Dissertations / Theses: 'Elections – Case studies'

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Groves, Beth Ann. "Real Representation| Case Studies of Forces that Changed Municipal Elections in Select California Cities." Thesis, University of La Verne, 2019. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=13805820.

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Purpose. This research sought to explore the factors that influenced the policy decision to change a city council electoral system from an at-large structure to a by-district structure. The structure of the electoral system impacts representation in that it creates the rules and requirements as to how people are elected and who can vote for them. This study provided context for local government decision making. This context provides decision makers and citizens alike with insight into the degree of influence exerted in the public policy process by internal and external forces.

Theoretical Framework. Three lenses were used: social exchange (Blau, 2017), focusing events (Birkland, 2013; Kingdon, 2003) and Force Field Analysis (Lewin, 1951)) to describe the interaction of theory in explaining the antecedent factors, focusing events, and forces that were present during the local decision-making process.

Methodology. This was a descriptive, multiple case study design. It looked at multiple cities in an effort to identify the driving and restraining forces that led to changing a specific public policy. Specifically, it conducted content analysis and applied Lewin’s force field analysis to public documents in an effort to understand the antecedent factors leading to the change in the structure of the electoral system in select California cities.

Findings/Conclusions. Both driving and restraining forces were evident in the policy process for change. Four categories of forces were identified: social, political, economic and legal. In the case of the change to a By-District Voting system taking place throughout California, the community itself has not necessarily identified a problem in need of a solution. Rather, a lawsuit—or threat of a lawsuit—is the impetus for change—wanted or not. Given that the focusing event for the voting system policy change examined in this research is litigation, most discussion and input takes place behind closed doors with input being from attorneys and city management staff. While this is important in order to create legislative strategy, it does omit input from the citizens who will be impacted by the decisions. Therefore, the question remains, once fully implemented, will the change in the structure of the electoral system bring “better” representation?

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Asperholm, Hedlund Laura. "Identifying and Understanding Anti-Immigration Disinformation : a case study of the 2018 Swedish national elections." Thesis, Försvarshögskolan, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:fhs:diva-8595.

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The purpose of this study is to understand to what extent and how anti-immigration disinformation was utilised in Swedish online news media before the 2018 Swedish national elections. Disinformation is intentionally misleading or false information that benefits the creator and aims to influence how people think, feel and act regarding a certain issue. The analytical framework used in this study was based on theory and previous research. Disinformation can adopt different strategies: constructive, disruptive or distractive. Research also suggests that disinformation can be categorized into different types: fabrication, manipulation, misappropriation, propaganda, satire and parody. This study analyzed 123 articles from different online news media from ten days before the election up until election day. Using qualitative content analysis this study showed that 20 percent of the articles contained anti-immigration disinformation. All of those articles were found in far-right online news media where almost 50 percent of the published articles during the examined time period contained disinformation. All different types were found, but misappropriation, fabrication and propaganda were most common. About half of the articles containing disinformation used a constructive strategy and about one third used a disruptive strategy. A bit more than one third of the articles had a combination of two or more types and strategies. The results indicate that disinformation can indeed constitute a problem, especially for those who seek information on far-right platforms. This study unveils a polarized debate on immigration with a lion's share of the disinformation coming from far-right online news media, while the mainstream media only publish very few critical articles on immigration. As research shows that a negative framing of immigration can affect attitudes, and by extension voting behaviour, further research to examine the effects of anti-immigration disinformation on voter behaviour and election results is needed. Especially in light of a diminished trust in democratic institutions, a growing demand for populism and increasing support for anti-immigration parties.

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Travis, Rosemary Fechner. "Differences in School Districts' Decision-Making Processes Before and After Tax Limitation Elections: A Case Study." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1990. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc331870/.

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Using a case study approach, this investigation focused on the decision-making processes involved in developing budgets in two Texas school districts following a tax limitation, or rollback, election. Factors influencing the decision-making processes included the rollback election's outcome in each district, the participants, the perceptions participants held of themselves, the perceptions participants held of others in the district and community, the decisions made, and the factors influencing participants' decisions. Two Texas school districts were selected as subjects of this study which used qualitative data collection methods. In one school district, the rollback election passed. In the other, it failed. Data collection included observations of school board meetings and budget workshops. Structured interviews of school board members and administrators, pro- and antirollback proponents, and newspaper editors were conducted. Questions focused on the budgetary decision-making processes before and after the rollback elections. They also solicited information fromsubjects regarding rollback elections, the factors precipitating the rollback elections and the impact of the rollback election campaign upon each school district. Document analyses were triangulated with the observations and interviews to identify the factors influencing the budgetary decision-making process. Following the rollback elections, school officials in both districts adopted a conservative approach to budgetary decision-making. In both districts, school board members and administrators listened more carefully to citizens' concerns. Citizen finance committees were formed in both districts following the rollback elections to receive community input into the 1989-90 budgets. The decision-making processes in both districts were influenced by school board members' and administrators' personal philosophies, the presence or absence of long-range district goals, and pressures to finance unfunded and underfunded state mandates. The budget documents produced in both districts following the rollback elections reflected a commitment to funding curricular rather than extracurricular programs. School officials protected teachers' and support staffers' salaries, recognizing the importance of maintaining employee morale.

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Suddason, Kelvin. "Rethinking Rhetoric: An investigation of political persuasion online. A case study of Mauritian electoral interviews livestreamed on Facebook." Master's thesis, Faculty of Humanities, 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/33038.

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The live-commenting feature Facebook Live offers a unique look into how persuasion operates online. By giving citizen-users, or the viewertariat (see Anstead & O'Loughlin, 2011), the opportunity to comment on live political performances, Facebook Live presents a worthy site of investigation into how traditionally-powerful performer-persuaders (electoral candidates) now face off with traditionally-excluded masses of audience-persuadees (citizen-users). The livestream then becomes a mediated space of contestation, where the boundaries between persuader-persuadee and performer-audience fades, where, this study proposes, persuadee becomes persuader, rendering, in the process, the traditional persuader less persuasive, and thus less powerful. The study sought to understand how electoral persuasion operates online in Mauritius by using the Facebook livestreamed interviews of three candidates (incumbent, long-time, and first-time candidate) running in the December 2017 By-Election. A combined rhetorical and content analysis was conducted on candidates' representative claims (see Saward, 2006) and the viewertariat responses to these claims. This study finds that candidates employ a self-centred rhetoric, focusing on their ‘candidateness' rather than their representativeness, which, this study proposes, has ramifications on how candidates approach politics in contemporary Mauritius. The study also finds that the viewertariat is actively engaged in counter-persuasion, constructing their own (re)representative claims and exchanging primarily with other viewertariat members and lurkers (see Hill & Hughes, 1997). The viewertariat exhibits horizontal persuasion which, this study discusses, dilutes the vertical persuasion employed by candidates. The overall findings lead to the conclusion that rhetoric as a theoretical framework must be extended to adequately capture the persuasive dynamics in online electoral public spheres. A new theoretical framework is finally proposed, with the tripartite distinction between performer-text-audience rearranged to include performer-persuasive text-viewertariat-lurkers, and complemented with an argument as to the growing conceptual obsolescence of the ‘audience' in studying rhetoric online.

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Zake, Susan K. "Obama, Interactivity and the Millennials: A Case Study." Kent State University / OhioLINK, 2011. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=kent1323223506.

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Leys, Emily H. "It's now or never for South African Women": A case study of The African National Congress' Adoption of a Quota for women on their party lists in the South African Elections of 1994." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/3736.

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Mabotja, Mpheta Samuel. "An evaluation of the integration of the 'white' town of Pietersburg and the 'black' township of Seshego after the local government elections of 1995." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/52105.

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Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2001.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The emergence of urban systems in South Africa was from the start shaped by racial bias. The black people of this country were refused any form of participation in town planning. To aggravate the situation, urban space was manipulated in a manner that each racial group had its own residential space. The manipulation of urban space gave rise to what is called "the Apartheid City." This "Apartheid city" is characterised by stark contrast in development between a well-serviced, first world town lying side by side with underserviced third world townships. The "Apartheid City" of Pietersburg-Seshego has been undergoing restructuring since 1990. The Local Government Transitional Act (LGTA) has served as an intervention whereby the two formerly unequal areas had to integrate and become one city. The central aim of this study is to evaluate, by using a series of indicators, the integration level that has been achieved since 1995, i.e. since the first local government elections. The study will focus on three key areas to reflect the level of integration, namely, land use patterns, ward demarcation, and integration of personnel. The main conclusion is that though one council has been formed where there were previously two, spatial inequalities and racially-based ward demarcations between the former Pietersburg town and the former Seshego township persist. On the other hand, personnel drawn from the administrations of former white Pietersburg and former Lebowa civil service has not been fully integrated. The former Pietersburg municipality personnel is still white male dominated in both senior and middle management levels while the former Lebowa personnel is black male dominated found in the lowest levels of the TLC structure.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die ontstaan van metropolitaanse sisteme in Suid Arfika was nog altyd gekenmerk deur rasse bevooroordeling. Die swart bevolking van Suid Afrika was nog altyd in die verlede uitgesluit van deelname aan stadsbeplanning. Om die situasie nog te vererger, was metropolitaanse areas op so 'n wyse gemanipuleer, dat groepe van verskillende rasse elk hul eie residensiële allokasie gehad het. Hierdie manipulasie van metropolitaanse areas het die ontstaan van die "apartheidstad" tot gevolg gehad. Hierdie "apartheidstad" word gekenmerk deur 'n skerp kontras in ontwikkeling tussen 'n goed voorsiene eerste wêreld deel aan die een kant en 'n swak voorsiene derde wêreld deel aan die ander kant. Die "apartheidstad" van Pietersburg - Seshego het sedert 1990 herstrukturering ondergaan, Die "Plaaslike Owerheidsoorgangs Wet" het gedien as 'n middelom twee histories ongelyke areas te integreer om een stad te vorm. Die doelwit van hierdie studie is om die vlak van integrasie sedert 1995 te evalueer deur gebruik te maak van sekere indikatore. Die studie fokus op drie aspekte wat die vlak van integrasie weerspieël naamlik grondgebruikspatrone, wykafbakening en personeel integrering. Die belangrikste gevolge is dat daar nou een plaaslike raad is waar daar voorheen twee was terwyl ruimtelike ongelykhede en ras gebaseerde wyksafbakening nog steeds plaasvind tussen Pietersburg en die vorige Seshego nedersetting. Die nuwe personeelstruktuur - wat bestaan hoofsaaklik uit voormalige wit lede van die Pietersburg raad en hoofsaaklik swart lede van die voormalige Lebowa staatsdiens - is nog nie ten volle geintegreerd nie. Die personeel van die Pietersburg Munisipaliteit is nog steeds oorwegend wit en manlik gedomineerd in beide die middel en senior bestuursposte en die Lebowa personeel is hoofsaaklik swart en manlik gedomineerd in die laer pos bekleding in die struktuur van die nuwe plaaslike regeringstruktuur.

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Rottwilm, Philipp Moritz. "Electoral system reform in early democratisers : strategic coordination under different electoral systems." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:6c3ebcf9-f25b-4ce8-a837-619230729c33.

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On the basis of case studies of 19th and early 20th century Germany, Sweden and the Netherlands, I address the question of how and when incumbent right elites reformed electoral systems under a rising political threat from the left. Some states adopted proportional representation (PR) earlier than others. Why did different states adopt PR at different times? One important factor was the existing electoral system before the adoption of PR. This has been missed in academic research since most scholars have assumed that the electoral system in place before the adoption of PR in most Western European states was single-member plurality (SMP). I show that the system in place prior to PR in most Western European states was not SMP but a two-round system (TRS). TRS effects are still poorly understood by political scientists. I argue that both PR and TRS were used as safeguards by the parties on the right against an electoral threat from the left, which originated from the expansion of suffrage. PR was used as a last resort after other safeguards had been exhausted. I state that in the presence of a strong left threat, countries with TRS could wait longer to implement PR than countries with SMP in place. Under TRS, the adoption of PR was considerably delayed since electoral coordination between parties could be applied more effectively than under SMP systems. This was largely due to the increase of information and time after the first round of TRS elections, which was used by right parties to coordinate votes around the most promising candidate before the second round. First round results under TRS were used as an "electoral opinion poll". Based on these results, the right could react more effectively than the left in order to improve outcomes in round two.

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Carpenter, Joshua David. "Democracy and the disengaged : a multi-dimensional study of voter mobilization in Alabama." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2016. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:a2c1f070-db85-465c-b3e5-f55ddbe01438.

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This thesis investigates if and how poor, mostly minority citizens can be mobilized by a campaign whose principal policy objective would materially enhance their lives by including them in a major public program. The question is put to the test through a multi-dimensional study of voter mobilization in Alabama during the 2014 election for Governor. At stake in the election was whether Alabama would expand Medicaid through the Affordable Care Act in Alabama, an issue emblematic of "submergedness" (Mettler, 2011). In order to understand the extent to which the policy was submerged - measured by knowledge and awareness of the policy, along with its key provisions - I distributed a survey to 868 Alabamians weeks before the election. The survey used the experimental design of conjoint analysis to test which aspects of the policy were most persuasive among the target population. Additionally, I performed a randomized field experiment across the four major metropolitan areas of Alabama, micro-targeting 6,021 registered voters living in the "Coverage Gap," citizens who could gain health insurance if Medicaid were expanded. The campaign yielded negligible effects on voter turnout among subjects in the Coverage Gap, even though the interventions shifted voter knowledge, 'surfacing' the policy. In addition to the survey and field experiments, this research benefits from qualitative insights gathered in 22 semi-structured interviews conducted among poor Alabamians, many of whom were uninsured. From these interviews, it became clear that the political disengagement of the poor is deeply entrenched, prohibitive of policy-based mobilization. Disengagement is driven by a complex mix of barriers to registration and perceptions of political inefficacy based on interpretations of extant policy designs. These results have important implications for our understanding of the limitations of policy-based mobilization, suggesting that more attention must be paid to how current policies shape predispositions for mobilization.

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Mukumbi, wa Nyembo Jules. "Multi-party elections in Southern Africa : the cases of Namibia and Mozambique, 1989-1999." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/11201.

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Includes bibliographical references.
This dissertation essentially examines the context and the conduct of elections held in the southern African region, particularly in Namibia and Mozambique between 1989 and 1999. These elections crystallized a wider process of democratization during the last decade, in which attempts were made to shift from various forms of authoritarian rule (colonial or racial oligarchies, military regimes, one-party states, or presidential rule) to pluralist parliamentary politics. This study is divided into two parts. The first part deals with the post-conflict elections. In this case the international community has assisted Namibia and Mozambique in various ways. The second part focuses on the electoral management in both states, with particular emphasis on the running of the second multiparty general elections. This study is divided into two parts. The first part deals with the post-conflict elections. In this case the international community has assisted Namibia and Mozambique in various ways. The second part focuses on the electoral management in both states, with particular emphasis on the running of the second multiparty general elections.

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Doyle, Daniel S. "A Discourse-Proceduralist Case for Election and Media Reform after Citizens United." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1339711190.

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Rival, Jean-baptiste, and Joey Walach. "The Use of Viral Marketing in Politics : A Case Study of the 2007 French Presidential Election." Thesis, Jönköping University, JIBS, Business Administration, 2009. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hj:diva-9664.

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The aim of this study is to explore the implementation of viral marketing in Politics. We led a case study in order to discover how viral techniques were used to promote candidates running for the 2007 French election. The review of previous research provided learning about the use of new communication methods in electoral campaigns.Nevertheless, they are not specifically devoted to the viral marketing method. At present, theoretical models about this new phenomenon exist only for business sectors. Viral marketing is becoming of greater importance in the promotion of a candidate's brand image. It was interesting to discover how marketing techniques are transferred into the field of politics. Through our theoretical framework we analysed results from our interview with a webmaster who works for the Nicolas Sarkozy's political party. We explained the role of viral marketing in the communication strategy of politicians. Thanks to the focus group, we assessed the impact of viral marketing among French voters. The results show that it generates a word-of-mouth campaign about the candidate's personality which results in a political "Buzz". This high media coverage heavily influences the voters who are highly sensitive to image branding. However, the counterpart of using viral marketing is the lack of control that candidates maintain over their image. For example, the spreading of undesirable videos could harm their credibility. Finally, our study shows that modern politics is appealing for viral marketing in order to shape the political leader's image, which constitutes a determinant factor to influence voters.

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Persson, Nääf Jennifer. "Substantive Representation seen through the Instersectional Lens of Gender & Ethnicity : A case study on how a women from a minority navigates her presidential campaign within the context of the Mexican Election 2018." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-381941.

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Montiegel, Kristella Marie. ""First"-Matters: Projecting the Displacement of Responses to Questions in the Context of Presidential Primary-Campaign Debates." PDXScholar, 2017. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/3836.

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This thesis takes a conversation-analytic approach examining the pragmatic functions of the linguistic marker "first (off/of all)" in second-pair-part (i.e., responsive) position relative to questions. Using data from question-answer sequences in the 2015-2016 U.S. Presidential Republican primary debates, I propose six claims regarding the composition, position, and action of what is referred to as the practice of "First"-prefacing. Analysis reveals that "First"-prefacing projects the displacement of a response (conforming or non-conforming) to a question. In projecting the displacement of a response, "First"-prefacing does two things: (1) it projects that the unit(s) of talk to come immediately next will be something other than a response, and thus this "first" matter should not be heard as being designedly "responsive" to the question; and (2) it claims that a conditionally relevant response to the question is forthcoming after the "first" matter is resolved. Debaters largely used "First"-prefacing to temporarily "get out from under" a question's conditional relevancies in order to "reach back" beyond the question and perform actions more properly sequentially fitted to earlier portions of the debate (e.g., defend themselves, make additional comments, counter-criticize other debaters). The more general function of "First"-prefacing as a misplacement marker is discussed, and its existence in ordinary conversation is briefly demonstrated.

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Bäckström, Mattias, and Måns Helldin. "Är äldreomsorgen möjlig att påverka vid valurnan? : En studie om den politiska majoritetens effekt på kostnaden för och kvaliteten inom äldreomsorgen i svenska kommuner." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Nationalekonomiska institutionen, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-435038.

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Ett sedan länge betraktat problem inom politisk ekonomi är om, och i så fall i vilken utsträckning, politiska partier påverkar ekonomiska policyutfall. Syftet med studien är att undersöka om det rådande politiska majoritetsförhållandet i kommunfullmäktige har en effekt på kostnaderna för och kvaliteten inom en verksamhet som kommit att hamna allt högre på den politiska dagordningen under coronapandemin – äldreomsorgen. Studien tar avstamp i teoretiska utgångspunkter i form av medianväljarteoremet och citizen candidate-modellen. I syfte att estimera effekten av den politiska majoriteten på äldreomsorgen tillämpas en skarp regression discontinuity (RD) design för två kostnadsmått och två kvalitetsmått; antalet fallskador bland personer 80 år och äldre per 1 000 invånare samt brukarbedömning avseende äldreomsorg i särskilt boende. Resultatet visar att en vänsterblocksmajoritet är associerad med drygt 23 procent högre kostnader för äldreomsorg i kronor per invånare samt drygt sex procentenheters lägre nivå i fråga om brukarbedömning än jämfört med andra partikonstellationer. Resultaten är dock inte stabila över olika ekonometriska specifikationer och ytterligare studier skulle därmed behövas för att säkrare kunna belägga ett eventuellt samband.

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Tay, Geniesa. "Embracing LOLitics: Popular Culture, Online Political Humor, and Play." Thesis, University of Canterbury. Media and Communication, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/7091.

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The Internet, and Web 2.0 tools can empower audiences to actively participate in media creation. This allows the production of large quantities of content, both amateur and professional. Online memes, which are extensions of usually citizen-created viral content, are a recent and popular example of this. This thesis examines the participation of ordinary individuals in political culture online through humor creation. It focuses on citizen-made political humor memes as an example of engaged citizen discourse. The memes comprise of photographs of political figures altered either by captions or image editing software, and can be compared to more traditional mediums such as political cartoons, and 'green screens' used in filmmaking. Popular culture is often used as a 'common language' to communicate meanings in these texts. This thesis thus examines the relationship between political and popular culture. It also discusses the value of 'affinity spaces', which actively encourage users to participate in creating and sharing the humorous political texts. Some examples of the political humor memes include: the subversion of Vladimir Putin's power by poking fun at his masculine characteristics through acts similar to fanfiction, celebrating Barack Obama’s love of Star Wars, comparing a candid photograph of John McCain to fictional nonhuman creatures such as zombies using photomanipulation, and the wide variety of immediate responses to Osama bin Laden's death. This thesis argues that much of the idiosyncratic nature of the political humor memes comes from a motivation that lies in non-serious play, though they can potentially offer legitimate political criticism through the myths 'poached' from popular culture.

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ZAVADSKAYA, Margarita. "When elections subvert authoritarianism : failed cooptation and Russian post-electoral protests of 2011-12." Doctoral thesis, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/48004.

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Defence date: 15 September 2017
Examining Board: Prof. Alexander H. Trechsel, University of Lucerne (EUI Supervisor); Prof. Grigorii V. Golosov, European University at Saint Petersburg (External Supervisor); Prof. Jennifer Gandhi, Emory University; Prof. Hanspeter Kriesi, European University Institute
One of the widely shared features of modern autocracies is the presence of democratically-designed institutions. Elections, referendums, legislatures, and parties are the essential institutions 'bydefault'. Political regimes that have introduced nation wide elections have become the predominant type of political regimes in the contemporary world.

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Chang, Rong-Tzu, and 張容慈. "Strategic Voting and Electoral Systems: Case Studies of Elections in Taiwan, 1994-2014." Thesis, 2016. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/5vvxjp.

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碩士
國立臺灣大學
政治學研究所
104
This paper studies strategic voting of the five important elections in Taiwan from 1994 to 2014. These elections include three mayoral elections in Taipei City (1994, 1998 and 2006), one mayoral election in Kaohsiung City (2010) and presidential election in 2000. The major political parties include Kuomintang (KMT), Democratic Progressive Party (DPP), and the so-called pan-blue political parties that withdrawn from KMT while remain aligned to KMT. In these selected cases, despite of single-member district, if there are more than two candidates, it is probable to appear strategic voting, but it is not successful every time. The following are the key findings of this paper: 1.There are two patterns of strategic voting. First, strategic voting are successful in cases involving giving up a weaker candidate in favour of a stronger substitute. Second, strategic voting fails in cases which poll rates of target candidates are close. 2.There are three important factors that influence the outcome of strategic voting. First, the target candidates’ rank in opinion polls may determine the result of strategic voting. Second, inconsistant poll results during a campaign period may disrupt the decision making process of voters, which lead to fail strategic voting. Third, the result of strategic voting hinges on whether the target candidates are viable substitutes.

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Matemba, Doreen. "The paradox of political legitimacy?: Zimbabwe’s global political agreement of 15 September 2008 and the subsequent government of national unity." Diss., 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/25137.

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Includes bibliographical references (leaves 135-150)
It is increasingly becoming apparent that elections, as component parts of democratic processes, do not always guarantee a smooth transfer of power and stable democratic cultures in many contemporary polities. Whenever election outcomes are disputed, Governments of National Unity (GNU) are presented as strategic conflict prevention and resolution models. Yet, the GNU’s ability to nurture democracy in situations where it remains weak or non-existent is extremely limited. This dissertation therefore uses Zimbabwe’s case study to examine how its recent internal political turmoil had overwhelming implications for its legitimacy and democracy. Through qualitative research, the study reveals that despite partially reconciling Zimbabwe’s political protagonists, the GNU neither permanently resolved the crisis nor addressed significant related issues; thus, creating a paradox of legitimacy for the country. The dissertation concludes with recommendations for further research on matters of legitimacy in power-sharing scenarios such as Zimbabwe’s.
Political Sciences
M.A. (International politics)

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Hung, yao-nan, and 洪耀南. "The Application and Empirical Studies of Prediction Markets:A Case Study of the 2014 Taiwan Magistrate and Mayoral Elections." Thesis, 2015. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/nram46.

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碩士
國立臺灣大學
國家發展研究所
103
Opinion poll has been the most widely used way to conduct election prediction. However, recently prediction market has become another important prediction mechanism, attracting the literature to compare the accuracy of the two prediction methods. According to trading data of the Exchange of Future Events and opinion polls collected by this study, this paper analyzes the prediction results of the 2014 magistrate and mayoral election in Taiwan, and compares the prediction accuracies on this election between prediction markets and poll institutions. For prediction contracts on election winners, the weighted average prices of prediction markets are positive and statistically significant on the ratio of winning elections and can be regarded as the candidates'' probability of winning elections. In addition, based on indicators of correctness rate, precision rate, hit rate, false alarm rate and Kuipers score, predictive power of prediction markets on election winners is obviously higher than that of poll institutions. For prediction on vote shares, predictive power of prediction markets is higher than that of poll institutions within 28 days before the election, and prediction accuracy of prediction markets is getting higher along with approaching the expiration of the contracts. Nevertheless, we also agree that opinion survey can help researchers conduct covariance analysis, which can be both used to reinforce the findings of prediction market and opinion survey.

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Ndhlovu, Nothando. "The role of bloggers in the construction of Zimbabwean national identities : a case study of three Zimbabwean blogs during the 2008 presidential elections." Thesis, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10413/8560.

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Blogging continues to get attention in the field of communication studies for reasons such as its differences with traditional media and its various effects in societies. The first part of this dissertation provides the reader with a background of the use of the Internet in Zimbabwe highlighting how it has offered individuals a platform to publish their own content, thus increasing the documentation of the 2008 Zimbabwean elections. This research analyses how national identity and the construction thereof emerges from online personal narratives. The research also investigates the discourses shaping the country‘s identities such as humanitarian, anti-Mugabe and democratic discourses that emerge from the blogs and how these blogs communicate events that occurred during the polls. This dissertation is primarily concerned with how citizens have arguably become recognized as sources of information and how Zimbabwe is perceived. Finally, the blogs are critically examined for how they create spaces of resistance. I argue that the blogs challenged and destabilized the older patterns of identity creation within Zimbabwe. Whereas national identity constructions have been largely a result of the majority or ruling class, the production of counter discourses in the blogs suggests that at an individual level, citizens use the Internet as a platform to express their dissent and do not automatically internalize these projected national identities.
Thesis (M.A.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 2011.

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Chigando, Lesole John. "The use of Automated Fingerprint Identification System in identifying fraudulent voters’ registration in Lesotho." Diss., 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/26475.

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The research was prompted by constant criticism of the Independent Electoral Commission (IEC) because of its poor voter registration and voters’ roll. Free and fair elections are the strong arm of democracy. The identified research problem was investigated by means of qualitative research. A thorough literature study from various sources of information, a case file analysis and structured interviews were used to gather the required data. The interviews were conducted with fingerprint experts, a data processor and constituency electoral assistants from the Lesotho Mounted Police Service, the National Identity and Civil Registry at the Ministry of Home Affairs and the IEC respectively. It was found that using fingerprints and the Automated Fingerprint Identification System (AFIS) can assist in investigations and in combating voter’s fraud, as fingerprints are unique. AFIS can be utilised for various purposes by institutions in the private and public sectors. Like any apparatus, AFIS has its own strengths and weaknesses.
Criminology and Security Science
M. Tech. (Forensic investigation)

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Sovka, Roseanne M. "Interest group involvement in constituency election campaigns." Thesis, 1993. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/1468.

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This study explores the range and variance of interest group activity in constituency campaigns in the 1988 federal election as reported in the Constituency Party Association dataset created in 1991 for the Royal Commission on Electoral Reform and Party Financing. SPSSPC+ was used to analyze the relationships between variables in four main areas: political party affiliation, geographic variables, constituency association characteristics, and the specific issues the interest groups were promoting or opposing. The most significant finding was that interest groups were actively involved in half of the riding association election campaigns, either supporting or opposing local candidates. The cursory treatment of electoral involvement in the interest group literature provides an inadequate explanation for this widespread phenomena. This study provides an initial profile of interest group involvement in constituency campaigns. The exploration of the data revealed that interest groups were more likely to be involved in the local campaigns of candidates associated with the governing party. They were less likely to be involved in Quebec constituency campaigns, and more likely in wealthy competitive riding campaigns. The most frequently mentioned issues that motivated interest groups locally were abortion, followed by free trade.

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周敏鴻. "Election Campaign and Issue Response Strategies: Two case studies in the 2000 Presidential Election." Thesis, 2000. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/09903411117584679939.

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Chang, Yi, and 張義. "Studies on Political Donation of Presidential Election in Taiwan ~Case of the 13th Presidential Election." Thesis, 2015. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/t356fn.

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碩士
國立臺灣大學
國家發展研究所
103
Researchers who study elections are particularly interested in prediction of electoral outcome, while Political Donation are pivotal to elections. With Political Donation having relatively objective basis, a donor must feel strong support for a candidate to contribute financially, whose quantification enables a researcher to examine such behavior with relatively certain statistical inference. Despite gender being another subject gradually studied in politics, one wonders if gender also occupies a special realm in Political Donation. With the first female candidate Tsai Ing-wen having run for the 13th presidency of Taiwan, the question is whether a gender gap plays a role in Political Donation. Earlier presidential elections in Taiwan have always seen distinct differences in north-Vs-south voting for the two parties, which also sets the stage to examine the correlation between such geographical differences and sums, numbers of Political Donation for the Kuomintang and Democratic Progressive Party. The results show that the female gender of Tsai, also candidate of the DPP in the race, actually did not clearly influence Political Donation in the presidential election, instead reflected the underlying politics. There were also municipal concentrations in Political Donation from individuals and corporations, with such trends being more pronounced between city and smaller towns (or villages). The original hypothesis of Political Donation in presidential elections being related to Taiwan’s geopolitical uniqueness to show a north-Vs-south gap has been disproven with statistical analysis, to reveal instead a correlation to regional or local residents’ financial capacity.

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Neto, José Leandro Miguel. "A influência do facebook na decisão de voto: um estudo de caso da eleição presidencial brasileira de 2018." Master's thesis, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/10437/12078.

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Orientação: Miguel Nuno Vieira de Carvalho d´Abreu Varela
As redes sociais têm desempenhado, progressivamente, um papel crucial enquanto canais de comunicação de diversas instituições e agentes, dentre eles, os candidatos políticos. Dentro do cenário de Marketing Político, o Facebook se apresenta como uma alternativa amplamente utilizada em campanhas eleitorais, de forma a atrair, auxiliar e influenciar eleitores ao redor do mundo. Embora haja concordância generalizada de que a rede social desempenhe um papel de relevância nos períodos eleitorais, o real impacto deste canal de comunicação na decisão de voto permanece discutível dentro da literatura, possivelmente por sua dificuldade de mensuração. Assim, o presente estudo se propôs a investigar a influência que o Facebook tem na decisão de voto dos eleitores, através de um estudo de caso sobre a eleição presidencial brasileira de 2018. Para que se conseguisse responder às questões de investigação, a metodologia utilizada consistiu em pesquisa quantitativa, através de um inquérito por questionário e respectiva análise das respostas. O tratamento dos dados recolhidos foi realizado utilizando como recurso o Excel, compatível com versão Windows 10. A amostra reúne 206 respondentes, tendo a sua quase totalidade conta de utilizador no Facebook. A presente investigação concluiu que, socialmente, os eleitores confirmam a influência que o Facebook desempenha sobre a decisão de voto. Contudo, no âmbito pessoal, a maior parcela dos inquiridos tende a afirmar que a rede social não desempenha influência sobre sua decisão de voto. Ademais, percebe-se que o Facebook aparenta perder força frente a outros canais de comunicação, como demais redes sociais e sites oficiais dos candidatos, pois parte majoritária dos inquiridos afirma não considerar utilizar a rede social como fonte de informação que ajude a decisão de voto em eleições futura
Social networks have, progressively, played a crucial role as communication channels for various institutions and agents, including political candidates. Within the Political Marketing scenario, Facebook is presented as an alternative widely used in election campaigns, in order to attract, assist and influence voters all around the world. Although it is widely agreed that the social network plays a relevant role in electoral periods, the real impact of this communication channel on the voting decision remains debatable within the literature, probably due to the difficulty in measuring it. Thus, this study aimed to investigate the influence that Facebook has on voters' voting decision, through a case study on the 2018 Brazilian presidential election. In order to be able to answer the investigation questions, the methodology used consisted of quantitative research, through a questionnaire survey and respective analysis of responses. The collected data was analyzed using Excel, compatible with Windows 10 version, as a resource. The sample includes 206 respondents, almost all of whom have a Facebook user account. The present investigation concluded that, socially, voters confirm the influence that Facebook has on the voting decision. However, in the personal sphere, most respondents tend to affirm that the social network has no influence on their voting decision. In addition, it is clear that Facebook seems to lose strength in relation to other communication channels, such as other social networks and official candidates’ websites, as the majority of respondents say they do not consider using the social network as a source of information to help the voting decision in future elections.

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Neugebauerová, Aneta. "KDU-ČSL v krizi? Analýza vývoje strany v období 2009-2013." Master's thesis, 2018. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-384594.

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This thesis deals with the analysis of KDU-ČSL during the period from 2009 - 2013, when for the first time since its formation in 1919 this political party failed to obtain representation in the lower chamber of the Parliament of the Czech Republic. This representation was re-established in 2013, which is also a very unique phenomenon. The aim of the thesis is to analyse the development and changes within KDU-ČSL during this period using the official party documents and standardized interviews with selected members of KDU- ČSL. This information will allow me to come to a thought-out conclusion whether this period can be characterized as a crisis or not.

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jye-shean, Chang, and 張爝顯. "Opinion Survey in DPP''s Nomination Process---Case Studies on Party Primaries in Taipei''s Election of 2001 and 2002." Thesis, 2004. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/65731978068001026188.

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Pochopová, Nicole. "Analýza protiimigračních hnutí na území ČR: Blok proti islámu a Úsvit-národní koalice." Master's thesis, 2017. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-357453.

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The current situation in politics is defined by the success of new political parties and movements, which are developed as a result of economic recession combined with European migration crisis. However, can we consider them as extreme right? Are these parties and movements ideologically empty, populist and demagogic or they forming a completely new kind of political groups? This issue interferes with current Western world but also the countries of middle and Eastern Europe. Thus, although it might appear to be a well-known topic, it is worth further research. This thesis is focused on new subjects in the territory of Czech Republic (ÚPD, ÚNK, SPD, BPI, BPi, IMK, 7. Republika, ApČR, ČS). The aim of this thesis is prediction of the future of these subjects in Czech environment and whether or not they could be identified as extreme right. The theoretical framework is extreme right by C. Mudde, the theory of islamophobia by A. Quellien enriched by the view of F. Lopez. Then also the definition of populism by P. Taggart and F. Pianizzo, completed with identification signs by V. Havlík and A. Pinková. In this thesis, quality and quantity content analysis of parties documents, web pages and profiles on Facebook is performed. Also, the author uses semi-structured questionnaires and interviews with chosen...

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Elections – Case studies'

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