Relevant bibliographies by topics / Elections Netherlands

Academic literature on the topic 'Elections Netherlands'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 10 December 2022
Last updated: 10 March 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Elections Netherlands"

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Guseletov, Boris. "Results of the Parliamentary Elections in Netherland and their Impact on Russian-Netherlands Relations." Nauka Kultura Obshestvo 27, no. 2 (June 21, 2021): 22–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.19181/nko.2021.27.2.2.

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The article examines the results of the parliamentary elections in the Netherlands, held on March 15-17, 2021. It compares the results of the leading political parties in the elections of 2017 and 2021, and describes all the leading Dutch political parties that were represented in parliament in the period from 2017 to 2021. The results of the activities of the government headed by the leader of the “People’s Party for Freedom and Democracy” M. Rutte, formed following the results of the 2017 elections, are presented. The reasons for the resignation of this government, which took place on the eve of the elections, and its impact on the course of the election campaign are revealed. It was noted how the coronavirus pandemic and the government’s actions to overcome its consequences affected the course and results of the election campaign. The activity of the main opposition parties in this country is evaluated: the right-wing Eurosceptic Freedom Party of Wilders, the center-left Labor Party and others. The course of the election campaign and its main topics, as well as the new political parties that were elected to the parliament as a result of these elections, are considered. The positions of the country’s leading political parties on their possible participation in the new government coalition are shown. The state of Russian-Dutch relations is analyzed. A forecast is given of how the election results will affect the formation of the new government of this country and the political, trade and economic relations between Russia and the Netherlands.
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Żelichowski, Ryszard. "Polityka w cieniu koronawirusa." Politeja 18, no. 6(75) (December 16, 2021): 119–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/politeja.18.2021.75.06.

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Politics in the Shadow of COVID-19: Parliamentary Election in the Kingdom of the Netherlands On March 15-17, 2021, the first parliamentary elections in the European Union during the pandemic took place in the Kingdom of the Netherlands. The political authorities of the Kingdom of the Netherlands decided to hold the elections despite severe sanitary restrictions and curfew. On January 15, 2021, the outgoing Prime Minister Mark Rutte, chairman of the People’s Party for Freedom and Democracy (VVD), handed over the resignation of the entire government to the King. The immediate cause was the report of the parliamentary investigative commission announced in December 2020 on the extremely restrictive operation of local tax offices in connection with government child benefits. Mark Rutte has been running the country efficiently since 2010 and was also a favorite in the upcoming parliamentary elections. The elections were conducted without any disturbances. 37 parties were admitted to elections, the largest number in the post-war history of the Kingdom of the Netherlands. The election winners were ruling party VVD party and progressive liberals from D’66. The discussion on the formation of the new government has already started and is accompanied by great emotions. It is going to be a long period of negotiations and their results are difficult to be predicted. The article presents the main actors of this parliamentary game.
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Dassonneville, Ruth, Michael S. Lewis-Beck, and Philippe Mongrain. "Forecasting Dutch elections: An initial model from the March 2017 legislative contests." Research & Politics 4, no. 3 (July 2017): 205316801772002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2053168017720023.

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Serious election forecasting has become a routine activity in most Western democracies, with various methodologies employed, for example, polls, models, prediction markets, and citizen forecasting. In the Netherlands, however, election forecasting has limited itself to the use of polls, mainly because other approaches are viewed as too complicated, given the great fragmentation of the Dutch party system. Here we challenge this view, offering the first structural forecasting model of legislative elections there. We find that a straightforward Political Economy equation managed an accurate forecast of the 2017 contest, clearly besting the efforts of the pollsters.
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Tahzib-Lie, Bahia, and Jan Reinder Rosing. "A Competitive Race among Friends: The Campaign of the Kingdom of the Netherlands for a Seat on the UN Security Council." Hague Journal of Diplomacy 14, no. 4 (November 15, 2019): 467–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1871191x-14401068.

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Summary On 31 December 2018, the Kingdom of the Netherlands — the Netherlands, Aruba, Curaçao and St Maarten — concluded its one-year membership of the United Nations Security Council (UNSC), prompting many to reflect on its meaningful contribution to international peace and security during this time. The UNSC has exclusive and far-reaching powers with regard to maintaining international peace and security. For this reason, non-permanent seats on the UNSC are highly coveted. They confer prestige, influence and respectability on the seat-holders. Given the popularity of these seats, the Kingdom’s ability to influence decision-making within the UNSC became possible only after an intensive election campaign. In this practitioners’ perspective, we provide our insights and observations on the Kingdom of the Netherlands’ campaign strategy for the UNSC elections in 2016.
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AARTS, KEES, STUART ELAINE MACDONALD, and GEORGE RABINOWITZ. "Issues and Party Competition in the Netherlands." Comparative Political Studies 32, no. 1 (February 1999): 63–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414099032001003.

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The Netherlands represents the prototypic case of a consociational democracy; in addition, the Dutch system has an extremely low threshold for obtaining representation in the legislature, making it open to challengers of any political persuasion. This article has two explicit goals: to compare two models of issue-based party choice, the directional and proximity models; and to understand the changing nature of electoral competition in the Netherlands. The article's analytic focus is the elections of 1971, 1986, and 1994. These elections, the only ones for which appropriate data are available for testing the issue theories, represent important points in the historical sequence. Tests of the alternate issue voting models generally favor directional over proximity theory. The broader analysis suggests substantial change in Dutch politics, away from the tight structuring of subcultural allegiances to a more politically homogeneous culture in which party strength appears rather fluid.
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Irwin, Galen A., and Joop J. M. Van Holsteyn. "The 2002 and 2003 parliamentary elections in The Netherlands." Electoral Studies 23, no. 3 (September 2004): 551–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.electstud.2003.12.006.

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Meijers, Maurits, and Christian Rauh. "Has Eurosceptic Mobilization Become More Contagious? Comparing the 2009 and 2014 EP Election Campaigns in The Netherlands and France." Politics and Governance 4, no. 1 (February 29, 2016): 83–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v4i1.455.

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With the lingering Euro crisis, personalized competition for the Commission presidency, and a surge of Eurosceptic parties, the 2014 European Parliament elections took place against an unknown level of European Union politicization. How does this changing context affect the supply side of party competition on European issues in EP election campaigns? This article compares the 2014 and 2009 EP elections in two EU founding members with high electoral support for radical left and radical right Euroscepticism—France and the Netherlands. We study publically visible patterns of partisan mobilization in the written news media with semi-automated content analyses. The data indicate that visible party mobilization on EU issues was on average not significantly higher in 2014. While particularly mainstream and especially incumbent parties publically mobilize on European issues during both campaigns, the radical right’s mobilization efforts have become more visible during the 2014 elections. Examining the temporal dynamics within electoral campaigns, we show that the Eurosceptic fringes exhibit significant contagion effects on the mainstream parties, but that the extent of this contagion was surprisingly lower in the 2014 campaign. As a result, the increasing EU politicization between the 2009 and 2014 electoral contests has not resulted in an enhanced and more interactive supply of partisan debate about Europe.
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Otjes, Simon. "The EU Elephant: Europe in the 2021 Dutch General Elections." Intereconomics 56, no. 2 (March 2021): 70–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10272-021-0956-y.

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Gouglas, Athanassios, and Bart Maddens. "Legislative turnover and its sources: It’s the selection." Politics 39, no. 1 (May 11, 2017): 101–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0263395717701161.

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The research note argues that legislative turnover can be decomposed into two main sources of newcomer entry into the legislature: entry by election and entry by selection. This is demonstrated using available data on political mandates in the lower chambers of Austria, Belgium, the Netherlands and the United Kingdom in the period 1945–2015. We observe that selection is the leading source of new member entry across country and across time. Most turnover happens prior to general elections. This appears to be a general rule characterizing the phenomenon. We speculate as to the reason why. The conditions under which election appears to overtake selection as a major source of new member entry are investigated.
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Frandsen, Annie Gaardsted. "Size and Electoral Participation in Local Elections." Environment and Planning C: Government and Policy 20, no. 6 (December 2002): 853–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/c0228.

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This paper reviews local election turnout for the period since the 1970s in five European countries: Denmark, the Netherlands, Norway, Switzerland, and the United Kingdom. It explores especially the relationship between size of municipality and turnout in local elections. The author seeks to explore this issue in the light of Dahl and Tufte's 1973 classic study Size and Democracy (Stanford University Press) which claimed that citizens' motivation to participate is greater in small governmental units than in large ones. This study confirms the Dahl and Tufte hypothesis, in that turnout is consistently higher over time in small municipalities in all the countries reviewed, although the strength of the relationship varies between the different countries. The paper also shows that other factors, such as the type of electoral system used or whether voting is compulsory or not, also have an effect on turnout.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Elections Netherlands"

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Lahti, Yannick Duncan Olavi <1990&gt. "Populism as a battlefield Populist actors and their representation on social and legacy media during the european parliament elections 2019 in Finland, Italy and the Netherlands." Doctoral thesis, Alma Mater Studiorum - Università di Bologna, 2022. http://amsdottorato.unibo.it/10174/1/Yannick_PhD_final_fs.pdf.

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The objective of the present research is to describe and explain populist actors and populism as a concept and their representation on social and legacy media during the 2019 EU elections in Finland, Italy and The Netherlands. This research tackles the topic of European populism in the context of political communication and its relation to both the legacy and digital media within the hybrid media system. Departing from the consideration that populism and populist rhetoric are challenging concepts to define, I suggest that they should be addressed and analyzed through the usage of a combination of methods and theoretical perspectives, namely Communication Studies, Corpus Linguistics, Political theory, Rhetoric and Corpus-Assisted Discourse Studies. This thesis considers data of different provenance. On the one hand, for the Legacy media part, newspapers articles were collected in the three countries under study from the 1st until the 31st of May 2019. Each country’s legacy system is represented by three different quality papers and the articles were collected according to a selection of keywords (European Union Elections and Populism in each of the three languages). On the other hand, the Digital media data takes into consideration Twitter tweets collected during the same timeframe based on particular country-specific hashtags and tweets by identified populist actors. In order to meet the objective of this study, three research questions are posed and the analysis leading to the results are exhaustively presented and further discussed. The results of this research provide valuable and novel insights on how populism as a theme and a concept is being portrayed in the context of the European elections both in legacy and digital media and political communication in general.
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Rottwilm, Philipp Moritz. "Electoral system reform in early democratisers : strategic coordination under different electoral systems." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:6c3ebcf9-f25b-4ce8-a837-619230729c33.

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On the basis of case studies of 19th and early 20th century Germany, Sweden and the Netherlands, I address the question of how and when incumbent right elites reformed electoral systems under a rising political threat from the left. Some states adopted proportional representation (PR) earlier than others. Why did different states adopt PR at different times? One important factor was the existing electoral system before the adoption of PR. This has been missed in academic research since most scholars have assumed that the electoral system in place before the adoption of PR in most Western European states was single-member plurality (SMP). I show that the system in place prior to PR in most Western European states was not SMP but a two-round system (TRS). TRS effects are still poorly understood by political scientists. I argue that both PR and TRS were used as safeguards by the parties on the right against an electoral threat from the left, which originated from the expansion of suffrage. PR was used as a last resort after other safeguards had been exhausted. I state that in the presence of a strong left threat, countries with TRS could wait longer to implement PR than countries with SMP in place. Under TRS, the adoption of PR was considerably delayed since electoral coordination between parties could be applied more effectively than under SMP systems. This was largely due to the increase of information and time after the first round of TRS elections, which was used by right parties to coordinate votes around the most promising candidate before the second round. First round results under TRS were used as an "electoral opinion poll". Based on these results, the right could react more effectively than the left in order to improve outcomes in round two.
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STRÖBELE, Maarit Felicitas. "What does suburbia vote for? : changed settlement patterns and political preference in three European countries." Doctoral thesis, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/28055.

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Defence date: 11 June 2013
Examining Board: Professor Alexander H. Trechsel, EUI (Supervisor); Professor Martin Kohli, EUI; Professor R. Alan Walks, University of Toronto; Professor Richard Rose FBA, University of Stratchclyde.
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
Is there such a thing as suburban political preference in Western Europe, and if so, how is this related to political cleavages associated with geographically bound interests? What is the role of the classic urban-rural cleavage today? To answer these questions, the dissertation combines approaches from urban geography and political science to explain how the political preferences between core city and suburban voters differ in a cross-national comparative perspective. Suburbanisation has radically changed the European landscape in the 20th century: A significant share of the population now lives in places that could be defined as suburbs instead of inner cities, small towns and villages, or the countryside. However, when it comes to questions concerning the built environment and the political sphere, a large part of political research only distinguishes between urban and rural, even though metropolitan regions now include a multitude of different places with their own characteristics and associated political beliefs and interests. Urban-suburban divergences in political preference are examined considering the close relationship between the built environment and patterns of daily life. The dissertation incorporates the idea of the social construction of spaces into an explanation of suburban electoral preferences. The study demonstrates that urban-suburban divergences are substantially based on diverging patterns of daily use of spaces, as well as to different lifestyles within the middle class. Two key aspects are relevant: the family pattern and the use of public services. First, family patterns are clearly related to the building density of the place of residence. It is postulated that in less densely constructed and populated municipalities, the organisation of daily life is easier in a breadwinner-housekeeper pattern, which is in turn linked to conservative political preferences. Second, urban inhabitants tend to rely more on public services than suburbanites, while right-wing conservative parties tend to favour the limitation of public services. The hypotheses are examined in three country case studies (Germany, Netherlands, Switzerland) that begin with an overview of the national histories of suburbanisation, showing how suburbanisation and metropolitanisation are related to political discourses and policy-making. In a second step, statistical analyses take into account different aspects of suburban and urban inhabitants' daily life routine related to the use public services as well as to the family pattern. The findings of the statistical analyses are interpreted in relation to the history of suburbanisation and evidence that political preferences are indeed related to daily life and the place of residence. The analyses mostly result in a suburban tendency towards the conservative side of the political spectrum as compared to inner city inhabitants, and show that suburban political preference patterns are closer to rural than to core city patterns. In a further context, the study aims to broaden the understanding of political cleavages in European democracies, particularly the urban-rural cleavage, highlighting the relationship between one of the largest changes in the European landscape over the 20th century and the inhabitants' political preferences.
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Books on the topic "Elections Netherlands"

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Schagen, J. A. van. Proeve van een nieuw kiesstelsel. Deventer: Tjeenk Willink, in samenwerking met het G.J. Wiarda Instituut, 1998.

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Hillebrand, R. De antichambre van het parlement: Kandidaatstelling in Nederlandse politieke partijen. Leiden: DSWO Press, Rijksuniversiteit Leiden, 1992.

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Hoe wij kiezen: Maurice de Hond over de 2de Kamerverkiezingen vanaf 1918. Amsterdam: Sijthoff, 1986.

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Mochmann, Ekkehard. Inventory of national election studies in Europe, 1945-1995: Belgium, Denmark, France, Germany, Great Britain, Hungary, the Netherlands, Norway, and Sweden. Bergisch Gladbach: E. Ferger, 1998.

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Lodewijk, Blok. Stemmen en kiezen: Het kiesstelsel in Nederland in de periode 1814-1850 = On indirect voting : the electoral system in the Netherlands, 1814-1850. Groningen: Wolters-Noordhoff/Forsten, 1987.

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Kleinnijenhuis, J. De puinhopen in het nieuws: De rol van de media bij de Tweede-Kamerverkiezingen van 2002. Alphen aan den Rijn: Kluwer, 2003.

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Holsteyn, J. J. M. van, 1957- and Niemöller B, eds. De Nederlandse kiezer 1994. Leiden: DSWO Press, Rijksuniversiteit Leiden, 1995.

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author, Jong Ron de, ed. De Tweede Kamerverkiezingen in vijftig stappen. Amsterdam: Boom, 2014.

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J, Graafland J., and Ros Arie P, eds. Economic assessment of election programmes: Does it make sense? Boston: Kluwer Academic, 2003.

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Jong, Ron de. Verkiezingen op de kaart 1848-2010: Tweede Kamerverkiezingen vanuit geografisch perspectief. Utrecht: Matrijs, 2011.

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Book chapters on the topic "Elections Netherlands"

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Andeweg, Rudy B., and Galen A. Irwin. "Elections." In Governance and Politics of the Netherlands, 98–139. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-43942-0_4.

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Caramani, Daniele. "Netherlands." In Elections in Western Europe since 1815, 697–735. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-65508-3_16.

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Lipschits, Isaac. "The Netherlands." In Direct Elections to the European Parliament 1984, 211–27. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1986. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-18090-5_11.

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Sprokkereef, Annemarie. "The Netherlands." In The 2009 Elections to the European Parliament, 204–12. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230297272_22.

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Drieskens, Edith. "The Netherlands." In The 2004 Elections to the European Parliament, 194–200. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230523821_23.

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van der Kolk, Henk. "The Netherlands." In The Routledge Handbook of Local Elections and Voting in Europe, 161–73. London: Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003009672-18.

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Schofield, Norman, and Maria Gallego. "Elections in Canada, the Netherlands and Belgium." In Leadership or Chaos, 225–55. Berlin, Heidelberg: Springer Berlin Heidelberg, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-642-19516-7_7.

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de Vreese, Claes, Rachid Azrout, and Judith Moeller. "Netherlands 2014 EP Voting Patterns: From Euphile to Eurosceptic." In The Eurosceptic 2014 European Parliament Elections, 149–69. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-58696-4_8.

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Schakel, Arjan H. "The Netherlands: Two Forms of Nationalization of Provincial Elections." In Regional and National Elections in Western Europe, 162–78. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137025449_9.

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Denters, Bas, and Lawrence E. Rose. "Willing to stand … if asked: Candidacy for local council elections in the Netherlands and Norway." In Zivile Bürgergesellschaft und Demokratie, 185–207. Wiesbaden: Springer Fachmedien Wiesbaden, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-00875-8_11.

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Reports on the topic "Elections Netherlands"

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Brummel, Lars. Referendums, for Populists Only? Why Populist Parties Favour Referendums and How Other Parties Respond. Association Inter-University Centre Dubrovnik, December 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.53099/ntkd4302.

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Populists are generally known as supporters of referendums and several populist parties have promoted direct democracy in recent years. To deepen our understanding of the populism referendum link, this study analyses how populist parties in Austria, Belgium, Germany and the Netherlands defend a greater use of referendums and how their non-populist counterparts respond to this populist call for referendums. An analysis of election manifestos shows that populist parties justify their referendum support by characterizing referendums as a purely democratic ideal, by presenting it as an alternative to decision-making by ‘bad’ political elites or by promoting referendums as a tool to realise their preferred policy decisions. Populist referendum support is thus related to people-centrism and ant-elitism, as elements of a populist ideology, but also to strategic considerations. These lines of argument are used by both populists on the right and the left, but anti-elitism is particularly prominent in manifestos of radical rightwing populist parties. Populists are not the only supporters of direct democracy – however, there is no evidence that non-populist parties did become more favourable towards referendums to adapt to the populist call for a greater referendum use.
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