Relevant bibliographies by topics / Elections – Germany (West)

Academic literature on the topic 'Elections – Germany (West)'

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Published: 10 March 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Elections – Germany (West)"

1

von Beyme, Klaus. "A United Germany Preparing for the 1994 Elections." Government and Opposition 29, no. 4 (October 1, 1994): 445–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1994.tb01236.x.

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The Unification of Germany — not as a Confederation as most DDR intellectuals and many West German leftists and Greenish citizens had hoped for but by means of the Anschluss of the GDR — was a daring venture: would the East Germans accept the new national state? The Anschluss by the ‘unconditional surrender’ of the East Germans entailed enormous costs. Destabilization of West German democracy and non-acceptance of democracy by the East Germans was always a latent danger.
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James, Peter. "An Election with No Losers: The 1994 Federal Elections in the New Germany." Politics 16, no. 1 (February 1996): 23–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9256.1996.tb00143.x.

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The German federal election in October 1994, just four years after German Unity, revealed that clear divisions between east and west Germany still exist. Whilst the PDS on the left of the political spectrum was supported by around one fifth of east German voters, the parties on the right gained negligible support in Germany as a whole. The federal German electoral system, based on a personalised sytem of PR, again played a key role; it is, however still too early in the development of the new Germany to speak of a single new party system.
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3

McAdams, A. James. "Towards a New Germany?—Problems of Unification." Government and Opposition 25, no. 3 (July 1, 1990): 304–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1990.tb00585.x.

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IT HAS NOW BECOME COMMON FOR OBSERVERS TO NOTE that German reunification, an unthinkable prospect only a year ago, will be realised before anyone, either the East and West Germans themselves or any of their neighbours and allies, is fully prepared for this eventuality. As the conservative Alliance for Germany's stunning successes in the GDR's first free Volkskammer (parliamentary) elections on 18 March demonstrated, a near majority of the country's population was eager to cast its vote for those forces which promised to facilitate East Germany's absorption into the FRG on the fastest possible terms. By the same token, the vote was also a victory of sorts for all of the West German parties who rushed to lend material and financial aid to their GDR counterparts, for their involvement in the East German election campaigns clearly helped to accelerate the momentum behind national reunification.
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4

Schmitt, Hermann, and Andreas M. Wüst. "The Extraordinary Bundestag Election of 2005: The Interplay of Long-term Trends and Short-term Factors." German Politics and Society 24, no. 1 (March 1, 2006): 27–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/104503006780935324.

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When Chancellor Gerhard Schr?der went public and announced his plan for early elections on the evening of 22 May 2005, the SPD and the Green Party had just lost the state election in North-Rhine West-phalia. It was the last German state ruled by a Red-Green government, which left the federal government without any stable support in the Bundesrat. The chancellor's radical move resulted in early elections that neither the left (SPD and Greens) nor the conservative political camp (CDU/CSU and FDP) was able to win. While the citizens considered the CDU/CSU to be more competent to solve the country's most important problems, unemployment and the economy, the SPD once again presented the preferred chancellor. The new govrnment, build on a grand coalition of CDU/CSU and SPD, might be able to solve some of the structural problems of the country. While this will be beneficial for Germany as a whole, it will at the same time weaken the major German parties, which are running the risk of becoming politically indistinguishable.
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von Beyme, Klaus. "Electoral Unification: The First German Elections in December 1990." Government and Opposition 26, no. 2 (April 1, 1991): 167–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1991.tb01131.x.

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BOTH GERMAN STATES HAVE IN THE PAST BEEN ECONOMIC systems in search of political legitimation. The legitimation of the West German state was gradually established by the acceptance of democratic principles by the huge majority of the population and by a welfare system which was deliberately devised to protect it against contamination from the socialist camp. East Germany lost its legitimation at the moment when it abandoned its economic system. Consequently the battle-cry turned from ‘we are the people’ to ‘we are one people’.
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Reutter, Werner. "A New Start and “Renewal” for Germany? Policies and Politics of the Red-Green Government, 1998-2002." German Politics and Society 21, no. 1 (March 1, 2003): 138–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/104503003782353556.

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According to Jürgen Habermas, the federal election in 1998 finally“sealed” the democratic foundation of Germany and confirmed thatthis country belonged to the “west.”1 Until then, the day of judgmenthad left the “judges” in Germany—that is, the voters—with only limitedinfluence in coalition building and the formation of each government.2 Between 1949 and 1998 no federal government has totallybeen unsettled by elections. Changes in government were due tochanges in coalitions, thus based on decisions by the parties ratherthan on the electorate. Insofar as the landslide victory of the SocialDemocratic Party and the Alliance ‘90/Greens in the 1998 electionnot only reflected important changes in the party system, but it alsocould mean that the German electorate is going to play a more influentialrole in the future.
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Viatkin, Ilia. "Spatial Realignment of German Voters and Germany’s Regional Cleavage." Politikon: The IAPSS Journal of Political Science 45 (June 29, 2020): 31–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.22151/politikon.45.2.

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This article seeks to explain the increase in the German Green party votes in 2019 European elections through the East-West cleavage. Using the 2018 German General Social Survey data, it identifies and compares the Green Party electorate in both regions in terms of conventional and supposed determinants of Green voting. Results of the multivariate analysis equally support both models, indicating left-wing voters as the main source of the Greens’ electoral gains across Germany. However, while in the East the Greens were supported primarily by the electorate of the Social Democratic party dissatisfied with the activity of this party, Western Germans exhibited a trend of left-leaning voters’ backlash against the rise of the radical right party Alternative for Germany through Green voting. This realignment is explicated by the persistent specifics of German regional party politics combined with intrinsic value distinctions of their dwellers, and recent shifts in party-voters ties.
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Klein, Markus. "Wer wählt „Die PARTEI“? Eine empirische Analyse am Beispiel der Europawahl 2019." Zeitschrift für Parlamentsfragen 52, no. 3 (2021): 596–617. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0340-1758-2021-3-596.

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The party “Die PARTEI” was founded in 2004 by editorial staff of the satirical magazine TITANIC and represents a cross-border satirical project: The PARTEI satirizes and carica­tures the existing parties and their personnel, while at the same time participating as a real party in real elections . However, it does not show any serious political aspirations . Based on data from official election statistics and on survey data, this article examines the question of who votes for the PARTEI: It shows that PARTEI voters are primarily young men up to the age of 35, who are often still studying and are somewhat more likely to come from East than West Germany . They are interested in politics, dissatisfied with the current state of German democracy, and politically left-wing . Their voting decision in favour of the PAR­TEI is primarily a vote of no confidence in the political and economic system of the Fed­eral Republic of Germany . PARTEI voters prefer voting for a satirical party instead of cast­ing an invalid vote .
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Geymbukh, Nadezhda G. "On the State Structure of the Federal Republic of Germany at the adoption of the Basic Law of 1949." Vestnik Tomskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Pravo, no. 44 (2022): 30–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/22253513/44/3.

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The article deals with the issues of state structure of the Federal Republic of Germany discussed in the process of adoption of the Basic Law of 1949. The author examines the constitutional and legal situation within which the Basic Law of the FRG was adopted, analyses in detail the ideas of leading constitutionalists on the issues of state structure that were discussed in the process of drafting the Basic Law of the FRG. Germany's partition was initiated by the West. Recently disclosed archive documents show that Germany's split was predetermined already in the course of the war at the meetings of the "Big Three" - the USSR, the USA and Britain. Then they were joined by France. The accusations that the Soviet Union was responsible for the split of that country are untrue. On the contrary, in the first post-war years, the Soviet government proposed free elections in both parts of Germany, on the condition that the united country would be neutral, that is, would not be part of any military blocs. The West rejected this proposal. The Soviet government has repeatedly stated that Germany must be seen as a single economic and political entity. The position of the Soviet Government is supported by the views of scholars of Soviet state law. The question of German state unity was widely discussed at that time in Soviet periodicals. Soviet scholars L. Bezymensky, B.S. Mankovsky, D. Melnikov, D. Monin, E. Tarle and I. Traynin were in favour of a united German state. On this basis, they concluded that the rejection of the political unity of Germany was directed against the democratic restructuring of the country. A dismemberment of Germany is in the interest neither of the German people, nor of the democratic countries of Europe. Only the re-establishment of a united Germany is in the interest of a lasting peace in Europe, consistent with the historical development of the country and the legitimate aspirations of the German people themselves. There were differences of opinion about the future state structure of Germany. The position of prominent Soviet jurists differed fundamentally from that of Western politicians and jurists. The Western allies were in favour of a federal Germany, while the Soviet scholars were in favour of a unitary form of government. Thus, Germany, divided first into four occupation zones, and then into American and Soviet zones of influence, which not only lost considerable territories, but also completely lost its international standing, ceased to exist as a unified nation state for many years. Two independent states, the Federal Republic of Germany and the German Democratic Republic, were created on German territory. There was a de facto split into two states, which found themselves in different military and political blocs. Since that time, all the aspirations of West and East Germans have been directed towards the unification of Germany and the reunification of the German people. The author declares no conflicts of interests.
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Belov, V. B. "German Foreign Policy in the Face of Current Challenges." Journal of International Analytics 12, no. 3 (October 20, 2021): 38–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2587-8476-2021-12-3-38-58.

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The article analyzes the features of German foreign policy on the eve of the September (2021) elections to the Bundestag and the gradual overcoming of the crisis consequences of the coronavirus pandemic. The priorities of the foreign policy based on the value approach remain the European and transatlantic vectors, as well as relations with the main system-forming international organizations. The postulates of value are prompting Berlin to increasingly intensify criticism of Russia and China, incl. due to the signifi cantly increased, from his point of view, threats in relation to Germany and other states of the collective West. Germany still relies on France in European politics. Their tandem continues to determine the political and economic processes in the European Union, as well as to infl uence the formation of the EU mechanisms for overcoming the coronavirus crisis. Despite the rapid restoration of constructive relations with the new American administration, a number of controversial issues remain in bilateral relations, including defense spending and the economy. In recent years, Germany has been able to strengthen its positions in Europe and the world and expects to strengthen its role as a global actor, especially in international organizations. Nevertheless, the German expert community critically refers to its current foreign policy status quo. The author explores the latest trends in German foreign policy, gives an assessment of its development after elections to the Bundestag, pays special attention to the prospects for relations with the Russian Federation.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Elections – Germany (West)"

1

Emons, Thomas. "Das Amerika-Bild der Deutschen 1948 bis 1992 eine mediengeschichtliche Analyse /." Aachen : Shaker, 2004. http://books.google.com/books?id=3x12AAAAMAAJ.

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Originally presented as the author's Thesis (doctoral--Universität Duisburg-Essen, 2004) under the title: Das Amerika-Bild der Westdeutschen in der Zeit des Ost-West-Konfliktes im Spiegel der Wahlkampfkommentierung ausgewählter Tageszeitungen des Ruhrgebietes in den Jahren 1948 bis 1992.
Includes bibliographical references (p. 273-317).
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Krumpal, Ivar, and Heiko Rauhut. "Dominieren Bundes- oder Landesparteien die individuellen Landtagswahlentscheidungen in der BRD?" Universitätsbibliothek Leipzig, 2016. http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:bsz:15-qucosa-208326.

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Landtagswahlergebnisse in der BRD werden von empirischen Wahlforschern häufig als aktuelle Stimmungsbarometer für die Bundespolitik interpretiert. Bei dieser Interpretation von Landtagswahlen als \"Bundestestwahlen\" wird jedoch häufig vernachlässigt, dass Landtagswahlen überwiegend auch Regionalwahlen sind und landestypischen Dynamiken folgen. Empirische Untersuchungen zu Bestimmungsfaktoren von Landtagswahlverhalten wurden in Deutschland bis dato entweder in Form von qualitativen Einzelfallanalysen oder als Aggregatdatenanalysen der amtlichen Wahlstatistiken durchgeführt. Eine direkte und vergleichende Quantifizierung der Effektstärken mit Survey-Daten wurde allerdings bislang nicht vorgenommen. Die vorliegende Studie wertet deshalb im Rahmen eines replikativen Surveys 17 Landtagswahlstudien aus. So können die Effektstärken der individuellen Bewertung der Bundes- versus der Landesparteien auf die Landtagswahlentscheidungen direkt verglichen werden. Als Fazit zeigt sich, dass in Westdeutschland die Beurteilung der Landesparteien einen stärkeren Einfluss auf die individuelle Landtagswahlentscheidung ausübt als die Beurteilung der Bundesparteien. In Ostdeutschland prägt dagegen bei Landtagswahlen die bundespolitische Dimension das Abstimmungsverhalten der Wähler stärker. Die Parteipolitikverflechtung zwischen Landes- und Bundesebene ist somit bei Landtagswahlen in Ostdeutschland erheblich stärker ausgeprägt als in den alten Bundesländern
Electoral studies often interpret German regional election results ("Landtagswahlen") as barometers of public opinion on federal governmental parties' performance. However, while interpreting German regional elections as "test-elections" for the national parliament, it is often underemphasised that subnational elections often follow a unique regional dynamics. So far, empirical investigations on the determinants of German regional elections consist either in qualitative case studies or aggregate analyses of official statistics. A quantitative study of individual-level survey data, comparing directly the explanatory power of the federal versus the subnational level, is still lacking. Conducting a repeated survey design, we analyse data from 17 German regional election surveys. Thus, the effects of individual assessments of federal parties versus their subnational counterparts on subnational voting preferences can be directly compared. The conclusion of our analyses can be summarized as follows: In Western Germany, the valuation of subnational parties has a stronger impact on individual voting preferences in subnational elections than the valuation of the federal parties has. However, in Eastern Germany, the federal dimension has a comparatively stronger effect. Hence, the federal – regional ("Länder") party system linkage is clearly stronger in Eastern than in Western Germany
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Olligs, Christiane. "Die Entwicklung der Landtags- und Kommunalwahlgesetze in den Ländern der Britischen Zone 1946-1958." 1990. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/25646520.html.

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Thesis (doctoral)--Ludwig-Maximilians-Universität in München, 1990.
eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references (p. [4-31] (2nd group)).
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LESSMANN, Sabine. "Electoral politics as determinants of policy outputs : an empirical investigation of the West German case." Doctoral thesis, 1985. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5270.

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5

Burns, Grant Alexander. "Green and Red between tensions and opportunities: a history of the formation of the West German Green Party, 1968-1981." Thesis, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1828/1817.

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In the West German federal election of 1983, the Green party won enough votes to earn seats the Bundestag. The young party’s fame grew exponentially as a result and they have become, arguably, the most well-known of all environmental parties. This project explores the formation of the Greens. The Greens’ political identity is reassessed by examining the party’s roots in the new social movements and the formation of the party, regionally and federally. I contend that the Greens represent a political experiment whose establishment as a parliamentary party was never certain. The Greens attempted to integrate “postmaterialist” issues and grassroots organizational forms into the traditional politics of the Federal Republic. This paper also establishes the opportunities available for a new party within the context of the development of the left in post-war West Germany.
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6

Krumpal, Ivar, and Heiko Rauhut. "Dominieren Bundes- oder Landesparteien die individuellen Landtagswahlentscheidungen in der BRD?: eine quantitative Analyse zum Ausmaß der bundespolitischen Parteipolitikverflechtung bei Landtagswahlen (1996-2000)." 2006. https://ul.qucosa.de/id/qucosa%3A14907.

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Landtagswahlergebnisse in der BRD werden von empirischen Wahlforschern häufig als aktuelle Stimmungsbarometer für die Bundespolitik interpretiert. Bei dieser Interpretation von Landtagswahlen als \"Bundestestwahlen\" wird jedoch häufig vernachlässigt, dass Landtagswahlen überwiegend auch Regionalwahlen sind und landestypischen Dynamiken folgen. Empirische Untersuchungen zu Bestimmungsfaktoren von Landtagswahlverhalten wurden in Deutschland bis dato entweder in Form von qualitativen Einzelfallanalysen oder als Aggregatdatenanalysen der amtlichen Wahlstatistiken durchgeführt. Eine direkte und vergleichende Quantifizierung der Effektstärken mit Survey-Daten wurde allerdings bislang nicht vorgenommen. Die vorliegende Studie wertet deshalb im Rahmen eines replikativen Surveys 17 Landtagswahlstudien aus. So können die Effektstärken der individuellen Bewertung der Bundes- versus der Landesparteien auf die Landtagswahlentscheidungen direkt verglichen werden. Als Fazit zeigt sich, dass in Westdeutschland die Beurteilung der Landesparteien einen stärkeren Einfluss auf die individuelle Landtagswahlentscheidung ausübt als die Beurteilung der Bundesparteien. In Ostdeutschland prägt dagegen bei Landtagswahlen die bundespolitische Dimension das Abstimmungsverhalten der Wähler stärker. Die Parteipolitikverflechtung zwischen Landes- und Bundesebene ist somit bei Landtagswahlen in Ostdeutschland erheblich stärker ausgeprägt als in den alten Bundesländern.:Einleitung; Theoretische Grundlagen der bundespolitischen Parteipolitikverflechtung bei Landtagswahlen; Empirischer Test der Parteipolitikverflechtung bei Landtagswahlen; Diskussion und Ausblick
Electoral studies often interpret German regional election results ("Landtagswahlen") as barometers of public opinion on federal governmental parties'' performance. However, while interpreting German regional elections as "test-elections" for the national parliament, it is often underemphasised that subnational elections often follow a unique regional dynamics. So far, empirical investigations on the determinants of German regional elections consist either in qualitative case studies or aggregate analyses of official statistics. A quantitative study of individual-level survey data, comparing directly the explanatory power of the federal versus the subnational level, is still lacking. Conducting a repeated survey design, we analyse data from 17 German regional election surveys. Thus, the effects of individual assessments of federal parties versus their subnational counterparts on subnational voting preferences can be directly compared. The conclusion of our analyses can be summarized as follows: In Western Germany, the valuation of subnational parties has a stronger impact on individual voting preferences in subnational elections than the valuation of the federal parties has. However, in Eastern Germany, the federal dimension has a comparatively stronger effect. Hence, the federal – regional ("Länder") party system linkage is clearly stronger in Eastern than in Western Germany.:Einleitung; Theoretische Grundlagen der bundespolitischen Parteipolitikverflechtung bei Landtagswahlen; Empirischer Test der Parteipolitikverflechtung bei Landtagswahlen; Diskussion und Ausblick
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Books on the topic "Elections – Germany (West)"

1

Max, Kaase, and Klingemann Hans-Dieter, eds. Wahlen und Wähler: Analysen aus Anlass der Bundestagswahl 1987. Opladen: Westdeutscher Verlag, 1990.

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(West), Germany. Bundestagswahl '87: Rechtsgrundlagen der Wahl zum Elften Deutschen Bundestag mit einer erläuternden Einführung. Köln: Deutscher Gemeindeverlag, 1986.

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Der Bundestagswahlkampf 1986/1987: Eine systematische Darstellung der Wahlkampfführung der Bundestagsparteien und der Rahmenbedingungen der Wahl. Frankfurt am Main: P. Lang, 1993.

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Eith, Ulrich. Die repräsentative Wahlstatistik in Freiburg im Breisgau: Möglichkeiten, Grenzen und Bedeutung der kommunalen Repräsentativstatistik am Beispiel der Bundestagswahl 1987 in Freiburg. Freiburg i. Br: Arnold-Bergstraesser-Institut, 1989.

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Grotz, Claus-Peter. Wählerverhalten in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland: Dargestellt am Beispiel der Bundestagswahl 1987 in Württemberg-Hohenzollern. München: Weltforum Verlag, 1989.

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Wichard, Woyke, ed. Wahl '87: Zur Bundestagswahl 1987 : Parteien und Wähler, Wahlrecht und Wahlverfahren, politische Entwicklung. Opladen: Leske + Budrich, 1986.

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Amt, Saarland (Germany) Statistisches, ed. Bundestagswahl am 25. Januar 1987. Saarbrücken: Statistisches Amt des Saarlandes, 1987.

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Hans-Joachim, Veen, and Noelle-Neumann Elisabeth 1916-, eds. Wählerverhalten im Wandel: Bestimmungsgründe und politisch-kulturelle Trends am Beispiel der Bundestagswahl 1987. Paderborn: F. Schöningh, 1991.

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Landesamt für Datenverarbeitung und Statistik Nordrhein-Westfalen., ed. 40 Jahre Wahlen in Nordrhein-Westfalen: Dokumentation in Schaubildern zu Themen des Wahlgeschehens von 1947 bis 1987. Düsseldorf: Das Landesamt, 1987.

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Landesamt, Hamburg (Germany) Statistisches, ed. Wahl zum 11. Deutschen Bundestag am 25. Januar 1987. Hamburg: Das Landesamt, 1987.

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Book chapters on the topic "Elections – Germany (West)"

1

Rodden, John G. "Berlin, 1991 Dialectical Dilemmas in the Universities: West Side Story, East Side Story." In Repainting the Little Red Schoolhouse. Oxford University Press, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195112443.003.0017.

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Western Berlin, October 3, 1991. Tag der Einheit: “Unity Day.” The first anniversary celebrating German reunification. Or perhaps “marking” reunification is a more accurate term. No jubilant talk of a New Germany, no flag-waving nearby. My forehead pressed against the cool glass of the third-storey living-room window, I watch a half-dozen skinheads swagger in the street below. “Asylanten Raus!” (“Asylum Seekers Out!”) they chant. “Deutschland den Deutschen!” (“Germany for the Germans!”). Black jeans, jackboots, bomber jackets stabbed with Waffen SS insignias. Dirty blond hair clipped close on the sides, Hitler-style, with a single long forelock. Punk turned political with a vengeance. Waving swastikas, shouting the inevitable yet overwhelming “Sieg Heil!” they’re heading toward the Breitscheidplatz, West Berlin’s central square. Behind me, the Thursday evening news. The sparkle of holiday fireworks gives way to the explosion of terror sweeping across the country. Shelters for asylum seekers torched in Karlsruhe in the southwest and Dusseldorf in the northwest. On the island of Rügen, in the Baltic, a dormitory for refugees razed and incinerated; two Lebanese children severely burned. A hostel for foreigners firebombed in Bremen. “. . . at least 16 racist assaults within 48 hours, bringing the number of attacks to 1,387 since the beginning of the year: the worst outbreak of violence since Hitler’s Germany.” The right-wing German People’s Party, which has just captured an alarming six seats in Bremen’s local elections, does not denounce the violence; its spokesman instead urges immediate restrictions on immigration. A conservative minister pitches Prime Minister Kohl’s proposal to push through a constitutional amendment curbing Germany’s liberal provisions for asylum, which have already opened the doors to more than 1.3 million foreigners since 1989. An interview with historian Golo Mann: “It’s 1933 again.” But dinner is ready. Wolfgang, 44, a wissenschaftlicher Assistent (lecturer) in sociology at the Free University of Berlin, joins me at the window. He takes a long drag of his cigarette. “The Hitler Youth of the ’90s,” Wolfgang says. “German Unity!?! Who knows what this ‘new Germany’ will lead to?” He turns his back on the receding parade of young faschos.
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Levin, Dov H. "Delving In." In Meddling in the Ballot Box, 194–210. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197519882.003.0007.

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Chapter 7 continues the analysis of the effects of partisan electoral interventions by focusing on the local intervened election level—another method frequently utilized in order to estimate the effects of various factors on election results. Accordingly, it examines election surveys from two targets of overt electoral interventions where questions related to key aspects of the meddling were asked: the 1953 West German elections and the 1992 Israeli elections. An analysis of these surveys finds support for one of the main mechanisms specified in the book’s theoretical framework. It also finds evidence that the American interventions in both cases indeed played a key role in the election victory of the assisted side.
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Rodden, John G. "Plauen, 1990/1992/1994 From Schoolmarm to Revolutionary: Annaliese Saupe, Old “New Teacher” and Local Heroine." In Repainting the Little Red Schoolhouse. Oxford University Press, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195112443.003.0015.

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“Oma der Revolution,” a neighborhood child calls her. “Grandmother of the Revolution.” And that she is: a revolutionary in love with the past, a revolutionary in love with a bygone Germany. When I first met Annaliese Saupe in 1987, I had no idea that she had been such a hell-raiser: blacklisted by the Nazis, vocal critic of SED educational policies, fired for insubordination by SED school authorities. Nor could I have guessed what would lay ahead for her only two years in the future, when she would be lionized by neighbors for her derring-do against the SED during the Revolution of the Candles. With her hair coiled into a huge white bun on top of her head, her large brown eyes and quick smile, her slight limp and walking cane, her encyclopedic knowledge of grocery prices past and present, her antiquarian’s passion for the history of her native region, her enduring love affair with Goethe and Schiller: Annaliese Saupe seems much like a Hausfrau and history schoolmarm—which is also just what she has been. I met Frau Saupe in 1987 at a Goethe Institute talk near Freiburg, where she gave a presentation on Goethe’s daily routine in Weimar. Struck by Frau Saupe’s vibrance and energy, I struck up an acquaintance with her. Already 75 years old, she was a dynamo who could easily pass for a woman in her early 60s. She invited me to visit her in her hometown of Plauen, a small Saxony city of 85,000 in the old German region of Vogtland. But the paperwork for my tourist visa to East Germany dragged on beyond my six-week visit in West Germany, and I returned to the United States disappointed. Nonetheless, we wrote each other, and in early December 1990, during the week of the first free elections in eastern Germany since 1933—in which Frau Saupe voted, now as then, for the Social Democrats—I finally had an opportunity to visit Plauen. “Please don’t leave Germany this time without coming to see me!” she had written me.
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Levin, Dov H. "Throwing Their Hat into the Ring." In Meddling in the Ballot Box, 53–116. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197519882.003.0003.

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Chapter 3 includes the first set of three detailed case studies of the decision-making process that led the U.S. government to decide to intervene in three foreign elections and the choice of the exact methods of intervention utilized: the American electoral interventions in the 1953 West German elections for Konrad Adenauer and the CDU, in the 1958 Guatemalan elections for Jose Luis Cruz Salazar and the MDN, and in the 1946 Argentinean elections for Jose Pascual Tamborini and the Democratic Union. In addition to providing strong support for the theoretical framework, these three electoral intervention cases also supply some real-life examples of the various methods used for this purpose by interveners: covert funding of the assisted side, dissemination of “scandalous” information on the “undesired” side, pre-election public threats and promises, provision of various benefits to the target, and so forth.
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Pulzer, Peter. "What the 1980 Election did not Solve." In The West German Model, 124–33. Routledge, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315034942-8.

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Pridham, Geoffrey. "The 1980 Bundestag Election: A Case of ‘Normality’." In The West German Model, 112–23. Routledge, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315034942-7.

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Braunthal, Gerard. "National, State, and Local Elections." In The West German Social Democrats, 1969–1982, 178–201. Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780367274504-10.

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"[18.] The West German Election Campaign[1953]." In Otto Kirchheimer - Gesammelte Schriften, edited by Henning Hochstein and Frank Schale, 556–67. Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft mbH & Co. KG, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/9783845290027-556.

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"[20.] The West German Bundestag Elections of 1953[1953]." In Otto Kirchheimer - Gesammelte Schriften, edited by Henning Hochstein and Frank Schale, 574–98. Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft mbH & Co. KG, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/9783845290027-574.

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"Prisoners Unwilling; Strong US Comment on West German Elections." In Letters to Australia, Volume 4, 257–59. Sydney University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctvx8b7c5.109.

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