Relevant bibliographies by topics / Elections – Case studies

Academic literature on the topic 'Elections – Case studies'

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Published: 10 December 2022
Last updated: 11 March 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Elections – Case studies"

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Aldea, Claudiu-Bogdan. "Elections as a Mechanism of Peace. The Cases of Liberia and The Central African Republic." Studia Universitatis Babeș-Bolyai Studia Europaea 67, no. 2 (December 30, 2022): 57–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/subbeuropaea.2022.2.03.

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"The paper analyses the normative and empirical capacity of elections to function as a peace mechanism in the early stages of the recovery period. Accordingly, the analysis is based on a theoretical framework that draws attention to the timing of elections in post-conflict societies. Moreover, in order to operationalize such theoretical aspects, the paper focuses on two relevant case studies: the 1997 elections in Liberia (perceived as post-conflict) and the 2020-2021 elections in The Central African Republic (early peace process – not void of conflict). Accordingly, the paper poses the following research questions: How was the prospect of organizing these rounds of election received by the parties involved in the conflict? How did these rounds of election relate to the peace process? Do elections represent an adequate mechanism to achieve positive peace in post-conflict societies? Keywords: elections, peace studies, post-conflict development, peace building, systemic violence."
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Turnbull, Megan. "Elite Competition, Social Movements, and Election Violence in Nigeria." International Security 45, no. 3 (January 2021): 40–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/isec_a_00401.

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Election violence varies significantly within countries, yet how and why are undertheorized. Although existing scholarship has shown how national-level economic, institutional, and contextual factors increase a country's risk for violence during elections, these studies cannot explain why elites organize election violence in some localities but not others. An analysis of gubernatorial elections in Nigeria reveals the conditions under which elites recruit popular social-movement actors for pre-election violence. Gubernatorial elections are intensely competitive when agreements between governors and local ruling party elites over the distribution of state patronage break down. To oust their rivals and consolidate power, elites recruit popular reformist groups for pre-election violence and voter mobilization. Conversely, when local ruling-party elites are aligned over how state patronage is to be distributed, the election outcome is agreed to well in advance. In this scenario, there is little incentive to enlist social movement actors for violence. Case studies of the Ijaw Youth Council and Boko Haram provide empirical support for the argument. The theory and evidence help explain subnational variation in election violence as well as the relationship between intraparty politics and violence during elections, and speak to broader questions about political order and violence.
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Onapajo, Hakeem. "Violence and Votes in Nigeria: The Dominance of Incumbents in the Use of Violence to Rig Elections." Africa Spectrum 49, no. 2 (August 2014): 27–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000203971404900202.

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Which party uses violence to influence election outcomes? There are two existing perspectives that have offered responses to this critical question. One is a more popular position indicating that the incumbent party, more than the opposition party, makes use of violence with the aim of rigging elections; the other is a more radical perspective that suggests that electoral violence is more associated with the weakest party than with the incumbent. This paper seeks to contribute to the ongoing debate and to advance the argument suggesting the dominance of the incumbent in the use of violence to rig elections. With evidence sourced from well-trusted reports from independent election monitors, this paper shows with case studies from Nigeria at different electoral periods that, in terms of influencing election outcomes, the incumbent has been more associated with violence during elections than the opposition. It is further argued in the paper that the existing nature of executive power in Nigeria provides a plausible explanation for the incumbent's violence during elections.
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Slaski, Alexander. "Policy Signaling and Foreign Electoral Uncertainty: Implications for Currency Markets." International Studies Quarterly 65, no. 4 (October 7, 2021): 1124–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/isq/sqab078.

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Abstract This paper examines the effects of foreign electoral shocks on currency markets. I develop a theory of signaling and uncertainty to explain why elections in countries with close economic ties should affect exchange rates. Methodologically, this paper focuses on several case studies, with the 2016 US election as a central case. I utilize an event analysis framework to measure the impact of the election on the Mexican peso by exploiting the plausible exogeneity of Donald Trump's tweets. I also measure changes in the peso using Trump's predicted chance of winning the election and show that the peso is weakest when Trump has the highest chance of winning the election. In addition, I include a series of robustness checks and analyses of other notable recent cases when electoral uncertainty affected currencies in other countries, including the 2018 Brazilian election. The results quantify the effect of foreign elections on exchange rates, building on the existing literature that focuses on how domestic elections shape currency markets. I conclude with a discussion of the external validity of the phenomenon demonstrated by the cases in the paper, charting future research on the topic and outlining ways to extend the findings.
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Kalinin, Kirill. "Signaling Games of Election Fraud: A Case of Russia." Russian Politics 7, no. 2 (July 11, 2022): 210–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/24518921-00604018.

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Abstract Over the 2000s Russian elections have become increasingly unfree and unfair, characterized by suppression of electoral competition, rising levels of administrative interference and drastic growth of electoral frauds. In this paper I propose that the pattern of fraudulent elections in Russia can be explained by combining an idea about federalism with a game-theoretic model of the relationship between the Kremlin and a single regional governor. Specifically, election fraud becomes a basic signaling mechanism of regional bosses’ loyalty and of their ability to control the administrative resources to the Kremlin’s benefit. If electoral signaling occurs, data manipulation is most likely to take place with 0s and 5s in the last digit of rounded percentages of turnout and electoral support, which is the easiest and most readily detected way to report basic information to superiors. Based on the Russian electoral and financial data for 2000-2018, my analysis shows strong evidence of election fraud associated with the post-electoral interbudgetary transfers.
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Clarke, Harold D., and Alan C. Acock. "National Elections and Political Attitudes: The Case of Political Efficacy." British Journal of Political Science 19, no. 4 (October 1989): 551–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123400005639.

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Elections constitute a principal avenue of citizen involvement in political life, and knowledge of their effects on public attitudes towards the polity and the role of the individual therein has important implications for theories of democratic governance. One sucli attitude is political efficacy, ‘the feeling that individual political action does have, or can have, an impact on the political process’. Although many studies have documented that political efficacy is positively associated with electoral participation, the causal mechanisms involved are not well understood. Most researchers have simply assumed that the ‘causal arrow’ runs from efficacy to participation, i.e. from the attitude to the behaviour. Investigations of the hypothesis that the behaviour (participation) affects the attitude (efficacy) are rare. Rarer still are enquiries focusing on the impact of election outcomes on efficacy, and studies that examine both effects are virtually non-existent. In this Note covariance structure analysis is used to investigate the effects of voting, campaign activity and the outcomes of the 1984 national elections on political efficacy in the American electorate.
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Lefevere, Jonas. "The Impact of Election Campaigns on the Nationalization of Voting Behavior in Local Elections: A Case Study of the Antwerp Local Election Campaign." Urban Affairs Review 54, no. 4 (September 26, 2016): 761–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1078087416669825.

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Nonnational elections are at least partially determined by factors pertaining to the national level, which is problematic for the democratic functioning of these nonnational policy levels. Recent scholarly work has begun examining the impact of the election campaign on voters’ tendency to vote “nationally". However, these studies focus almost exclusively on European Union (EU) elections, and their findings may not be generalizable to other contexts. Moreover, they assume campaigns affect all voters similarly. In contrast, this study examines whether campaigns affect voters’ tendency to vote nationally in a local election, and whether partisan preferences condition the effect. These expectations are tested using panel survey data and a media content analysis collected during the 2012 Antwerp local election campaign. The results indicate that the campaign affected voters, making local considerations more important. However, the impact was conditional upon voters’ partisan preferences: When a party put more emphasis on the national context, voters preferring that party became more likely to rely on national considerations throughout the campaign.
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Hanan, Djayadi, and Deni Irvani. "The Coattail Effect in Multiparty Presidential Elections." Asian Survey 62, no. 2 (March 2022): 240–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2022.1501924.

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Many studies have been conducted about the presidential coattail effect in presidential democracies, but few have considered multiparty presidential elections. These few studies find that the effect does exist in multiparty presidential elections but their effect is unevenly distributed among the members of the party coalitions that nominate the presidential candidate. We follow these theoretical insights by presenting the case of Indonesia, the world’s largest multiparty presidential democracy. Using election result data and national survey data, including experimental surveys, we find that in Indonesia the size and direction of the presidential coattail effect depend on whether the party is a core or peripheral member of the coalition, its role in the coalition, and its size.
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Triantini, Zusiana Elly, and Masnun Masnun. "Use of Charitable Alms (Zakat) by Incumbent Candidates in Regional Elections in Indonesia (Two Case Studies)." PCD Journal 6, no. 1 (March 27, 2018): 61. http://dx.doi.org/10.22146/pcd.31791.

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This article seeks to expose incumbents' tendencies and strategies in using charitable alms (zakat) in regional elections in two areas. Strategies identified include determining binding regulations regarding the use of zakat money, as well as the positioning of persons considered loyal and strategic to incumbents within the leadership structures of zakat institutions. Meanwhile, incumbents worked to integrate and interconnect government programmes with local zakat distribution agencies and attracting public sympathies through the sharing of zakat funds. Incumbents benefit from their power and legitimacy, and can thus easily use zakat funds as an economic resource for gathering the support of zakat recipients (mustahiq[1]). With their power and legitimacy, incumbents are able to claim credit and thus enjoy greater popularity in their re-election campaigns. This power and legitimacy, as well as its benefits, are managed strategically and intelligently to avoid giving the impression of illegality and ease social acceptance. The findings of this research are opposite to those of Samantha May; where May has found that state dominance and control of zakat has met widespread resistance, this research has found that state dominance and control of zakat has not only been well-received by society, but has also had implications for politicians' role in zakat management and distribution. This research, conducted through observation and interviews with zakat distributors/recipients, indicates how clientelism is formed through the government zakat distribution agency (Badan Amil Zakat, 'Zakat Distribution Agency'), the structural/instrumental approaches used by incumbents, and the response of zakat recipients. This article takes two elections in two regions as case studies: Kulon Progo in the 2017 regional election and Magelang Regency in the 2013 regional election.
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Tessier, Charles, and Alexandre Blanchet. "Ballot Order in Cueless Elections: A Comparison of Municipal and Provincial Elections in Québec." Canadian Journal of Political Science 51, no. 1 (November 2, 2017): 83–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423917000701.

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AbstractThis paper studies the prevalence of ballot order effects in two different types of Canadian elections which differ greatly by the strength of party cues they provide to voters. Provincial elections are best described as a typical competition between well established and institutionalized parties, hence providing voters with strong party cues. Alternatively, municipal politics provide voters with much weaker party cues. We use electoral results from recent provincial and municipal elections in Québec and find ballot order effects in municipal elections but not in provincial ones. Although ballot order effects may also be the product of alphabetic preference bias, we argue that in any case these are cognitive biases that are ultimately the product of insufficient cues that voters need in order to cast well-informed votes. The paper, therefore, sheds some light on an understudied type of election in political science.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Elections – Case studies"

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Groves, Beth Ann. "Real Representation| Case Studies of Forces that Changed Municipal Elections in Select California Cities." Thesis, University of La Verne, 2019. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=13805820.

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Purpose. This research sought to explore the factors that influenced the policy decision to change a city council electoral system from an at-large structure to a by-district structure. The structure of the electoral system impacts representation in that it creates the rules and requirements as to how people are elected and who can vote for them. This study provided context for local government decision making. This context provides decision makers and citizens alike with insight into the degree of influence exerted in the public policy process by internal and external forces.

Theoretical Framework. Three lenses were used: social exchange (Blau, 2017), focusing events (Birkland, 2013; Kingdon, 2003) and Force Field Analysis (Lewin, 1951)) to describe the interaction of theory in explaining the antecedent factors, focusing events, and forces that were present during the local decision-making process.

Methodology. This was a descriptive, multiple case study design. It looked at multiple cities in an effort to identify the driving and restraining forces that led to changing a specific public policy. Specifically, it conducted content analysis and applied Lewin’s force field analysis to public documents in an effort to understand the antecedent factors leading to the change in the structure of the electoral system in select California cities.

Findings/Conclusions. Both driving and restraining forces were evident in the policy process for change. Four categories of forces were identified: social, political, economic and legal. In the case of the change to a By-District Voting system taking place throughout California, the community itself has not necessarily identified a problem in need of a solution. Rather, a lawsuit—or threat of a lawsuit—is the impetus for change—wanted or not. Given that the focusing event for the voting system policy change examined in this research is litigation, most discussion and input takes place behind closed doors with input being from attorneys and city management staff. While this is important in order to create legislative strategy, it does omit input from the citizens who will be impacted by the decisions. Therefore, the question remains, once fully implemented, will the change in the structure of the electoral system bring “better” representation?

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Asperholm, Hedlund Laura. "Identifying and Understanding Anti-Immigration Disinformation : a case study of the 2018 Swedish national elections." Thesis, Försvarshögskolan, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:fhs:diva-8595.

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The purpose of this study is to understand to what extent and how anti-immigration disinformation was utilised in Swedish online news media before the 2018 Swedish national elections. Disinformation is intentionally misleading or false information that benefits the creator and aims to influence how people think, feel and act regarding a certain issue. The analytical framework used in this study was based on theory and previous research. Disinformation can adopt different strategies: constructive, disruptive or distractive. Research also suggests that disinformation can be categorized into different types: fabrication, manipulation, misappropriation, propaganda, satire and parody. This study analyzed 123 articles from different online news media from ten days before the election up until election day. Using qualitative content analysis this study showed that 20 percent of the articles contained anti-immigration disinformation. All of those articles were found in far-right online news media where almost 50 percent of the published articles during the examined time period contained disinformation. All different types were found, but misappropriation, fabrication and propaganda were most common. About half of the articles containing disinformation used a constructive strategy and about one third used a disruptive strategy. A bit more than one third of the articles had a combination of two or more types and strategies. The results indicate that disinformation can indeed constitute a problem, especially for those who seek information on far-right platforms. This study unveils a polarized debate on immigration with a lion's share of the disinformation coming from far-right online news media, while the mainstream media only publish very few critical articles on immigration. As research shows that a negative framing of immigration can affect attitudes, and by extension voting behaviour, further research to examine the effects of anti-immigration disinformation on voter behaviour and election results is needed. Especially in light of a diminished trust in democratic institutions, a growing demand for populism and increasing support for anti-immigration parties.
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Travis, Rosemary Fechner. "Differences in School Districts' Decision-Making Processes Before and After Tax Limitation Elections: A Case Study." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1990. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc331870/.

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Using a case study approach, this investigation focused on the decision-making processes involved in developing budgets in two Texas school districts following a tax limitation, or rollback, election. Factors influencing the decision-making processes included the rollback election's outcome in each district, the participants, the perceptions participants held of themselves, the perceptions participants held of others in the district and community, the decisions made, and the factors influencing participants' decisions. Two Texas school districts were selected as subjects of this study which used qualitative data collection methods. In one school district, the rollback election passed. In the other, it failed. Data collection included observations of school board meetings and budget workshops. Structured interviews of school board members and administrators, pro- and antirollback proponents, and newspaper editors were conducted. Questions focused on the budgetary decision-making processes before and after the rollback elections. They also solicited information fromsubjects regarding rollback elections, the factors precipitating the rollback elections and the impact of the rollback election campaign upon each school district. Document analyses were triangulated with the observations and interviews to identify the factors influencing the budgetary decision-making process. Following the rollback elections, school officials in both districts adopted a conservative approach to budgetary decision-making. In both districts, school board members and administrators listened more carefully to citizens' concerns. Citizen finance committees were formed in both districts following the rollback elections to receive community input into the 1989-90 budgets. The decision-making processes in both districts were influenced by school board members' and administrators' personal philosophies, the presence or absence of long-range district goals, and pressures to finance unfunded and underfunded state mandates. The budget documents produced in both districts following the rollback elections reflected a commitment to funding curricular rather than extracurricular programs. School officials protected teachers' and support staffers' salaries, recognizing the importance of maintaining employee morale.
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Suddason, Kelvin. "Rethinking Rhetoric: An investigation of political persuasion online. A case study of Mauritian electoral interviews livestreamed on Facebook." Master's thesis, Faculty of Humanities, 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/33038.

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The live-commenting feature Facebook Live offers a unique look into how persuasion operates online. By giving citizen-users, or the viewertariat (see Anstead & O'Loughlin, 2011), the opportunity to comment on live political performances, Facebook Live presents a worthy site of investigation into how traditionally-powerful performer-persuaders (electoral candidates) now face off with traditionally-excluded masses of audience-persuadees (citizen-users). The livestream then becomes a mediated space of contestation, where the boundaries between persuader-persuadee and performer-audience fades, where, this study proposes, persuadee becomes persuader, rendering, in the process, the traditional persuader less persuasive, and thus less powerful. The study sought to understand how electoral persuasion operates online in Mauritius by using the Facebook livestreamed interviews of three candidates (incumbent, long-time, and first-time candidate) running in the December 2017 By-Election. A combined rhetorical and content analysis was conducted on candidates' representative claims (see Saward, 2006) and the viewertariat responses to these claims. This study finds that candidates employ a self-centred rhetoric, focusing on their ‘candidateness' rather than their representativeness, which, this study proposes, has ramifications on how candidates approach politics in contemporary Mauritius. The study also finds that the viewertariat is actively engaged in counter-persuasion, constructing their own (re)representative claims and exchanging primarily with other viewertariat members and lurkers (see Hill & Hughes, 1997). The viewertariat exhibits horizontal persuasion which, this study discusses, dilutes the vertical persuasion employed by candidates. The overall findings lead to the conclusion that rhetoric as a theoretical framework must be extended to adequately capture the persuasive dynamics in online electoral public spheres. A new theoretical framework is finally proposed, with the tripartite distinction between performer-text-audience rearranged to include performer-persuasive text-viewertariat-lurkers, and complemented with an argument as to the growing conceptual obsolescence of the ‘audience' in studying rhetoric online.
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Zake, Susan K. "Obama, Interactivity and the Millennials: A Case Study." Kent State University / OhioLINK, 2011. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=kent1323223506.

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Leys, Emily H. "It's now or never for South African Women": A case study of The African National Congress' Adoption of a Quota for women on their party lists in the South African Elections of 1994." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/3736.

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Mabotja, Mpheta Samuel. "An evaluation of the integration of the 'white' town of Pietersburg and the 'black' township of Seshego after the local government elections of 1995." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/52105.

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Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2001.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The emergence of urban systems in South Africa was from the start shaped by racial bias. The black people of this country were refused any form of participation in town planning. To aggravate the situation, urban space was manipulated in a manner that each racial group had its own residential space. The manipulation of urban space gave rise to what is called "the Apartheid City." This "Apartheid city" is characterised by stark contrast in development between a well-serviced, first world town lying side by side with underserviced third world townships. The "Apartheid City" of Pietersburg-Seshego has been undergoing restructuring since 1990. The Local Government Transitional Act (LGTA) has served as an intervention whereby the two formerly unequal areas had to integrate and become one city. The central aim of this study is to evaluate, by using a series of indicators, the integration level that has been achieved since 1995, i.e. since the first local government elections. The study will focus on three key areas to reflect the level of integration, namely, land use patterns, ward demarcation, and integration of personnel. The main conclusion is that though one council has been formed where there were previously two, spatial inequalities and racially-based ward demarcations between the former Pietersburg town and the former Seshego township persist. On the other hand, personnel drawn from the administrations of former white Pietersburg and former Lebowa civil service has not been fully integrated. The former Pietersburg municipality personnel is still white male dominated in both senior and middle management levels while the former Lebowa personnel is black male dominated found in the lowest levels of the TLC structure.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die ontstaan van metropolitaanse sisteme in Suid Arfika was nog altyd gekenmerk deur rasse bevooroordeling. Die swart bevolking van Suid Afrika was nog altyd in die verlede uitgesluit van deelname aan stadsbeplanning. Om die situasie nog te vererger, was metropolitaanse areas op so 'n wyse gemanipuleer, dat groepe van verskillende rasse elk hul eie residensiële allokasie gehad het. Hierdie manipulasie van metropolitaanse areas het die ontstaan van die "apartheidstad" tot gevolg gehad. Hierdie "apartheidstad" word gekenmerk deur 'n skerp kontras in ontwikkeling tussen 'n goed voorsiene eerste wêreld deel aan die een kant en 'n swak voorsiene derde wêreld deel aan die ander kant. Die "apartheidstad" van Pietersburg - Seshego het sedert 1990 herstrukturering ondergaan, Die "Plaaslike Owerheidsoorgangs Wet" het gedien as 'n middelom twee histories ongelyke areas te integreer om een stad te vorm. Die doelwit van hierdie studie is om die vlak van integrasie sedert 1995 te evalueer deur gebruik te maak van sekere indikatore. Die studie fokus op drie aspekte wat die vlak van integrasie weerspieël naamlik grondgebruikspatrone, wykafbakening en personeel integrering. Die belangrikste gevolge is dat daar nou een plaaslike raad is waar daar voorheen twee was terwyl ruimtelike ongelykhede en ras gebaseerde wyksafbakening nog steeds plaasvind tussen Pietersburg en die vorige Seshego nedersetting. Die nuwe personeelstruktuur - wat bestaan hoofsaaklik uit voormalige wit lede van die Pietersburg raad en hoofsaaklik swart lede van die voormalige Lebowa staatsdiens - is nog nie ten volle geintegreerd nie. Die personeel van die Pietersburg Munisipaliteit is nog steeds oorwegend wit en manlik gedomineerd in beide die middel en senior bestuursposte en die Lebowa personeel is hoofsaaklik swart en manlik gedomineerd in die laer pos bekleding in die struktuur van die nuwe plaaslike regeringstruktuur.
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Rottwilm, Philipp Moritz. "Electoral system reform in early democratisers : strategic coordination under different electoral systems." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:6c3ebcf9-f25b-4ce8-a837-619230729c33.

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On the basis of case studies of 19th and early 20th century Germany, Sweden and the Netherlands, I address the question of how and when incumbent right elites reformed electoral systems under a rising political threat from the left. Some states adopted proportional representation (PR) earlier than others. Why did different states adopt PR at different times? One important factor was the existing electoral system before the adoption of PR. This has been missed in academic research since most scholars have assumed that the electoral system in place before the adoption of PR in most Western European states was single-member plurality (SMP). I show that the system in place prior to PR in most Western European states was not SMP but a two-round system (TRS). TRS effects are still poorly understood by political scientists. I argue that both PR and TRS were used as safeguards by the parties on the right against an electoral threat from the left, which originated from the expansion of suffrage. PR was used as a last resort after other safeguards had been exhausted. I state that in the presence of a strong left threat, countries with TRS could wait longer to implement PR than countries with SMP in place. Under TRS, the adoption of PR was considerably delayed since electoral coordination between parties could be applied more effectively than under SMP systems. This was largely due to the increase of information and time after the first round of TRS elections, which was used by right parties to coordinate votes around the most promising candidate before the second round. First round results under TRS were used as an "electoral opinion poll". Based on these results, the right could react more effectively than the left in order to improve outcomes in round two.
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Carpenter, Joshua David. "Democracy and the disengaged : a multi-dimensional study of voter mobilization in Alabama." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2016. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:a2c1f070-db85-465c-b3e5-f55ddbe01438.

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This thesis investigates if and how poor, mostly minority citizens can be mobilized by a campaign whose principal policy objective would materially enhance their lives by including them in a major public program. The question is put to the test through a multi-dimensional study of voter mobilization in Alabama during the 2014 election for Governor. At stake in the election was whether Alabama would expand Medicaid through the Affordable Care Act in Alabama, an issue emblematic of "submergedness" (Mettler, 2011). In order to understand the extent to which the policy was submerged - measured by knowledge and awareness of the policy, along with its key provisions - I distributed a survey to 868 Alabamians weeks before the election. The survey used the experimental design of conjoint analysis to test which aspects of the policy were most persuasive among the target population. Additionally, I performed a randomized field experiment across the four major metropolitan areas of Alabama, micro-targeting 6,021 registered voters living in the "Coverage Gap," citizens who could gain health insurance if Medicaid were expanded. The campaign yielded negligible effects on voter turnout among subjects in the Coverage Gap, even though the interventions shifted voter knowledge, 'surfacing' the policy. In addition to the survey and field experiments, this research benefits from qualitative insights gathered in 22 semi-structured interviews conducted among poor Alabamians, many of whom were uninsured. From these interviews, it became clear that the political disengagement of the poor is deeply entrenched, prohibitive of policy-based mobilization. Disengagement is driven by a complex mix of barriers to registration and perceptions of political inefficacy based on interpretations of extant policy designs. These results have important implications for our understanding of the limitations of policy-based mobilization, suggesting that more attention must be paid to how current policies shape predispositions for mobilization.
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Mukumbi, wa Nyembo Jules. "Multi-party elections in Southern Africa : the cases of Namibia and Mozambique, 1989-1999." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/11201.

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This dissertation essentially examines the context and the conduct of elections held in the southern African region, particularly in Namibia and Mozambique between 1989 and 1999. These elections crystallized a wider process of democratization during the last decade, in which attempts were made to shift from various forms of authoritarian rule (colonial or racial oligarchies, military regimes, one-party states, or presidential rule) to pluralist parliamentary politics. This study is divided into two parts. The first part deals with the post-conflict elections. In this case the international community has assisted Namibia and Mozambique in various ways. The second part focuses on the electoral management in both states, with particular emphasis on the running of the second multiparty general elections. This study is divided into two parts. The first part deals with the post-conflict elections. In this case the international community has assisted Namibia and Mozambique in various ways. The second part focuses on the electoral management in both states, with particular emphasis on the running of the second multiparty general elections.
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Books on the topic "Elections – Case studies"

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1969-, Bailey Michael A., ed. Campaigns & elections: Contemporary case studies. Washington, DC: CQ Press, 2000.

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Parliamentary elections in Israel: Three case studies. Grantham, N.H: Tompson & Rutter, 1985.

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Institute, International Republican. Venezuela's 1998 presidential, legislative, and gubernatorial elections: Election observation report. Washington, D.C: International Republican Institute, 1999.

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Monitoring democracy: When international election observation works, and why it often fails. Princeton, N.J: Princeton University Press, 2012.

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1934-, Beyle Thad L., ed. Re-electing the governor: The 1982 elections. Lanham [Md.]: University Press of America, 1986.

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Jovanović, Milan N. Izborni sistemi postkomunističkih država. Beograd: Službeni list SCG, 2004.

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N'Diaye, Iba. Les élections 1997 au Mali: Résultats, reflexions, défis à notre culture démocratique. Bamako, Mali: I. N'Diaye, 1998.

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2003 nian Shenzhen jing xuan shi lu. Xi'an Shi: Xi bei da xue chu ban she, 2003.

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Kimura, Masataka. Elections and politics Philippine style: A case in Lipa. Malate, Manila, Philippines: De La Salle University Press, 1997.

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Cheng feng er lai: Wo suo jing li de Buyun xiang zhang zhi xuan = Chengfengerlai : wosuo jingli de Buyun xiangzhang zhixuan. Xi'an Shi: Xi bei da xue chu ban she, 2003.

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Book chapters on the topic "Elections – Case studies"

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Leduc, Lawrence. "Performance of the Electoral System in Recent Canadian and British Elections: Advancing the Case for Electoral Reform." In International Studies in Economics and Econometrics, 341–58. Dordrecht: Springer Netherlands, 1987. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-009-3607-2_19.

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Dyfvermark, Megan Reif. "Contexts of Radicalization: An Inductive Meta-Analysis of 41 Case Studies of Contentious Elections." In Expressions of Radicalization, 209–46. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-65566-6_8.

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Börzel, Tanja A., and Miriam Hartlapp. "Eurosceptic Contestation and Legislative Behaviour in the European Parliament." In Palgrave Studies in European Union Politics, 97–122. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-94012-6_5.

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AbstractEurosceptic political parties have gained substantial support in democratic elections. Scholars have widely studied their programmatic positions. We know much less about the behaviour of Eurosceptics within legislatures. How does Eurosceptic contestation translate into voting behaviour? How do members of Eurosceptic parties engage in plenary debates? Do they stick to their peers when they vote and debate or do they form an untidy opposition? We expect Eurosceptic contestation to be weaker in policy fields that are less structured along the new cultural cleavage and are dominated by left-right ideologies or national interests. Our chapter develops this argument and offers an empirical study of Eurosceptic polarisation and Eurosceptic cohesion in the European Parliament (EP). We present an analysis of roll-call votes in the 7th and 8th legislative term of the EP (2009–2019). Six case studied then zoom into selected legislative processes in three policy fields to explore how contestation materialises in committee work and parliamentary debates in different policy fields. Our findings on cross-sectoral differences allow for a more differentiated understanding of Eurosceptic contestation becoming a vital feature of democratic practices rather than undermining EU policy-making, and European integration more broadly.
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Ahmed, Saifuddin, and Marko Skoric. "Twitter and 2013 Pakistan General Election: The Case of David 2.0 Against Goliaths." In Case Studies in e-Government 2.0, 139–61. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-08081-9_9.

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Prinsloo, Mastin. "1. Literacy, voter education and constructions of citizenship in the Western Cape during the firstdemocratic national elections in South Africa." In Studies in Written Language and Literacy, 33. Amsterdam: John Benjamins Publishing Company, 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/swll.4.04pri.

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Yamada, Mitsuru. "The Trilogy for Peacebuilding: Beyond Obstacles of Democratization, Development and Peace." In Sustainable Development Goals Series, 101–17. Singapore: Springer Nature Singapore, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-4859-6_7.

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AbstractAs Peace Studies is interdisciplinary subject, this chapter especially focuses on three main aspects: democratization, development, and peace. These are very important factors for keeping on a peaceful society. Therefore, we must cooperate for solving such challenges because we are facing with serious issues resulted from three areas. In concrete, democratic system is confronted by authoritarianism. The regime against human rights is increasing worldwide as well as in Asia. We get the news on election operation without a free and fair guarantee. It generally means there were irregularities at the polls. In the case of development, we are facing with the income disparity inside a country, as well as among states. Finally, the policy seeking the interests of own country like ‘America First’ sweep across worldwide. Therefore, we must promote the peace on human rights based on international harmony and cooperation. This chapter discusses to remove various obstacles as mentioned above. And then, the actors such as government, the UN, regional organization, and non-governmental organization (NGO) must take charge of the role of promoting peaceful world because they need to cooperate for realization of SDGs Goal 16, based on peace, justice, and strong institutions.
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Resano, Dolores. "Introduction: On the Meanings of ‘American Reality’." In American Literature Readings in the 21st Century, 1–35. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-73858-7_1.

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AbstractThis chapter begins by considering the dominant affective state that came into being after the election of Trump in 2016, namely shock and disbelief, and contextualizes it through two opposed yet complementary impulses. First, it illustrates how political and cultural derealization was actively promoted by Trump himself and his administration, to then consider the liberal biases that were already implicit in the widespread perception that reality was collapsing. In the context of the emergence of two and seemingly irreconcilable American realities, ever more polarized along partisan lines, the literary world felt compelled to respond and did so publicly. This chapter considers various initiatives but focuses in particular on the insights provided by writers Aleksandar Hemon, Jan Clausen, and Viet Thanh Nguyen, who denounced the exceptionalist rhetoric that was often employed and called for a more engaged and less self-deluded American literature. It then proceeds to map the emerging corpus of ‘Trump fiction’ and existing scholarly studies, and argues that the analyses offered in American Literature in the Era of Trumpism contribute not only to the continued understanding of the landscape of American literature after 2016, but also to the long-standing scholarly tradition of decentering the notion of ‘America.’
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Bullock, Charles S., and Karen L. Owen. "The Place of Special Elections." In Special Elections, 1–30. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197540626.003.0001.

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Special elections rarely attract the attention of scholars, in contrast with journalists, who often focus on these events as predictors of what will happen in the next regular election. Special elections have never attracted more media coverage and financial support than during 2017–2018. Chapter 1 introduces the historical context, nature, and significant impact of special elections on the U.S. Congress, where at times they have provided entry to more legislators than the defeat of incumbents in regularly scheduled elections. This chapter also provides the theoretical framework for analyzing special elections and reviews the authors’ planned case studies and quantitative analyses.
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Kelley, Judith G. "Are Monitored Elections Better?" In Monitoring Democracy. Princeton University Press, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691152776.003.0007.

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This chapter discusses the influence of international monitors on the quality of individual elections. Using quantitative data to examine the quality of elections provides a far greater breadth of analysis than case studies alone can accomplish. Whether an election is monitored depends both on the organizations' interest in observing an election and on domestic willingness to host observers. This is the classic problem with analyzing data on any form of nonrandom intervention. If the anticipated quality of an election influences whether monitors are present, then monitors may not influence quality at all, but merely respond to it. That is, monitors may simply go to elections that are more likely to improve. Conversely, if elections do not improve, it may be because monitors go to particularly difficult countries that are less likely to improve.
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Goedert, Nicholas. "Gerrymandering and Competitive Elections." In Ground War, 82–112. Oxford University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197626627.003.0004.

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This is a heavily empirical chapter examining where close elections and partisan turnover are most likely as a function of national electoral conditions and redistricting regime. Using a data set of all congressional elections from 1972 to 2010, it shows that the results of partisan gerrymanders cannot be evaluated merely under one particular election result or under an evenly balanced hypothetical election. Most important, while partisan gerrymanders discourage close competition when the national environment is close to even, they create a lot of close elections and turnover under strong tides adverse to the gerrymandering party. In contrast, nonpartisan commissions tend to foster the most close elections, while bipartisan gerrymanders consistently generate the fewest, regardless of partisan tides. These findings are supplemented by case studies of wave elections in 1974, 1994, and 2006/2008, showing greater competitiveness and turnover under adverse partisan gerrymanders.
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Conference papers on the topic "Elections – Case studies"

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Jacintho, Lucas Henrique Mantovani, Tiago Pinho Da Silva, Antonio Rafael Sabino Parmezan, and Gustavo Enrique de Almeida Prado Alves Batista. "Brazilian Presidential Elections: Analysing Voting Patterns in Time and Space Using a Simple Data Science Pipeline." In Symposium on Knowledge Discovery, Mining and Learning. Sociedade Brasileira de Computação, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5753/kdmile.2020.11979.

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Since 1989, the first year of the democratic presidential election after a long period of a dictatorship regime, Brazil conducted eight presidential elections. This period was marked by short and long-term shifts of power and two impeachment processes. Such instability is a case of study in electoral studies, e.g., the study of the population voting behavior. Understanding patterns in the population behavior can give us insight into factors and influences that affect the quality of democratic political decisions. In light of this, our paper focuses on analyzing the Brazilian presidential election voting behavior across the years and the Brazilian territory. Following a data science pipeline, we divided the analysis process into five steps: (i) data selection; (ii) data preprocessing; (iii) identification of spatial patterns, in which we seek to understand the role of space in the election results using spatial autocorrelation techniques; (iv) identification of temporal patterns, where we investigate similar trends of votes over the years using a hierarchical clustering method; and (v) evaluation of the results. It is noteworthy that the data in this work represents the election results at the municipal level, from 1994 to 2018, of the two most relevant parties of this period: the Brazilian Social Democracy Party (PSDB) and the Workers’ Party (PT). Through the results obtained, we found the existence of spatial dependence in every electoral year investigated. Moreover, despite the changes in the political-economic context over the years, neighboring cities seem to present similar voting behavior trends.
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Gerni, Cevat, Özge Buzdağlı, Dilek Özdemir, and Ömer Selçuk Emsen. "Elections and The Real Exchange Rate Volatility In Turkey (1992-2014)." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c07.01553.

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Sudden fluctuations that occur as results of politicians’ manipulation on the macroeconomic variables during the election period are called as Political Business Cycle. In recent years, exchange rate also has become an important subject of many studies in this framework. Before the elections, to gain the public’s votes, politicians firstly put pressure on the exchange rates to prevent currency depreciation, and then this can lead to manipulative fluctuations. In this respect, during the 1992:01-2014:12 periods in Turkey, the impact of the entire local and general elections on the real exchange rate volatility is examined using E-GARCH method. On the other hand, political variables such as independence of Central Bank, exchange rate regime, the number of representatives of the ruling party in the parliament and coalition are included to the model while the pre and after election period from the 1st to the 6th month as dummy variables. Based on the results of the analysis, it can be said that the elections and the political variables affect the real exchange rate and its volatility in Turkey. However, there is no significant evidence whether the politicians act opportunistic behavior to be reelected. Since the uncertainty during the election period cause outflow of the capital and deferral of the investment decisions of the investors until after the election, it may well be said that the politicians fail to influence the real exchange rate for their self-interests.
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Constantinescu, Andrei, and Roger Wattenhofer. "Voting in Two-Crossing Elections." In Thirty-First International Joint Conference on Artificial Intelligence {IJCAI-22}. California: International Joint Conferences on Artificial Intelligence Organization, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.24963/ijcai.2022/30.

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We introduce two-crossing elections as a generalization of single-crossing elections, showing a number of new results. First, we show that two-crossing elections can be recognized in polynomial time, by reduction to the well-studied consecutive ones problem. Single-crossing elections exhibit a transitive majority relation, from which many important results follow. On the other hand, we show that the classical Debord-McGarvey theorem can still be proven two-crossing, implying that any weighted majority tournament is inducible by a two-crossing election. This shows that many voting rules are NP-hard under two-crossing elections, including Kemeny and Slater. This is in contrast to the single-crossing case and outlines an important complexity boundary between single- and two-crossing. Subsequently, we show that for two-crossing elections the Young scores of all candidates can be computed in polynomial time, by formulating a totally unimodular linear program. Finally, we consider the Chamberlin-Courant rule with arbitrary disutilities and show that a winning committee can be computed in polynomial time, using an approach based on dynamic programming.
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Lawless, W. F., Mito Akiyoshi, John Whitton, Fjorentina Angjellari-Dajci, and Christian Poppeliers. "A Comparative Study of Stakeholder Participation in the Cleanup of Radioactive Wastes in the US, Japan and UK." In ASME 2010 13th International Conference on Environmental Remediation and Radioactive Waste Management. ASMEDC, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/icem2010-40219.

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We review case studies of stakeholder participation in the environmental cleanup of radioactive wastes in the United States, Japan and United Kingdom (e.g., [21,26,27,66,78]). Citizen participation programs in these three countries are at different stages: mature in the US, starting in Japan, and becoming operational in the UK. The US issue at the US Department of Energy’s (DOE) Savannah River Site (SRS) in South Carolina (SC) had been focused on citizens encouraging Federal (DOE; US Environmental Protection Agency, or EPA; and the US Nuclear Regulatory Commission, or NRC) and State (SC’s Department of Health and Environmental Compliance, or DHEC) agencies to pursue “Plug-in-RODs” at SRS to simplify the regulations to accelerate closing seepage basins at SRS. In Japan, the Reprocessing of spent fuel and deep geological disposal of vitrified high-level waste have been among Japan’s priorities. A reprocessing plant in Rokkasho, Aomori Prefecture is expected to commence operations in October 2010. The search of a site for a deep geological disposal facility has been ongoing since 2002. But the direct engagement of stakeholders has not occurred in Japan. Indirectly, stakeholders attempt to exert influence on decision-making with social movements, local elections, and litigation. In the UK, the issue is gaining effective citizen participation with the UK’s Nuclear Decommissioning Authority (NDA). We hope that the case studies from these countries may improve citizen participation.
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Fitzsimmons, Zack, and Omer Lev. "Selecting Voting Locations for Fun and Profit." In Twenty-Ninth International Joint Conference on Artificial Intelligence and Seventeenth Pacific Rim International Conference on Artificial Intelligence {IJCAI-PRICAI-20}. California: International Joint Conferences on Artificial Intelligence Organization, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.24963/ijcai.2020/32.

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While manipulative attacks on elections have been well-studied, only recently has attention turned to attacks that account for geographic information, which are extremely common in the real world. The most well known in the media is gerrymandering, in which district border-lines are changed to increase a party's chance to win, but a different geographical manipulation involves influencing the election by selecting the location of polling places, as many people are not willing to go to any distance to vote. In this paper we initiate the study of this manipulation. We find that while it is easy to manipulate the selection of polling places on the line, it becomes difficult already on the plane or in the case of more than two candidates. Moreover, we show that for more than two candidates the problem is inapproximable. However, we find a few restricted cases on the plane where some algorithms perform well. Finally, we discuss how existing results for standard control actions hold in the geographic setting, consider additional control actions in the geographic setting, and suggest directions for future study.
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Iskandar, Dian. "E-Voting and Village Head Election (Case Study on the Election of the Village Head of Pamutih, Pemalang Regency)." In Proceedings of the 13th International Interdisciplinary Studies Seminar, IISS 2019, 30-31 October 2019, Malang, Indonesia. EAI, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4108/eai.23-10-2019.2293050.

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Dewi, Evie Ariadne Sinta. "Patriarchal Political Culture, Obstacles of Women Political Performance Case Study of West Java Province in 2018 Regional Heads Election." In International Conference on Media and Communication Studies(ICOMACS 2018). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/icomacs-18.2018.57.

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Faggiano, Maria Paola, Ernesto Dario Calò, Raffaella Gallo, and Melissa Mongiardo. "Italian general election 2018: digital campaign strategies. Three case studies: Movimento 5 Stelle, PD and Lega." In CARMA 2018 - 2nd International Conference on Advanced Research Methods and Analytics. Valencia: Universitat Politècnica València, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4995/carma2018.2018.8343.

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Chen, Lin, Lei Xu, Shouhuai Xu, Zhimin Gao, and Weidong Shi. "Election with Bribe-Effect Uncertainty: A Dichotomy Result." In Twenty-Eighth International Joint Conference on Artificial Intelligence {IJCAI-19}. California: International Joint Conferences on Artificial Intelligence Organization, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.24963/ijcai.2019/23.

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We consider the electoral bribery problem in computational social choice. In this context, extensive studies have been carried out to analyze the computational vulnerability of various voting (or election) rules. However, essentially all prior studies assume a deterministic model where each voter has an associated threshold value, which is used as follows. A voter will take a bribe and vote according to the attacker's (i.e., briber's) preference when the amount of the bribe is above the threshold, and a voter will not take a bribe when the amount of the bribe is not above the threshold (in this case, the voter will vote according to its own preference, rather than the attacker's). In this paper, we initiate the study of a more realistic model where each voter is associated with a willingness function, rather than a fixed threshold value. The willingness function characterizes the likelihood a bribed voter would vote according to the attacker's preference; we call this bribe-effect uncertainty. We characterize the computational complexity of the electoral bribery problem in this new model. In particular, we discover a dichotomy result: a certain mathematical property of the willingness function dictates whether or not the computational hardness can serve as a deterrence to bribery attackers.
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Lima do Nascimento, Tuany Mariah, Laura Emmanuella Alves dos Santos Santana, and Márjory Da Costa Abreu. "Fake News on the Covid-19 outbreak: a new metadata-based dataset for the analysis of Brazilian and British Twitter posts." In Simpósio Brasileiro de Segurança da Informação e de Sistemas Computacionais. Sociedade Brasileira de Computação - SBC, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.5753/sbseg.2021.17332.

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The dissemination of fake news is a problem that has already been addressed but by no means is solved. After the manipulation made by Cambridge Analytica which was based on classifying users by their political views and targeting specific political propaganda on the Brexit campaign, the Trump election and the Bolsonaro election, there is no doubt this issue can have a real impact on society in ‘normal times’. During a pandemic, any type of fake news can be the difference between life and death when the data shared can directly hurt the people who are believing in it. Moreover, there is also a new trend of using artificial robots to disseminate such news with a special target on Twitter which can be linked with political campaigns. Thus, it is essential that we identify and understand what kind of news is selected to be 'dressed' as fake and how it is disseminated. This paper aims to investigate the dissemination of fake news related with Covid-19 in the UK and Brazil in order to understand the impact of fake news on public sector actions, social isolation and quarantine imposition. Those two case studies are well versed on the fake news dissemination. Our initial dataset of Twitter posts have focused on posts from four different cities (Natal, São Paulo, Sheffield and London) and have shown interesting pointers that will be discussed.
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Reports on the topic "Elections – Case studies"

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Avis, William. Armed Group Transition from Rebel to Government. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), October 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2021.125.

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Governments and political parties with an armed history are not unusual, yet how these groups function during and after the transition from conflict has largely been ignored by the existing literature. Many former armed groups have assumed power in a variety of contexts. Whilst this process is often associated with brokered peace agreements that encourage former combatants to transform into political parties, mobilise voters, and ultimately stand for elections, this is not always the case. What is less clearly understood is how war termination by insurgent victory shapes patterns of post-war politics. This rapid literature review collates available evidence of transitions made by armed groups to government. The literature collated presents a mixed picture, with transitions mediated by an array of contextual factors that are location and group specific. Case studies are drawn from a range of contexts where armed groups have assumed some influence over government (these include those via negotiated settlement, victory and in contexts of ongoing protracted conflict). The review provides a series of readings and case studies that are of use in understanding how armed groups may transition in “post-conflict” settings.
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Buchanan, Riley, Daniel Elias, Darren Holden, Daniel Baldino, Martin Drum, and Richard P. Hamilton. The archive hunter: The life and work of Leslie R. Marchant. The University of Notre Dame Australia, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.32613/reports/2021.2.

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Professor Leslie R. Marchant was a Western Australian historian of international renown. Richly educated as a child in political philosophy and critical reason, Marchant’s understandings of western political philosophies were deepened in World War Two when serving with an international crew of the merchant navy. After the war’s end, Marchant was appointed as a Protector of Aborigines in Western Australia’s Depart of Native Affairs. His passionate belief in Enlightenment ideals, including the equality of all people, was challenged by his experiences as a Protector. Leaving that role, he commenced his studies at The University of Western Australia where, in 1952, his Honours thesis made an early case that genocide had been committed in the administration of Aboriginal people in Western Australia. In the years that followed, Marchant became an early researcher of modern China and its relationship with the West, and won respect for his archival research of French maritime history in the Asia-Pacific. This work, including the publication of France Australe in 1982, was later recognised with the award of a French knighthood, the Chevalier d’Ordre National du Mèrite, and his election as a fellow to the Royal Geographical Society. In this festschrift, scholars from The University of Notre Dame Australia appraise Marchant’s work in such areas as Aboriginal history and policy, Westminster traditions, political philosophy, Australia and China and French maritime history.
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Relationship Between ‘Civil Society’ and ‘Democratic Freedoms’. Institute of Development Studies, June 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2022.086.

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Notwithstanding the point that definitions of ‘civil society’ and ‘democracy’ are themselves actively debated, this rapid review defines democracy as ‘liberal democracy’, which goes beyond elections to include liberal components such as equality before the law, individual liberties, rule of law, and independent judiciary and legislature that constrains the executive (Grahn and Lührmann, 2020, p.8). Civil society is defined as “an organizational layer of the polity that lies between the state and private life composed of voluntary associations of people joined together in common purpose” (Coppedge et al. 2016, p.413). Thus, this rapid review seeks to find out what evidence is there on the relationship between civil society and democratic freedoms? The overall sense from the vast array of literature that looks at the relationship between civil society and democratic freedoms is that civil society is important for democracy, but there is no “automatic flow” from one to the other. Rather, the relationship is contingent on the nature of civil society, in addition to other dynamic, context-specific factors. Most of the evidence found during this rapid review was in studies that break down this broad topic into smaller sub-questions. They tended to be case studies that look at specific elements of ‘democratic freedoms’ (e.g., human rights, or anti-corruption), focus on specific countries, or were related to specific mechanisms (e.g., collective action) or processes (e.g., democratic regression). Each of these sub-topics is itself a large and contested area of research. According to some scholars, these case studies are overwhelmingly positive about civil society’s relationship to liberal democratic norms and practices. Some studies show that democratic regression occurs where the demands of a highly mobilised civil society cannot be effectively channelled by the party system or occur in contexts characterised by ethnic and regional differences or socio-economic inequalities.
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