Journal articles on the topic 'Elections – Case studies'
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1
Aldea, Claudiu-Bogdan. "Elections as a Mechanism of Peace. The Cases of Liberia and The Central African Republic." Studia Universitatis Babeș-Bolyai Studia Europaea 67, no. 2 (December 30, 2022): 57–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/subbeuropaea.2022.2.03.
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"The paper analyses the normative and empirical capacity of elections to function as a peace mechanism in the early stages of the recovery period. Accordingly, the analysis is based on a theoretical framework that draws attention to the timing of elections in post-conflict societies. Moreover, in order to operationalize such theoretical aspects, the paper focuses on two relevant case studies: the 1997 elections in Liberia (perceived as post-conflict) and the 2020-2021 elections in The Central African Republic (early peace process – not void of conflict). Accordingly, the paper poses the following research questions: How was the prospect of organizing these rounds of election received by the parties involved in the conflict? How did these rounds of election relate to the peace process? Do elections represent an adequate mechanism to achieve positive peace in post-conflict societies? Keywords: elections, peace studies, post-conflict development, peace building, systemic violence."
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Turnbull, Megan. "Elite Competition, Social Movements, and Election Violence in Nigeria." International Security 45, no. 3 (January 2021): 40–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/isec_a_00401.
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Election violence varies significantly within countries, yet how and why are undertheorized. Although existing scholarship has shown how national-level economic, institutional, and contextual factors increase a country's risk for violence during elections, these studies cannot explain why elites organize election violence in some localities but not others. An analysis of gubernatorial elections in Nigeria reveals the conditions under which elites recruit popular social-movement actors for pre-election violence. Gubernatorial elections are intensely competitive when agreements between governors and local ruling party elites over the distribution of state patronage break down. To oust their rivals and consolidate power, elites recruit popular reformist groups for pre-election violence and voter mobilization. Conversely, when local ruling-party elites are aligned over how state patronage is to be distributed, the election outcome is agreed to well in advance. In this scenario, there is little incentive to enlist social movement actors for violence. Case studies of the Ijaw Youth Council and Boko Haram provide empirical support for the argument. The theory and evidence help explain subnational variation in election violence as well as the relationship between intraparty politics and violence during elections, and speak to broader questions about political order and violence.
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Onapajo, Hakeem. "Violence and Votes in Nigeria: The Dominance of Incumbents in the Use of Violence to Rig Elections." Africa Spectrum 49, no. 2 (August 2014): 27–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000203971404900202.
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Which party uses violence to influence election outcomes? There are two existing perspectives that have offered responses to this critical question. One is a more popular position indicating that the incumbent party, more than the opposition party, makes use of violence with the aim of rigging elections; the other is a more radical perspective that suggests that electoral violence is more associated with the weakest party than with the incumbent. This paper seeks to contribute to the ongoing debate and to advance the argument suggesting the dominance of the incumbent in the use of violence to rig elections. With evidence sourced from well-trusted reports from independent election monitors, this paper shows with case studies from Nigeria at different electoral periods that, in terms of influencing election outcomes, the incumbent has been more associated with violence during elections than the opposition. It is further argued in the paper that the existing nature of executive power in Nigeria provides a plausible explanation for the incumbent's violence during elections.
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Slaski, Alexander. "Policy Signaling and Foreign Electoral Uncertainty: Implications for Currency Markets." International Studies Quarterly 65, no. 4 (October 7, 2021): 1124–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/isq/sqab078.
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Abstract This paper examines the effects of foreign electoral shocks on currency markets. I develop a theory of signaling and uncertainty to explain why elections in countries with close economic ties should affect exchange rates. Methodologically, this paper focuses on several case studies, with the 2016 US election as a central case. I utilize an event analysis framework to measure the impact of the election on the Mexican peso by exploiting the plausible exogeneity of Donald Trump's tweets. I also measure changes in the peso using Trump's predicted chance of winning the election and show that the peso is weakest when Trump has the highest chance of winning the election. In addition, I include a series of robustness checks and analyses of other notable recent cases when electoral uncertainty affected currencies in other countries, including the 2018 Brazilian election. The results quantify the effect of foreign elections on exchange rates, building on the existing literature that focuses on how domestic elections shape currency markets. I conclude with a discussion of the external validity of the phenomenon demonstrated by the cases in the paper, charting future research on the topic and outlining ways to extend the findings.
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Kalinin, Kirill. "Signaling Games of Election Fraud: A Case of Russia." Russian Politics 7, no. 2 (July 11, 2022): 210–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/24518921-00604018.
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Abstract Over the 2000s Russian elections have become increasingly unfree and unfair, characterized by suppression of electoral competition, rising levels of administrative interference and drastic growth of electoral frauds. In this paper I propose that the pattern of fraudulent elections in Russia can be explained by combining an idea about federalism with a game-theoretic model of the relationship between the Kremlin and a single regional governor. Specifically, election fraud becomes a basic signaling mechanism of regional bosses’ loyalty and of their ability to control the administrative resources to the Kremlin’s benefit. If electoral signaling occurs, data manipulation is most likely to take place with 0s and 5s in the last digit of rounded percentages of turnout and electoral support, which is the easiest and most readily detected way to report basic information to superiors. Based on the Russian electoral and financial data for 2000-2018, my analysis shows strong evidence of election fraud associated with the post-electoral interbudgetary transfers.
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Clarke, Harold D., and Alan C. Acock. "National Elections and Political Attitudes: The Case of Political Efficacy." British Journal of Political Science 19, no. 4 (October 1989): 551–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123400005639.
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Elections constitute a principal avenue of citizen involvement in political life, and knowledge of their effects on public attitudes towards the polity and the role of the individual therein has important implications for theories of democratic governance. One sucli attitude is political efficacy, ‘the feeling that individual political action does have, or can have, an impact on the political process’. Although many studies have documented that political efficacy is positively associated with electoral participation, the causal mechanisms involved are not well understood. Most researchers have simply assumed that the ‘causal arrow’ runs from efficacy to participation, i.e. from the attitude to the behaviour. Investigations of the hypothesis that the behaviour (participation) affects the attitude (efficacy) are rare. Rarer still are enquiries focusing on the impact of election outcomes on efficacy, and studies that examine both effects are virtually non-existent. In this Note covariance structure analysis is used to investigate the effects of voting, campaign activity and the outcomes of the 1984 national elections on political efficacy in the American electorate.
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Lefevere, Jonas. "The Impact of Election Campaigns on the Nationalization of Voting Behavior in Local Elections: A Case Study of the Antwerp Local Election Campaign." Urban Affairs Review 54, no. 4 (September 26, 2016): 761–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1078087416669825.
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Nonnational elections are at least partially determined by factors pertaining to the national level, which is problematic for the democratic functioning of these nonnational policy levels. Recent scholarly work has begun examining the impact of the election campaign on voters’ tendency to vote “nationally". However, these studies focus almost exclusively on European Union (EU) elections, and their findings may not be generalizable to other contexts. Moreover, they assume campaigns affect all voters similarly. In contrast, this study examines whether campaigns affect voters’ tendency to vote nationally in a local election, and whether partisan preferences condition the effect. These expectations are tested using panel survey data and a media content analysis collected during the 2012 Antwerp local election campaign. The results indicate that the campaign affected voters, making local considerations more important. However, the impact was conditional upon voters’ partisan preferences: When a party put more emphasis on the national context, voters preferring that party became more likely to rely on national considerations throughout the campaign.
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Hanan, Djayadi, and Deni Irvani. "The Coattail Effect in Multiparty Presidential Elections." Asian Survey 62, no. 2 (March 2022): 240–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2022.1501924.
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Many studies have been conducted about the presidential coattail effect in presidential democracies, but few have considered multiparty presidential elections. These few studies find that the effect does exist in multiparty presidential elections but their effect is unevenly distributed among the members of the party coalitions that nominate the presidential candidate. We follow these theoretical insights by presenting the case of Indonesia, the world’s largest multiparty presidential democracy. Using election result data and national survey data, including experimental surveys, we find that in Indonesia the size and direction of the presidential coattail effect depend on whether the party is a core or peripheral member of the coalition, its role in the coalition, and its size.
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Triantini, Zusiana Elly, and Masnun Masnun. "Use of Charitable Alms (Zakat) by Incumbent Candidates in Regional Elections in Indonesia (Two Case Studies)." PCD Journal 6, no. 1 (March 27, 2018): 61. http://dx.doi.org/10.22146/pcd.31791.
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This article seeks to expose incumbents' tendencies and strategies in using charitable alms (zakat) in regional elections in two areas. Strategies identified include determining binding regulations regarding the use of zakat money, as well as the positioning of persons considered loyal and strategic to incumbents within the leadership structures of zakat institutions. Meanwhile, incumbents worked to integrate and interconnect government programmes with local zakat distribution agencies and attracting public sympathies through the sharing of zakat funds. Incumbents benefit from their power and legitimacy, and can thus easily use zakat funds as an economic resource for gathering the support of zakat recipients (mustahiq[1]). With their power and legitimacy, incumbents are able to claim credit and thus enjoy greater popularity in their re-election campaigns. This power and legitimacy, as well as its benefits, are managed strategically and intelligently to avoid giving the impression of illegality and ease social acceptance. The findings of this research are opposite to those of Samantha May; where May has found that state dominance and control of zakat has met widespread resistance, this research has found that state dominance and control of zakat has not only been well-received by society, but has also had implications for politicians' role in zakat management and distribution. This research, conducted through observation and interviews with zakat distributors/recipients, indicates how clientelism is formed through the government zakat distribution agency (Badan Amil Zakat, 'Zakat Distribution Agency'), the structural/instrumental approaches used by incumbents, and the response of zakat recipients. This article takes two elections in two regions as case studies: Kulon Progo in the 2017 regional election and Magelang Regency in the 2013 regional election.
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Tessier, Charles, and Alexandre Blanchet. "Ballot Order in Cueless Elections: A Comparison of Municipal and Provincial Elections in Québec." Canadian Journal of Political Science 51, no. 1 (November 2, 2017): 83–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423917000701.
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AbstractThis paper studies the prevalence of ballot order effects in two different types of Canadian elections which differ greatly by the strength of party cues they provide to voters. Provincial elections are best described as a typical competition between well established and institutionalized parties, hence providing voters with strong party cues. Alternatively, municipal politics provide voters with much weaker party cues. We use electoral results from recent provincial and municipal elections in Québec and find ballot order effects in municipal elections but not in provincial ones. Although ballot order effects may also be the product of alphabetic preference bias, we argue that in any case these are cognitive biases that are ultimately the product of insufficient cues that voters need in order to cast well-informed votes. The paper, therefore, sheds some light on an understudied type of election in political science.
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Klepka, Rafał. "Media Visibility Index as a Tool for Measuring the Presence of Political Parties in the Media: Case of Polish Parliamentary Election Campaign in 2019." Polish Political Science Yearbook 51 (December 31, 2022): 1–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/ppsy202252.
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The problem of media visibility of politicians and political parties is at the heart of the interest of political communication researchers. Theoretical reflections and empirical studies focus on numerous media presence determinants. At the same time, attempts to identify the media visibility of political actors in specific periods, such as the particularly important for democracy period of the election campaign preceding the parliamentary election, are relatively rare. This study is intended to fill that gap. It proposes a simple research tool in the form of a media visibility index, which makes it possible to calculate and compare the visibility of electoral committees in selected media during the election campaign. The tool was used to determine the visibility of electoral committees taking part in the 2019 parliamentary elections in Poland in two TV news services “Wiadomości” and “Fakty”, and three weekly opinion magazines “Newsweek”, “Polityka” and “Sieci”. The data to calculate the index was gathered through manual content analysis of the studied media conducted six weeks before the day of the parliamentary elections.
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Tomaszewski, Norbert. "Orange Is The New Blue?" Political Preferences, no. 29 (January 11, 2022): 60–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.31261/polpre.2021.29.60-76.
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The 2018 midterm elections brought many surprises when talking about election results on Congressional level. One of them was definitely Democrats picking up four seats in the Orange County, which for many years was a Republican heartland in California. What happened? Was this just a one-time thing or a sign of blue wave in Donald Trump's era? The four case-studies of Democratic political campaigns will not only try to answer these questions, but also predict how should Republicans respond taking the example of 2020 elections.
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Cizmar, Anne M., and John McTague. "An “Authoritarian Spring?” Authoritarianism and the 2018 Midterm Elections." Forum 16, no. 4 (December 19, 2018): 515–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/for-2018-0036.
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Abstract This paper examines the role of authoritarianism in the 2018 US congressional elections. In particular, we assess whether the issues that have historically been central to the authoritarian divide in the American electorate were salient in the campaigns of several important Senate races. We demonstrate that authoritarian attitudes played a consistent, significant role on presidential vote choice, party identification, and numerous policy areas in the 2016 presidential election using data from the American National Election Studies. Using case studies of six Senate races in the 2018 midterm elections, we find that authoritarianism was more muted than in 2016, and that the role of authoritarianism varied considerably depending upon the race. States with stronger Trump support in 2016 featured authoritarianism more heavily than states with less Trump support in 2016, but authoritarianism overall was not as prominent in 2018 as in 2016. Overall, Senate candidates relied on traditional campaign messages related to candidate qualifications, personal attacks, the economy, and other messages less central to authoritarianism.
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Knuckey, Jonathan. "The Structure of Party Competition in the South: The Case of Florida." American Review of Politics 25 (April 1, 2004): 41–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.15763/issn.2374-7781.2004.25.0.41-65.
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Although Florida has evolved from a one-party system into an intensely competitive two-party system, many studies of the state’s partisan and electoral politics continue to stress the importance of candidate-centered voting and weak party attachments, characteristics of a dealigned party system. This paper argues that such conclusions, based primarily on studies that employ individual-level data, are misleading. The paper examines the structure of the party vote across different political offices utilizing aggregate-level election returns at the county level through principal components factor analysis. Findings indicate that the New Deal vote alignment was disrupted at the presidential level in the 1960s, and a new stable alignment emerged in 1972. Consistent with the notion of a “top-down” or “creeping” realignment, the Post-New Deal alignment penetrated elections for U.S. Senate and governor from 1986 onwards, but came to structure cabinet office elections more gradually, with a culmination of this realignment in the 1990s. Overall, the paper argues that studies relying exclusively on individual-level data to examine Florida’s partisan and electoral politics have overlooked a great deal of structure and stability underlying the vote in this politically important state.
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Adlin, Adlin, Husnul Isa Harahap, and Ali Yusri. "INDONESIAN ELECTIONS IN THE SHADOW OF MONEY POLITICS: STRENGTHENING STAKEHOLDERS’ COMMITMENT AND CREATING ANTI-MONEY POLITICS VILLAGES." International Journal of Asia Pacific Studies 18, no. 1 (January 25, 2022): 169–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.21315/ws2021.20.8.
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This article examines the traditional populist issue of money politics within Indonesian general elections, using Meranti Islands Regency, Riau Province, as its concrete case. Several previous studies indicate that money politics have been integral in the general elections at both local and national levels. This study thus discusses the practice of money politics in the case of Meranti Islands Regency general elections. This study was conducted from July to August 2017 using qualitative methods. The data collection was carried out by interviewing 22 informants who were selected purposively. They were matched with observations and document data followed by qualitative analysis. This research found that the region has complicated problems such as: (1) a high poverty rate, (2) a lack of public understanding of money politics and its effects, (3) a lack of a monitoring system, and (4) a weak justice system. To address these issues, formal and non-formal institutions should be systematically enhanced and empowered. This should begin with election committees, which must be held accountable from the state to the village levels. It is also recommended to establish anti-money politics villages as a means of stimulating political education and ensuring the rule of law.
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Avilova, A., A. Gutnick, Y. Kvashnin, V. Olenchenko, N. Toganova, and O. Trofimova. "The European Parliament Elections 2014." World Economy and International Relations, no. 11 (2014): 5–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2014-11-5-20.
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The article is devoted to the European Parliament elections held in May 2014. Their results are analyzed on two levels – national and pan-European. On the national one the authors provide case studies of the United Kingdom, France, Germany, Poland, Italy and Greece. The impact of economic crisis and later the severe public debt crisis in Eurozone countries on the EU Parliament elections is estimated. Another factor examined in the study is the public awareness of the EU’s institutions in everyday life. The authors point out the contradiction between the public opinion on these institutions and the ongoing process of further integration due to the crises in such fields as finances and government expenditures. The latest process is viewed by the experts as a positive one, but the lack of public understanding resulted in abstention, protest voting and the rise of right-wing and populist parties. The national case studies showed that the situation varied from country to country. In some of them the pan-European agenda has played a greater role, in others it influenced the elections, but in the end they were mainly a referendum on the national government performance. The case of the UK illustrated the first tendency, but partly also the second one: the elections not only put the question about the country’s role in the EU, but also reflected the citizens’ discontent in mainstream politics. France, Greece and partly Italy showed that the voters disapprove the EU politics, especially concerning such fields as immigration and economic and debt crisis. The Polish case demonstrates that the lack of information on the EU’s institutions can jeopardize the positions of centrist parties even in a very pro-European country. The election results in FRG confirm that the Germans are trying to identify their country’s role in the European institutions and find the right attitude toward its growing responsibility for the integration process.
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SELB, PETER, and SIMON MUNZERT. "Examining a Most Likely Case for Strong Campaign Effects: Hitler’s Speeches and the Rise of the Nazi Party, 1927–1933." American Political Science Review 112, no. 4 (August 7, 2018): 1050–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055418000424.
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Hitler’s rise to power amidst an unprecedented propaganda campaign initiated scholarly interest in campaign effects. To the surprise of many, empirical studies often found minimal effects. The predominant focus of early work was on U.S. elections, though. Nazi propaganda as the archetypal and, in many ways, most likely case for strong effects has rarely been studied. We collect extensive data about Hitler’s speeches and gauge their impact on voter support at five national elections preceding the dictatorship. We use a semi-parametric difference-in-differences approach to estimate effects in the face of potential confounding due to the deliberate scheduling of events. Our findings suggest that Hitler’s speeches, while rationally targeted, had a negligible impact on the Nazis’ electoral fortunes. Only the 1932 presidential runoff, an election preceded by an extraordinarily short, intense, and one-sided campaign, yielded positive effects. This study questions the importance of charismatic leaders for the success of populist movements.
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Procaccia, A. D., and J. S. Rosenschein. "Junta Distributions and the Average-Case Complexity of Manipulating Elections." Journal of Artificial Intelligence Research 28 (February 28, 2007): 157–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1613/jair.2148.
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Encouraging voters to truthfully reveal their preferences in an election has long been an important issue. Recently, computational complexity has been suggested as a means of precluding strategic behavior. Previous studies have shown that some voting protocols are hard to manipulate, but used NP-hardness as the complexity measure. Such a worst-case analysis may be an insufficient guarantee of resistance to manipulation. Indeed, we demonstrate that NP-hard manipulations may be tractable in the average case. For this purpose, we augment the existing theory of average-case complexity with some new concepts. In particular, we consider elections distributed with respect to junta distributions, which concentrate on hard instances. We use our techniques to prove that scoring protocols are susceptible to manipulation by coalitions, when the number of candidates is constant.
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Sarwani, Sarwani, Aidinil Zetra, and Hendri Koeswara. "ANALISIS TRANSPARANSI PERTANGGUNGJAWABAN ANGGARAN BADAN PENYELENGGARA PEMILU AD HOC PADA PEMILU 2019 DI KPU KABUPATEN TANJUNG JABUNG BARAT." REFORMASI 12, no. 1 (May 28, 2022): 11–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.33366/rfr.v12i1.2749.
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The issue of money in elections is a crucial issue, because the realization of elections with integrity is determined by transparency and accountability in election finances. Several studies have found that the elections that have been held in Indonesia have not implemented the principles of transparency and accountability optimally. This study aims to analyze the transparency of the 2019 Election budget accountability by the Ad Hoc EMB’s in Tanjung Jabung Barat Regency. This research is descriptive qualitative with a case study approach. To analyze the data, it is done using the concept of transparency proposed by Koppell (2005). The results of the study indicate that although the budget management activities by Ad Hoc EMB’s have been carried out openly, the information presented in the budget accountability report is not yet fully complete and accurate, so that the implementation of the principle of transparency has not run optimally. This is a consequence of the uneven competence of human resources due to the lack of training related to election finance management. For this reason, it is necessary to increase the competence of human resources through technical guidance or the like to the maximum.
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Nurlinah, Nurlinah, Rizkika Lhena Darwin, and Haryanto Haryanto. "Incumbency Disadvantages and Populism in Indonesian Local Elections: Case Studies of Banda Aceh and Takalar." PCD Journal 7, no. 1 (June 18, 2019): 57. http://dx.doi.org/10.22146/pcd.35230.
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This article seeks to contribute an understanding of how populism informs incumbency disadvantages in elections. Incumbency has been seen as highly beneficial in elections, and many studies have found that incumbent candidates enjoy significant access to resources with which they can campaign. This article, however, finds a different reality, with incumbents in Banda Aceh and Takalar experiencing electoral defeat. In both areas, extensive field studies before and after the local elections found that incumbents’ unwillingness to adopt a populist approach during their terms influenced voters’ choices. The main argument of this article is that, in Indonesia’s local democracies, incumbency has created space for varied models of populism, including the communitarian populism found in Aceh and Takalar. Such populism has emerged from specific socio-cultural contexts at the local level that have shaped voters’ preferences. The socio-cultural context of communal societies such as Aceh and Takalar has informed the truth value through which elites, policies, and phenomena are judged. Ultimately, this communitarian populism cannot be separated from the public’s desires for elections. These two cases offer a profile of how communitarian societies respond to and shape local populism in Indonesia.
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Papanikos, Gregory T. "The Use of Primaries by Political Parties: The Case of PASOK." ATHENS JOURNAL OF SOCIAL SCIENCES 9, no. 2 (January 2, 2022): 201–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.30958/ajss.9-2-6.
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This paper examines the primary elections of the PanHellenic Socialist Party (PASOK) which were held on 5th and 12th of December 2021. Six candidates run for the position of the president in the first round and two runners-up in the second. As mentioned in the literature, there is a dearth of primary elections studies relative to general elections. The latter attract the attention of mass media for the obvious reason: they determine who or which party will govern the country or any other political entity. Nevertheless, there is a growing literature on primary studies. There are three aspects researched in this literature: (a) primary elections systems, (b) why a political party decides to hold primary elections and (c) the selection criteria of candidates and voters. This paper uses the existing literature to analyze some facets of the history of PASOK’s primary elections, emphasizing the most recent one of 2021. The most important conclusion emerging from this analysis is that ideology did play a role, particularly the candidates’ stance on their possible collaboration with the right-wing or the left-wing parties, which has been a controversial issue in the last decade. Another important conclusion is that PASOK voters opted for a younger candidate primarily because they wanted to get out of the current stalemate of PASOK’s low performance in general elections. As predicted from the literature, the competition between the six candidates resulted in a large turnout on the ballot date even though other factors played a positive role such as very good weather and a wide media coverage. Keywords: primaries, elections, voting, political parties, PASOK, Greece
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Fiederlein, Suzanne L. "The 1994 Elections in Mexico: The Case of Chiapas." Mexican Studies/Estudios Mexicanos 12, no. 1 (January 1, 1996): 107–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1052080.
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Este artículo examina las elecciones de 1994 en Chiapas, así como los acontecimientos previos y sus resultados y ramificaciones. El levantamiento zapatista tuvo un impacto profundo en el proceso electoral en Chiapas, así como sobre el movimiento nacional de democratización en México. Mientras que las irregularidades electorales ocurridas por todo el país no fueron vistas como lo suficientemente importantes para desafiar la victoria del partido en el poder en cuanto a la elección de presidente, los resultados oficiales en Chiapas, en particular sobre la elección de gobernador, no se consideraron limpios. Desde las elecciones, los zapatistas y una sociedad civil más vigorosa han continuado la presión sobre el gobierno nacional para implementar una reforma electoral y para resolver cuestiones más amplias, como justicia económica, democratización y responsabilidad gubernamental.
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Fiederlein, Suzanne L. "The 1994 Elections in Mexico: The Case of Chiapas." Mexican Studies/Estudios Mexicanos 12, no. 1 (January 1996): 107–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/msem.1996.12.1.03a00050.
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Sesa, Leonard L. "A Comparative Study of the Challenges of Being Independent: Case studies (Botswana Independent Electoral Commission and Electoral Commission of Zambia)." Politeia 33, no. 3 (October 6, 2017): 6–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.25159/0256-8845/3272.
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Elections in a democracy are a way to bring about a peaceful transfer of power in an organised and peaceful manner within a legal framework. However, this process, in most countries, carries with it elements of uncertainty and tension. Southern African countries like Botswana and Zambia have more experience with comparative democratic electoral politics than others. This article seeks to identify the legal framework that govern and the weaknesses and opportunities that exist in the electoral commissions of Botswana and Zambia in order to eradicate the current challenges faced by election management bodies (EMBs); more importantly, it seeks to understand their image as impartial players in the conduct of general and other elections that are held in Botswana and Zambia in order for the SADC region to learn from these two EMBs. The purpose of this article is to critically compare and analyse the independence of the Zambia Electoral Commission and the Botswana Independent Electoral Commission, in order to establish the extent of the adequacy of the legal frameworks that govern their independence. The article argues that an EMB has to win the confidence of all stakeholders in the electoral process.
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Avgerou, Chrisanthi, Silvia Masiero, and Angeliki Poulymenakou. "Trusting e-voting amid experiences of electoral malpractice: The case of Indian elections." Journal of Information Technology 34, no. 3 (February 1, 2019): 263–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0268396218816199.
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This article constructs explanatory theory on trust in e-voting, a term that refers to the use of stand-alone IT artefacts in voting stations. We study e-voting as a techno-organisational arrangement embedded in the process of elections and the broader socio-economic context of a country. Following a critical realist approach, we apply retroduction and retrodiction principles to build theory by complementing existing studies of e-voting with insights from an in-depth case study of elections in India. First, we seek evidence of trust in e-voting in the responses of the public to the announcement of election results. Then we derive the following four mechanisms of trust creation or loss: the association of e-voting with the production of positive democratic effects; the making of e-voting part of the mission and identity of electoral authorities; the cultivation of a positive public attitude to IT with policies for IT-driven socio-economic development; and, in countries with turbulent political cultures, a clear distinction between the experience of voting as orderly and experiences of malpractice in other election tasks. We suggest that these mechanisms explain the different experience with e-voting of different countries. Attention to them helps in assessing the potential of electoral technologies in countries that are currently adopting them, especially fragile democracies embarking upon e-voting.
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Lundry, Chris. "Local and National Elections in Remote Indonesia: The Case of Sumba." Estudios de Asia y África 56, no. 3 (November 27, 2020): 451–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.24201/eaa.v56i3.2650.
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Democratization has brought some significant changes to Indonesia, but in peripheral regions such as the island of Sumba, there remains much continuity. Although the party system has opened up after the fall of Suharto’s New Order in 1999, the ways in which royal status and patronage act to influence elections in Sumba remain, especially at the local and provincial levels. The national political conversation, however, does influence politics in Sumba. In the 2019 presidential election, the perceived threat of political Islam from candidate Prabowo Subianto pushed the predominantly Protestant population of Sumba and its province East Nusa Tenggara to choose his opponent, Joko Widodo, for a second term, similar to other predominantly non-Muslim provinces.
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Bob-Milliar, George M., and Jeffrey W. Paller. "Democratic Ruptures and Electoral Outcomes in Africa: Ghana's 2016 Election." Africa Spectrum 53, no. 1 (April 2018): 5–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000203971805300102.
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Repetitive elections are important benchmarks for assessing the maturity of Africa's electoral democracies. Yet the processes through which elections entrench a democratic culture remain understudied. We introduce an important mechanism called a democratic rupture: an infraction in the democratisation process during competitive elections that has the potential to cause a constitutional crisis. It provides a new avenue of citizen participation outside of voting, and political space for opposition party realignment and to strengthen its support. Drawing from the case of Ghana, we show how the 2012 presidential election petition challenge served as a democratic rupture by contributing to the opposition's victory in 2016, enabling its political development. First, it exposed flaws in the electoral system and led to demands for electoral reforms. Second, it led to citizens being better educated on the electoral process. Third, it taught political parties that vigilance at the polling stations can help win elections. The article provides a critical analysis of the factors that shape democratic development, especially in cases where opposition parties defeat incumbent politicians.
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Kurniawan, Robi Cahyadi, Dedy Hermawan, and Himawan Indrajat. "Clientelism in Bandar Lampung’s Mayor Election 2015: A case study of Herman H. N. and M. Yusuf Kohar as candidate pair." Masyarakat, Kebudayaan dan Politik 31, no. 4 (December 27, 2018): 418. http://dx.doi.org/10.20473/mkp.v31i42018.418-426.
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Clientelism is a renewal of the patronage concept, usually referred to as patron-client in some scientific literature. Research about patron-client in the context of domestic politics, specifically in regional elections, is rarely conducted. Previous studies have mostly examined national-level elections, namely president and legislative. Therefore, this research has tried to answer the question on how the clientelism process worked during the Mayor’s Election in Bandar Lampung in 2015, particularly for candidate pair of Herman HN and M. Yusuf Kohar. This research was conducted in Bandar Lampung city from September 2016 to January 2017 as a part of the authors’ dissertation. It employs qualitative method using in-depth interview method on respondents who are related to research objects. The informants consisted of political practitioners, members of campaign teams, and academicians. The findings showed that clientelism among voters occurred during mayor election in Bandar Lampung 2015. There is a mutualism symbiosis between the incumbent candidate (Herman HN) and the voters in Mayor Election of Bandar Lampung in 2015. The voters’ votes can be influenced using the imagery portrayed by the candidates, particularly Herman HN. They can also be influenced by distributive politics or by giving what the voters’ needs through infrastructure politics (such as the construction of roads and bridges), free education, free health care, and social/religion aids. The candidate pair who won the election had different campaign teams.
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Stanwick, Hannah. "A Megamayor for All People? Voting Behaviour and Electoral Success in the 1997 Toronto Municipal Election." Canadian Journal of Political Science 33, no. 3 (September 2000): 549–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423900000196.
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Case studies of municipal elections hold little appeal for students of local government. Recent scholarship for the most part has focused on gender or the election of councillors, but studies of mayoral contests are virtually non–existent. This is somewhat surprising, considering the constituent size of several large Canadian municipalities where local government leaders are directly elected. If indeed local government is the level closest to the people, a study of municipal electoral behaviour in large cities can provide insights about the relationship between local politicians and the electorate.
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Mawardi, Rizal, Rausanfiker Robby Maulana, Ridarmelli Ridarmelli, and Inung Wijayanti. "An Analysis of the “Follow The Money”: Investigative Audit Technique in Campaign Funds for the Election of Regional Heads in Indonesia." Asia-Pacific Management Accounting Journal 17, no. 3 (December 31, 2022): 269–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.24191/apmaj.v17i3-10.
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The practice of campaign funds monitoring that is limited to compliance with laws and regulations by submitting reports and audits is still considered insufficient in an effort to realize a clean election and support the implementation of good governance. This research aimed to find out information related to compliance with campaign funds for 2020 Regional Head Elections through the follow the money investigative audit technique in accordance with regulatory provisions as an evaluation of the implementation of the 2020 Regional Head Elections in terms of campaign funds. This research was conducted in the Indonesian Financial Transaction Reports and Analysis Centre (PPATK) as Financial Intelligence Unit using a qualitative method with case studies and descriptive analysis. Based on the results of the analysis and other information owned by PPATK, there were indications of violations of campaign funds regulation as stated in the National Election Commission Regulations Number 12 of 2020 and indication of money politics practice. Keywords: campaign funds, PPATK, investigative audit, follow the money
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Russell, Alexander. "Popular Authority in Conciliar and Canonistic Thought: the Case of Elections." Revue de l'histoire des religions, no. 231 (June 1, 2014): 313–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/rhr.8254.
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Teka, Silvester Sili. "Urgensi Desain Collaborative Governance dalam Pemilu dan Pilkada." Jurnal Adhyasta Pemilu 4, no. 1 (December 24, 2021): 1–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.55108/jap.v4i1.44.
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This paper offers collaborative governance as a concept of strengthening collaboration between institutions in the implementation of elections and local elections, namely by examining the phenomenon of electoral malpractice cases in the nomination stages in the 2019 NTT Provincial DPRD Election and the 2020 Sabu Raijua Regent and Deputy Regent Election. This study uses qualitative research methods descriptive with analysis techniques and data collection based on primary data and secondary data and literature study. The study results based on the case studies in this paper found that the concept of collaborative governance was able to overcome the weakness of the rules and the limitations of the authority of the election organizers at the election and regional head elections. This is evidenced by the potential for electoral malpractice in the nomination stage, which lies in the weakness of the rules for the verification mechanism for only administrative candidate requirements, so they are prone to be manipulated by candidates. At the same time, it is known that the validity and correctness of candidate requirements documents is the domain of authority of institutions outside the Organizing Institution Election (LPP). Therefore, collaboration and synergy between election organizers and stakeholders are needed based on collaborative governance to prevent electoral malpractice. The collaborative governance approach encourages collaborative problem solving involving stakeholders based on mutual trust and commitment and is oriented towards consensus. The cycle of collaborative governance that must be passed is face-to-face dialogue, trust-building, commitment to the process, shared understanding, and intermediate outcomes. Furthermore, legal norms are needed to regulate inter-institutional cooperation for election organizers to strengthen collaborative governance.
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Passarelli, Gianluca. "Homogeneity and differentiation in national and regional elections: the case of Italy." Modern Italy 18, no. 3 (August 2013): 285–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532944.2013.801669.
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Analysis of electoral results implies in many cases differences and similarities between various areas of a polity. Differentiated electoral outcomes are evident not only within each context, but also between two (or more) territorial levels, such as elections at national, regional and provincial level, etc. Nevertheless, studying the territorial electoral discontinuities almost inevitably induces the concept of nationalisation of politics. This article presents a comparison between national and sub-national levels expressed in different electoral results between legislative and regional elections in Italy. In order to carry out a consistent analysis, the comparison of vote percentages is made by always referring to a set of seven (families of) parties, obviously modifying the choice of single parties when the offering changed, but keeping the same format for each pair of elections analysed together. The diachronic comparison over a politically relevant time span – as well as analysis at the level of geopolitical areas – gives us a useful framework rich in information. In Italy electoral behaviour in regional and national elections continues to show, albeit gradually and with some vacillations, a marked differentiation.
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Snyder, James M., Olle Folke, and Shigeo Hirano. "Partisan Imbalance in Regression Discontinuity Studies Based on Electoral Thresholds." Political Science Research and Methods 3, no. 2 (December 9, 2014): 169–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/psrm.2014.31.
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Many articles use regression discontinuity designs (RDDs) that exploit the discontinuity in “close” election outcomes to identify various political and economic outcomes of interest. One of the most important types of diagnostic tests in an RDD is checking for balance in observable variables within the window on either side of the threshold. Finding an imbalance raises concerns that an unobservable variable may exist that affects whether a case ends up above or below the threshold and also directly affects the dependent variable of interest. This article shows that imbalance in RDDs exploiting close elections are likely to arise even in the absence of any type of strategic sorting. Imbalance may arise simply due to variation in the underlying distribution of partisanship in the electorate across constituencies. Using both simulated and actual election data, the study demonstrates that the imbalances driven by partisanship can be large in practice. It then shows that although this causes a bias for the most naive RDDs, the problem can be corrected with commonly used RDDs such as the inclusion of a local linear control function.
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Trejo, Guillermo. "The Ballot and the Street: An Electoral Theory of Social Protest in Autocracies." Perspectives on Politics 12, no. 2 (June 2014): 332–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592714000863.
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This article presents a new explanation of the widespread occurrence of cycles of protest in electoral autocracies – the most common type of authoritarian regime in the world today. Because multiparty elections in autocracies are partially free but unfair, opposition parties are compelled to compete for office while contesting the rules of competition. To fulfill this dual goal, opposition parties actively seek to recruit a wide variety of independent social movements who can provide votes and lead major mobilizations during election campaigns and in post-election rallies to denounce fraud. Because electoral participation can cause divisions within social movements, social activists join socio-electoral coalitions when opposition parties offer them financial and logistic resources and institutional protection to mobilize for their causes during non-election times. This quid pro quo explains how isolated protest events become aggregated into powerful cycles of mobilization and why protest is more intense during elections but persists beyond election cycles. When political liberalization leads to increasingly free and fair elections, the prospect of victory motivates opposition parties to discourage radical mobilization, bringing cycles of protest to an end. Drawing on an original database of indigenous protest in Mexico and on case studies, I provide quantitative and qualitative evidence of the causal impact of electoral incentives on the rise, development and decline of a powerful cycle of indigenous protest as Mexico transitioned from one-party to multi-party autocracy and into democracy. Beyond Mexico, I show that the introduction of multiparty elections in a wide variety of autocracies around the world gave rise to major cycles of protest and discuss why the relationship between the ballot and the street is a crucial factor for understanding the dynamics of stability and change of authoritarian regimes.
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Kuzio, Taras. "Civil society, youth and societal mobilization in democratic revolutions." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 39, no. 3 (September 1, 2006): 365–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2006.06.005.
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Youth have played an important role in mobilizing support for democratic revolutions during elections that have facilitated regime change. In Serbia (2000), Georgia (2003) and Ukraine (2004) youth led the way in organizing democratic coalitions among hitherto warring opposition parties that the authorities had successfully divided and ruled over. In the three countries used as case studies, youth dominated civil society and election monitoring NGOs. The article outlines a five fold framework and discusses the issues that help understand the role of youth in democratic revolutions as well as those essential conditions that lead to success. Regime change only proved successful during certain time period, in our case electoral revolutions when the authorities were at their weakest. Organization of youth groups led to the creation of Otpor (Serbia), Kmara (Georgia) and Pora (Ukraine) and provided the youth movements with structure and purpose. The training of these organized youth NGOs became a third important condition for success and often was undertaken with Western technical and financial assistance. The choice of strategies to be employed during elections was an important fourth feature. In the three country case studies, discussed in this article, the response of the authorities proved to be ineffective, weak and counter-productive.
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Pautz, Hartwig. "The Internet, Political Participation and Election Turnout: A Case Study of Germany's www.abgeordnetenwatch.de." German Politics and Society 28, no. 3 (September 1, 2010): 156–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2010.280309.
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Germany's parliamentary democracy appears to be in crisis. The major parties' membership is in decline and barely existing in East Germany, election turnout is decreasing at all levels, and the reputation of politicians has never been worse. At the same time, however, Germans are more interested in politics than in the 1990s, overwhelmingly support democracy, and are keen on participating particularly in local political decision making. Out of this situation emerged www.abgeordnetenwatch.de— a website that aims to re-establish the link between electors and elected by allowing voters and representatives to communicate via a publicly accessible question-andanswer structure. This article addresses the questions of whether such an instrument can revitalize representative democracy and whether it has done so in the context of the 2009 federal elections.
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Machado, Aline. "Minimum Winning Electoral Coalitions Under Presidentialism: Reality or Fiction? The Case of Brazil." Latin American Politics and Society 51, no. 03 (2009): 87–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1548-2456.2009.00057.x.
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Abstract This article studies the motivations of party leaders to form “minimum winning” electoral coalitions—alliances that cease to be winning if one member is subtracted. In Brazil, concurrent elections stimulate political actors' coordination, and electoral alliances are allowed. In 2002 and 2006, moreover, the Electoral Supreme Court obliged those parties with presidential candidates to replicate this electoral arrangement in the district. Under “verticalization,” parties with presidential candidates could not form alliances with rival parties in the concurrent legislative and gubernatorial elections. Verticalization arguably pushed party leaders to form minimum winning electoral coalitions. This new rule forced them to reconsider the contributions of each possible ally in the elections for president, federal deputy, and governor. Examining the elections from 1998 to 2006, this study finds that under verticalization, while parties did form more electoral coalitions with those partners they considered crucial to win, they did so at the expense of policy.
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Carrillo, Nereida, and Carme Ferré-Pavia. "Infotainment in news reports: The case of the 2010 Catalan elections." Catalan Journal of Communication & Cultural Studies 5, no. 1 (April 1, 2013): 3–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/cjcs.5.1.3_1.
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Smith, Tom, and Joseph Anthony L. Reyes. "Understanding Election Violence in the Philippines: Beware the Unknown Assassins of May." Pacific Affairs 94, no. 3 (September 1, 2021): 491–519. http://dx.doi.org/10.5509/2021943491.
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Despite election violence being a commonly agreed upon phenomena in the Philippines, there has been a dearth in academic research on the topic in recent years, largely due to a lack of reliable information. To address this, our article adapts recognized methods from studies such as Lindsay Shorr Newman's 2013 paper, together with Stephen McGrath and Paul Gill's 2014 research on terrorism and elections. To expose the timing of election violence, we tracked incidents relative to election dates for the period from 2004 to 2017, with the results indicating that violence increased closer to an election date, and frequency substantially increased during the 14-year period. This is the first academic journal article since John Linantud in 1998 to focus on the issue of election violence in the Philippines but through adaptive methodologies goes further, enabling national analysis. Furthermore, our findings reveal statistically significant differences regarding the types of terrorist attacks and targets when comparing election and non-election periods. We highlight complicating factors such as the majority of attacks being attributed to "unknown" actors and the complex situation during elections. The results also demonstrate that election violence in the Philippines is dominated by the New People's Army and the use of assassination. The paper makes the case for further research and the creation of a dedicated database of election violence in the Philippines and elsewhere, and evaluates the measures implemented by the government that have failed to stem election violence.
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COWEN, MICHAEL, and LIISA LAAKSO. "An Overview of Election Studies in Africa." Journal of Modern African Studies 35, no. 4 (December 1997): 717–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x97002607.
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Since 1990, more than 30 sub-Saharan states have introduced multi-party electoral systems to choose their national governments. This development, normally understood as part of the post-cold war ‘wave of democratisation’, has led many to think that there is something intrinsically new about such a competitive process in Africa, which is not the case. This article looks at some elections that have been held in various states and studied, both before and after their independence.
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Murti Samadi, Wibowo, and Shinta Rukmi B. "Implementation of Individual Candidate Reviews in the Election of Mayor in Surakarta City." Wacana Hukum 28, no. 1 (February 28, 2022): 31–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.33061/1.wh.2022.28.1.6731.
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This study aims to further examine the implementation of individual candidate reviews in the mayoral election in Surakarta City in 2020. The city of Surakarta implemented direct elections in 2020 which were followed by political parties, in this case PDI Perjuangan (Gibran Rakabuming Raka and the individual Teguh Prakoso). ) and individual candidate Bagyo Suparjo who will appear in the direct election according to the decision of the Pilwalkot participants.This study uses a normative legal research method using a statutory approach (Statute Approach) and a case approach (Case Approach). The approach in normative research examines data that is directly taken from a literature review and secondary data that can be studied through document studies is found at the Surakarta City Regional General Election Commission. This is in accordance with the 1945 Constitution and Law no. 10 of 2016. This approach is expected to get an overview of normative studies using descriptive analysis and purposive sampling.The results of the temporary study showed that the implementation of the individual candidate review in the mayoral election in the city of Surakarta was won by Gibran Rakabuming Raka and Teguh Prakoso who defeated Bagyo Suparjo. The existence of individual candidates in the political and democratic system occurs because Law Number 32 of 2004 concerning Regional Government only limits and facilitates candidates for regional heads who come from political parties only. Individual candidates in the post-conflict local elections in Indonesia are not significant because one of the regulations governing individual candidates is burdensome to individual candidates, even though individual candidates have been regulated in the 1945 Constitution and strengthened by the Constitutional Court Decision Number 5/PUU-V/2007 which is the political right of the people to vote. Chosenas a form of democracy and human rights. Deparpolization is caused by the decline in public confidence in political parties so that people look for other political routes and provide space for people who do not have political vehicles, which are expected to be able to answer the deadlock of political parties so that their political rights can run well.
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Lay, Cornelis, Hasrul Hanif, Ridwan ., and Noor Rohman. "The Rise of Uncontested Elections in Indonesia: Case Studies of Pati and Jayapura." Contemporary Southeast Asia 39, no. 3 (December 30, 2017): 427–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1355/cs39-3b.
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Alvarez, R. Michael, Thad E. Hall, and Alexander H. Trechsel. "Internet Voting in Comparative Perspective: The Case of Estonia." PS: Political Science & Politics 42, no. 03 (June 26, 2009): 497–505. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096509090787.
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ABSTRACTSeveral countries have conducted Internet voting trials in binding public elections over the past decade, including Switzerland, the United Kingdom, and the United States. However, Estonia—a former Soviet republic and now a full member of the European Union—has advanced the farthest in deploying Internet voting. In this article, we focus on how the Estonians have systematically addressed the legal and technical considerations required to make Internet voting a functioning voting platform, as well as the political and cultural framework that promoted this innovation. Using data from our own qualitative and quantitative studies of the Estonian experience, we consider who voted over the Internet in these elections, and the political implications of the voting platform.
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Holbrook, Thomas M. "Economic Considerations and the 2008 Presidential Election." PS: Political Science & Politics 42, no. 03 (June 26, 2009): 473–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096509090763.
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The idea that economic conditions influence election outcomes and voting behavior is hardly novel and would appear to be close to uniformly accepted, especially in the case of American presidential elections. Beginning with the early aggregate studies (Arcelus and Meltzer 1975; Bloom and Price 1975; Kramer 1971; Tufte 1978) and the important individual-level work that followed soon thereafter (Kiewiet 1983; Kinder and Kiewiet 1979, 1981; Fiorina 1981), election scholars have devoted considerable attention to the influence of the economy on voting behavior and election outcomes. Although the findings are many and sometimes disparate, a few general conclusions have emerged: economic voting is incumbency oriented rather than policy oriented (Fiorina 1981; Kiewiet 1983); at the individual level, evaluations of the national economy are more closely tied to vote choice than are evaluations of personal finances (Kiewiet 1983; Kinder and Kiewiet 1979, 1981; Kinder, Adams, and Gronke 1989); and, with the exception of 2000, the incumbent party is habitually returned to office when economic times are good and tossed out when economic times are bad (Campbell and Garand 2000). In short, we know a lot about how the economy influences voters and elections, and it would seem that there are few issues left to resolve.
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Castillejo, Bruno, and Dimitrina J. Semova. "Elecciones Generales y redes sociales en el caso de España, 2011 General Elections and social networks in the case of Spain, 2011." International Review of Information Ethics 18 (December 1, 2012): 144–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.29173/irie312.
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General Elections of November 20, 2011 marked a turning point in the use of social networks in Spain for political purposes: on the one hand, was the first time the major parties decided to use social networks in their election campaigns, and on the other, all studies show that small parties won on this field. Given that “the smalls” reached unexpected good election results, therefore we must examine the question of a possible relationship between votes won and presence in social networks. It is also important that the vast majority of messages against politicians came from users participants in the 15-M Movement (“The Outraged”). From their personal accounts they proposed different hashtags attacking the two major political parties: the Popular Party (PP) and the Socialist Party (PSOE).
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Chattharakul, Anyarat. "Thai Electoral Campaigning: Vote-Canvassing Networks and Hybrid Voting." Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs 29, no. 4 (December 2010): 67–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/186810341002900404.
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Based on evidence gathered through participant observation, this article illuminates the nature of vote-canvassing, previously a black box in Thai electoral studies. Offering a close-up study of the internal mechanisms of an individual Thai election campaign, this article reveals that vote-canvasser networks are underpinned by long-term dyadic relationships, both hierarchical and horizontal, between the candidate, vote-canvassers and voters. These networks continue to be the most important factor in winning elections. This article documents how candidates draw up an election campaign map and identify voters along residential lines to maximise their vote-canvassing strategy. The findings of this article challenge Anek's 1996 concept of “two democracies”, which argues that rural voters are influenced by money, local leaders, political factions and corrupt politicians while more well-educated, urban, middle-class voters are more oriented toward the alternative policies offered by competing parties. The case study of Kom's election campaign showed that the role of the much-vaunted middle-class voters is not decisive, even in suburban areas of Bangkok. While political marketing has grown in importance in Thai elections, it has not displaced traditional electoral practices. Thai society is, in fact, deeply fragmented and diverse – too complex to be divided in such a simplistic manner. This article suggests that rather than undergoing a linear transformation, political hybridisation is a key trend in Thai election campaigns.
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Pacheco, Diogo, Pik-Mai Hui, Christopher Torres-Lugo, Bao Tran Truong, Alessandro Flammini, and Filippo Menczer. "Uncovering Coordinated Networks on Social Media: Methods and Case Studies." Proceedings of the International AAAI Conference on Web and Social Media 15 (May 22, 2021): 455–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1609/icwsm.v15i1.18075.
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Coordinated campaigns are used to influence and manipulate social media platforms and their users, a critical challenge to the free exchange of information online. Here we introduce a general, unsupervised network-based methodology to uncover groups of accounts that are likely coordinated. The proposed method constructs coordination networks based on arbitrary behavioral traces shared among accounts. We present five case studies of influence campaigns, four of which in the diverse contexts of U.S. elections, Hong Kong protests, the Syrian civil war, and cryptocurrency manipulation. In each of these cases, we detect networks of coordinated Twitter accounts by examining their identities, images, hashtag sequences, retweets, or temporal patterns. The proposed approach proves to be broadly applicable to uncover different kinds of coordination across information warfare scenarios.
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Lubis, Anita, Muhammad Arif Nasution, and Heri Kusmanto. "Peran Kepala Desa dalam Pemilihan Kepala Daerah Kabupaten Deli Serdang Tahun 2018." JPPUMA Jurnal Ilmu Pemerintahan dan Sosial Politik Universitas Medan Area 7, no. 2 (November 29, 2019): 196. http://dx.doi.org/10.31289/jppuma.v7i2.3008.
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<table cellspacing="0" cellpadding="0"><tbody><tr><td align="left" valign="top"><h1>The village is the smallest area in the Indonesian government structure that currently has a significant role and function in every social activity, both in the political, social, economic and legal contexts. The purpose of this study is to explain how the role of the village head and village apparatus in the implementation of regional head elections. This research uses a qualitative method with case studies. Data were obtained through in-depth interviews with village heads, village officials, community leaders, and also through literature studies. This study draws the conclusion that the role of the village head is very important in the implementation of regional head elections, particularly in relation to increasing the number of participation and managing potential conflicts in the community in the contestation of the campaign by the campaign team even though the election was carried out by only one pair of candidates against the empty box. The campaign will still be carried out by the winning team of candidates, at the same time the process of socialization and the program to increase voter turnout will also continue to be carried out by village officials in collaboration with election commision.</h1></td></tr></tbody></table>
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Sun, Hong-liang, Eugene Ch’ng, and Simon See. "Influential spreaders in the political Twitter sphere of the 2013 Malaysian general election." Industrial Management & Data Systems 119, no. 1 (February 4, 2019): 54–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/imds-09-2017-0409.
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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to investigate political influential spreaders in Twitter at the juncture before and after the Malaysian General Election in 2013 (MGE2013) for the purpose of understanding if the political sphere within Twitter reflects the intentions, popularity and influence of political figures in the year in which Malaysia has its first “social media election.” Design/methodology/approach A Big Data approach was used for acquiring a series of longitudinal data sets during the election period. The work differs from existing methods focusing on the general statistics of the number of followers, supporters, sentiment analysis, etc. A retweeting network has been extracted from tweets and retweets and has been mapped to a novel information flow and propagation network we developed. The authors conducted quantitative studies using k-shell decomposition, which enables the construction of a quantitative Twitter political propagation sphere where members posited at the core areas are more influential than those in the outer circles and periphery. Findings The authors conducted a comparative study of the influential members of Twitter political propagation sphere on the election day and the day after. The authors found that representatives of political parties which are located at the center of the propagation network are winners of the presidential election. This may indicate that influential power within Twitter is positively related to the final election results, at least in MGE2013. Furthermore, a number of non-politicians located at the center of the propagation network also significantly influenced the election. Research limitations/implications This research is based on a large electoral campaign in a specific election period, and within a predefined nation. While the result is significant and meaningful, more case studies are needed for generalized application for identifying potential winning candidates in future social-media fueled political elections. Practical implications The authors presented a simple yet effective model for identifying influential spreaders in the Twitter political sphere. The application of the authors’ approach yielded the conclusion that online “coreness” score has significant influence to the final offline electoral results. This presents great opportunities for applying the novel methodology in the upcoming Malaysian General Election in 2018. The discovery presented here can be used for understanding how different players of political parties engage themselves in the election game in Twitter. The approach can also be adopted as a factor of influence for offline electoral activities. The conception of a quantitative approach in electoral results greatly influenced by social media means that comparative studies could be made in future elections. Originality/value Existing works related to general elections of various nations have either bypassed or ignored the subtle links between online and offline influential propagations. The modeling of influence from social media using a longitudinal and multilayered approach is also rarely studied. This simple yet effective method provides a new perspective of practice for understanding how different players behave and mutually shape each other over time in the election game.