlands, Austria, Estonia, Poland, the Czech Republic, Romania and Greece to include into our sample of countries. The research of political-budget cycle confirmed our assumption. We did not find the political-budget cycle in Finland, the Netherlands and Estonia. On the other hand, we identified that Austrian, Czech and Greece governments had a tendency to manipulate fiscal policy before elections. The regression coefficients of Poland electoral dummies were very statistically significant but they had a wrong sign. We could not estimate political-budget cycle in Romania due to the short time series.

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Vergeer, Maurice, and Liesbeth Hermans. "Campaigning on Twitter: Microblogging and Online Social Networking as Campaign Tools in the 2010 General Elections in the Netherlands." Journal of Computer-Mediated Communication 18, no. 4 (June 11, 2013): 399–419. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/jcc4.12023.

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Lefevere, Jonas, and Peter Van Aelst. "First-order, second-order or third-rate? A comparison of turnout in European, local and national elections in the Netherlands." Electoral Studies 35 (September 2014): 159–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.electstud.2014.06.005.

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Van Der Velden, Mariken, Gijs Schumacher, and Barbara Vis. "Living in the Past or Living in the Future? Analyzing Parties’ Platform Change In Between Elections,The Netherlands 1997–2014." Political Communication 35, no. 3 (November 16, 2017): 393–412. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10584609.2017.1384771.

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Boukes, Mark, and Michael Hameleers. "Shattering Populists’ Rhetoric with Satire at Elections Times: The Effect of Humorously Holding Populists Accountable for Their Lack of Solutions." Journal of Communication 70, no. 4 (April 23, 2020): 574–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/joc/jqaa020.

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The popularity of populist parties has increased worldwide, and disproportionate media attention for these parties arguably fueled their success. We empirically test our theoretical argument that political satire—with its humor, focus on internal contradictions, and lack of journalistic principles regarding objectivity and facticity—may be an effective antidote to populism’s success. Using a representative panel survey that functions as a natural experiment in the context of the Netherlands, we show that consumption of the satire show Zondag met Lubach (ZML) indeed lowered support for a right-wing populist party (PVV), its leader (Wilders), and the perceived capability of this party. Specifically, this study shows how satirically revealing the “weak spot” of populism (i.e., lacking concrete treatment recommendations) lowers populist support particularly among citizens already inclined to vote for populist parties. These findings have important democratic implications as they reveal that satire can have a real-life impact on the political decisions that voters make.

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Jansen, A. Severin, Beatrice Eugster, Michaela Maier, and Silke Adam. "Who Drives the Agenda: Media or Parties? A Seven-Country Comparison in the Run-Up to the 2014 European Parliament Elections." International Journal of Press/Politics 24, no. 1 (October 19, 2018): 7–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1940161218805143.

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In this paper, we examine who drives attention to the European Union (EU) in member nations—the media or the parties—and how cross-national variations in these media-party interactions can be explained by focusing on issue salience in campaign communications, party polarization, and media system characteristics. To answer these questions, we rely on a quantitative content analysis of newspaper articles and party press releases in seven countries (Austria, France, Germany, Greece, the Netherlands, Portugal, and the United Kingdom) during the twelve weeks prior to the 2014 European Parliament (EP) election. Our results from a daily-level vector autoregression (VAR) analysis show that parties are the main driver. However, our findings also indicate that single approaches in comparative research, namely, issue salience, party polarization, and media characteristics, cannot fully explain cross-national variations, which stem from combinations of different determinants, such as low (high) EU issue salience interacting with high (low) party polarization.

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Osiński, Joachim. "Przemiany polityczne na Islandii w warunkach kryzysu bankowego i gospodarczego." Kwartalnik Kolegium Ekonomiczno-Społecznego. Studia i Prace, no. 1 (November 29, 2011): 14–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.33119/kkessip.2011.1.1.

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The author begins with a brief description of the essential political institutions of Iceland, as a republic with a parliamentary cabinet form of government and the special role of the president, arguing with the point of views that Iceland should be seen as a state with a semi-presidential form of government. Describing the political situation before the banking crisis, the author underlines the strong position of the Independence Party, which according to the results of the parliamentary elections (elections in 2007), plays a leading role in the "political life" of the state. The author pays attention to the process of oligarchisation in that party and the informal systems of social-network-based links and pathological links between the worlds of politics and business. Growing since the 90s, the dominance of a few family clans, together with the deregulation and privatization of the economy, led to nepotism and lack of accountability on the part of politicians and business representatives. An expansion of the three largest Icelandic banks Landsbanki, Kaupthing and Glitnir, without any significant criticism and state control, has led to a situation where at the end of 2008 their assets were 10-fold greater than the GDP of Iceland. Loss of confidence in the interbank markets after the collapse of Lehman Brothers in the U.S., caused inhibition of liquidity and consequently the collapse of these banks, eventually acquired by the state. The most spectacular was the collapse of Icesave - the Internet branch of Landsbanki operating in the UK and the Netherlands. The disintegration of the banking system led to a disintegration of the coalition government. Early elections in April 2009, won by the Social Democratic Alliance and the Left-Green Movement, led to the formation of a center-left government of Prime Minister, Ms J. Sigur?ardóttir. The first major action was the government's reorientation of foreign policy and submitting an application for EU membership, and the subsequent arrangement of the debts after the collapse of these banks, reform of the central bank and banking supervisors, the establishment of a parliamentary committee to investigate the banking crisis and identify those responsible, the appointment of a special Prosecutor investigating violations of law during privatization of the banking sector and the actions taken on the eve of the crisis. The article contains the constitutional and legal analysis of the first and second so-called referendum. on Icesave, conducted after the President vetoed a further act concerning Iceland's agreements with its creditors - the United Kingdom and the Netherlands. As a result, residents of Iceland have not agreed to repay debts incurred without any fault on their part and through arrogance, incompetence and greed of the financial elite and the political managers controlling the banking system. This puts into question the country's future membership in the EU. The government, despite the opposition to the proposal made by a vote of no confidence, which fell, still take the difficult decisions associated with the revitalization of the banking system and economy of Iceland and improve its international image.

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Lemmink, Jacques. "‘Op proef doeltreffend gebleken, kunnen we spreken van een bereikt ideaal’." De Moderne Tijd 5, no. 1 (January 1, 2021): 35–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/dmt2021.1.002.lemm.

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Abstract ‘Proved effective on trial, we can speak of an achieved ideal’ Abraham Kuyper and the mechanical voting machine, c. 1895-1905 During the latest presidential elections in the United States, unfounded conspiracy theories sprung up concerning alleged ballot box fraud by compromised voting machines. Although different voting machines had been used in the Netherlands since 1966, concerns over their reliability ended this in 2007. This article investigates the forgotten but ultimately failed attempt to introduce mechanical voting machines a century earlier. It focuses on the role played by prominent politician Abraham Kuyper, who personally visited the Standard Voting Machine Company in Rochester in 1898. The article illustrates how Kuyper’s transatlantic political and religious networks facilitated the voting machine’s transfer, rather than scientific connections. Paradoxically, the introduction of proportional representation in 1917 marked the end of tentative attempts to develop a Dutch version of the American mechanical voting machine. The implementation in the voting process turned out be too expensive, too early, and too complicated for the Dutch electoral system at the dawn of the twentieth century.

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Mortensen, Peter Bjerre, Christoffer Green-Pedersen, Gerard Breeman, Laura Chaqués-Bonafont, Will Jennings, Peter John, Anna M. Palau, and Arco Timmermans. "Comparing Government Agendas." Comparative Political Studies 44, no. 8 (April 28, 2011): 973–1000. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414011405162.

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At the beginning of each parliamentary session, almost all European governments give a speech in which they present the government’s policy priorities and legislative agenda for the year ahead. Despite the body of literature on governments in European parliamentary democracies, systematic research on these executive policy agendas is surprisingly limited. In this article the authors study the executive policy agendas—measured through the policy content of annual government speeches—over the past 50 years in three Western European countries: the United Kingdom, the Netherlands, and Denmark. Contrary to the expectations derived from the well-established “politics matters” approach, the analyses show that elections and change in partisan color have little effect on the executive issue agendas, except to a limited extent for the United Kingdom. In contrast, the authors demonstrate empirically how the policy agenda of governments responds to changes in public problems, and this affects how political parties define these problems as political issues. In other words, policy responsibility that follows from having government power seems much more important for governments’ issue agendas than the partisan and institutional characteristics of governments.

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Janse, Maartje. "“What Value Should We Attach to All These Petitions?”: Petition Campaigns and the Problem of Legitimacy in the Nineteenth-Century Netherlands." Social Science History 43, no. 3 (2019): 509–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ssh.2019.18.

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This article focuses on large-scale petitioning campaigns, or petitionnementen as they were called, organized between 1828 and 1878, including contemporary reflections and debates on this new phenomenon. Although there were only a handful of petitionnementen, they had a remarkable impact—not only on the issues at hand but also on the balance of power between Crown, Cabinet, Parliament, and people. Mass petitions necessarily challenged the political system, whose legitimacy was based on elections under a limited franchise. Based on parliamentary reports, pamphlets, and other sources reflecting on petitioning in general and the petitionnementen more specifically, this article asks how petitioners claimed legitimacy, and how politicians and other observers responded to those claims. Special attention is given to the international context within which Dutch petitioning practices developed. The article focuses on three case studies, representing the major petitioning campaigns of this period: the Southern petition movements of 1828–1830 that were a catalyst for the Belgian revolution (thus reinforcing the association between mass petitioning and revolution), the Anti-Catholic “April Movement” of 1853, and the so-called People’s Petitionnement of 1878, against the liberal education law. Remarkably enough, in the Netherlands it was not progressive reformers, but most prominently conservative Orthodox Protestants who organized petitionnementen.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Elections Netherlands'

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