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1
Widyana, Maulida Rita, and Addien Fikriansyah. "Analisis SOAR: Dampak Penundaan Pilkada Tahun 2022 dan 2023." Jurnal Adhyasta Pemilu 4, no. 2 (December 24, 2021): 52–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.55108/jap.v4i2.48.
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Elections as a form of community participation must be carried out following the procedures set out in the law. One of them is in the Regional Head Election. The impact of the Covid-19 pandemic stated that the election could not be held considering that the virus outbreak was increasing every year. The assumption that the Regional Head Elections in 2022 and 2023 have been postponed has given special attention to all the pros and cons elements. The impact of the postponement of the 2022 and 2023 Regional Head Elections will happen to the KPU as the election organizer, and the complexity of the problems in the 2019 Election will repeat itself. The purpose of this study is to find the cause of the government abolishing the 2022 and 2023 Regional Head Elections in real terms by looking at the context that occurred in the simultaneous elections in 2019. This study uses qualitative descriptive methods and data collected using relevant journals, news, and also web. The theory used is an empirical political theory because it explains the predictions that will occur if the Regional Head Election is still held in 2024 by looking at the causes and effects. The analysis used is SOAR with research results in legitimacy and political parties. In legitimacy, there are regulations in the form of laws, while political parties are related to the strategies taken to win the Regional Head Election.
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Shishelina, Lyubov. "2022 PARLIAMENTARY ELECTIONS IN HUNGARY." Scientific and Analytical Herald of IE RAS 26, no. 2 (April 1, 2022): 71–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/vestnikieran220227179.
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The Hungarian parliamentary elections of 2022 for the fifth time in the recent history of the country brought victory to the FIDESZ party, including the fourth with a constitutional majority of 2 /3 of parliamentary mandates. At the same time, during the current election campaign in Hungary, the system of preliminary election of a single candidate (by the type of primaries) among opposition parties and movements was tested for the first time. However, this did not save the multi-party coalition from another failure. Nevertheless, the recent elections have further strengthened the trend towards the formation in Hungary, as in a number of other Central European countries, of a two-party political system with a small layer of a «third force». The surprise of the elections was the passage to Parliament of the extreme nationalist party «Our Fatherland», which partially broke away from the Jobbik party after the 2018 elections. Now, within the walls of parliament, former right-wing radical party members will meet with the renewed Jobbik party, which performed in the last elections in a coalition with left-liberal forces. This campaign took place against a very unfavorable international background – the war in Ukraine and increased pressure on Hungary from Brussels and from neighboring states that do not agree with the aspirations of the Orban cabinet to prevent the use of Hungarian territory for military purposes. This circumstance made the task extremely difficult for Viktor Orban, the permanent leader of the FIDESZ party since its foundation, and at the same time played in favor of the opposition, as another reason for criticism of the foreign policy pursued by the Prime Minister, a significant element of which since 2011 has been the strengthening of pragmatic relations with Russia.
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Asrina, Suci, Yusrizal Yusrizal, and Mukhlis Mukhlis. "LEGAL POLITICS OF POSTPONING THE REGIONAL HEAD ELECTIONS IN ACEH FROM 2022 TO 2024." Suloh:Jurnal Fakultas Hukum Universitas Malikussaleh 12, no. 1 (May 26, 2024): 26. http://dx.doi.org/10.29103/sjp.v12i1.14999.
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This study aims to examine the legal politics of postponing the regional elections from 2022 to 2024, and to analyze the implications of postponing the regional elections in Aceh in connection with Aceh's special status. The legal politics in Aceh in the implementation of the regional elections, which were supposed to be held in 2022 but have been moved to 2024, were previously considered a special authority of Aceh as regulated in the Regional Autonomy Law (UUPA), but in its development, it must comply with and follow the rules of the national regional elections. This research is a normative legal research with a legislative approach, case approach, and concept approach, data is obtained through primary, secondary, and tertiary data and will be analyzed, then the research results will be systematically arranged to obtain clarity from the problems being studied. Based on the research results, the legal politics of postponing the Aceh regional elections is the implementation of Article 201 paragraph (8) and Article 199 of Law No. 10/2016, as well as the KPU Circular Letter, viewed from the political configuration can be categorized as an orthodox political configuration, the implication of the postponement of the regional elections is due to the presence of Article 199 of the Regional Election Law and in the Constitutional Court's decision to cancel the implementation of the Aceh Regional Elections regulated in the UUPA.
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Tarai, Jope. "Social media and democracy: The Fiji 2022 National Election." Pacific Journalism Review : Te Koakoa 29, no. 1and2 (July 31, 2023): 96–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/pjr.v29i1and2.1306.
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Since the 2014 Fiji General Election, social media political campaigning has continued to be a consistent feature in the country’s politics. This was evident in the 2022 National Election with many more political parties engaging in creative and innovative ways to campaign and engage voters. Since the 2018 elections, there have been a number of developments that led to the formation of new parties and declining popularity of the ruling FijiFirst party. This has provided a new context for social media political campaigning. Building on reviewed work around social media political campaigning from the 2014 and 2018 national elections, this article examines social media use in the 2022 General Election. It discusses some of the emergent trends and patterns of campaigning that are likely to prevail in social media use and Fiji elections.
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Muravev, Yuri, and Mark Boldyrev. "FRANCE 2022: PARLIAMENTARY ELECTIONS OUTCOME." Scientific and Analytical Herald of IE RAS 27, no. 3 (June 30, 2022): 46–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/vestnikieran320224654.
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The purpose of this study was to analyse the results of the French parliamentary elections of 12 and 19 June 2022 and their implications for the main political forces involved. The author summarises the results of the 2017–2022 electoral cycle, highlighting the changes that have affected the main incumbent actors. The author analyses separately the impact of the election results on Emmanuel Macron’s presidential bloc, Jean-Luc Melanchon’s bloc NUPES, the Rassemblement Nationale behind Marine Le Pen’s leadership, the Republicans, the Socialists, Eric Zemmour’s Reconquête, etc. The conclusion looks at the prospects for a new tripartite potential government and its sustainability. This year, populist parties collectively received almost 49 per cent of the vote, very close to the figures for the last presidential election. Today, populist movements are closer than ever to becoming the new systemic opposition.
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Song, Keon-Sup. "A Follow-up Study of Local Election Candidate Decisions from 2002 to 2022: What are the Ccriteria for Selecting Candidates for Daegu-Gyeongbuk Voters?" National Association of Korean Local Government Studies 25, no. 1 (May 31, 2023): 21–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.38134/klgr.2023.25.1.021.
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This paper investigated the local elections from 2002 to 2022 and identified the candidate selection criteria. A total of six surveys were conducted, and the data was 3,706 people. Here, the independent variables are the person, external factors, party and pledge factors, and the parameters and dependent variables are reputation and image, and voting decision. The results of the study are summarized as follows. First of all, in the overall model, voting decisions are influenced in the order of person, party, pledge. On the other hand, as external factors such as kindred, academic background and regional ties have a negative effect, it can be seen that local elections reject nepotism. In addition, the criterion for determining candidates was direct interest in image and politicians, not advice from neighbors and reputation of residents. 1) In the 2002 local elections, the criterion for determining candidates was the character factor. policy had a negative effect on decisions. 2) In the 2006 local elections, the criterion for determining candidates was the character factor. 3) the criteria for determining candidates for 2010 are personalities and political parties. The evaluation of the candidate was more important than the evaluation of others. 4) the criterion for determining candidates in 2014 is the character factor. Election pledge is influencing through the image factor. 5) The criteria for selecting candidates for 2018 are pledges and political parties. Advice from neighbors and media evaluations of candidates are rather negative. 6) The criteria for selecting candidates for 2022 is the party factor. Person and pledge were not statistically significant influencing factors, and the image factor formed an important positive (+) relationship in voting decision.In conclusion, it is necessary to activate local politics, increase interest in local elections and turnout, and improve negative regionalism in order to make rational voting decisions for voters in Daegu and Gyeongbuk.
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Mudau, Paul, and Hoolo ‘Nyane. "Reasons for the low voter turnout in Lesotho’s 2022 elections." Journal of African Elections 22, no. 1 (June 1, 2023): 121–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.20940/jae/2023/v22i1a7.
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Voter turnout in Lesotho’s 2022 National Assembly elections was at an all-time low of 37%. Since the country returned to multi-party electoral democracy in 1993, voter turnout has steadily decreased. Studies have been undertaken in Lesotho and globally to investigate the reasons for this phenomenon. While the turnout in the 2022 elections is a continuation of the pattern of declining voter turnout in Lesotho and globally, factors specific to each election may provide further insight into this intractable problem. The purpose of this article is to critically analyse the main reasons for the low turnout in the 2022 elections. The study uses qualitative methodology: it relies on primary and secondary data sources such as reports, targeted interviews, newspapers and literature, and legislation. The paper uses Stockemerian clustering of turnout variables to contend that election-specific factors can help to explain the steep decrease in voter turnout in the 2022 elections in Lesotho. Those factors are poor civic and voter education, political fragmentation, and some institutionalist variables.
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Carson, Jamie L., Spencer Hardin, and Aaron A. Hitefield. "You’re Fired! Donald Trump and the 2020 Congressional Elections." Forum 18, no. 4 (December 30, 2020): 627–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/for-2020-2103.
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Abstract The 2020 elections brought to an end one of the most divisive and historic campaigns in the modern era. Former Vice President Joe Biden was elected the 46th President of the United States with the largest number of votes ever cast in a presidential election, defeating incumbent President Donald Trump in the process. The record turnout was especially remarkable in light of the ongoing pandemic surrounding COVID-19 and the roughly 236,000 Americans who had died of the virus prior to the election. This article examines the electoral context of the 2020 elections focusing on elections in both the House and Senate. More specifically, this article examines the candidates, electoral conditions, trends, and outcomes in the primaries as well as the general election. In doing so, we provide a comprehensive descriptive analysis of the climate and outcome of the 2020 congressional elections. Finally, the article closes with a discussion of the broader implications of the election outcomes on both the incoming 117th Congress as well as the upcoming 2022 midterm election.
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Voroshilov, Nikolai V. "Features, trends, and factors shaping diverse approaches to local governance in the European North of Russia." Север и рынок: формирование экономического порядка 26, no. 3/2023 (September 27, 2023): 165–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.37614/2220-802x.3.2023.81.011.
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The goal of this article is to study the features and trends in the development of various forms of local governance in Russia, with a particular focus on the regions falling within the European North of Russia (ENR). To achieve this goal, a combination of general research methods (analysis, synthesis, generalization, case study) and applied methods (such as grouping analysis, economic and statistical analysis, and sociological research methods) were used. The study relies on official statistics from Rosstat, reports from the Ministry of Finance and the Ministry of Justice of the Russian Federation, election and referendum data from the Vybory (Elections) system, and the results of questionnaire surveys of municipal leaders in the Vologda Oblast conducted from 2007 to 2022. The scientific novelty of the study lies in its assessment of the influence of various factors (territorial urbanization level and overall municipal development) on the nuances of residents' electoral participation from 2018 to 2022, using ENR municipalities as a case study. The research revealed that elections lacking a legally established voter turnout threshold witnessed notably low voter participation rates (ranging from 28 % to 41 % in the elections of senior officials of ENR regions from 2019 to 2022, 40% to 46% in the elections of State Duma deputies in 2021, and 8% to 71% in the elections of rural settlement heads). In most cases, municipalities with predominantly rural populations demonstrated higher election turnout rates and stronger support for winning candidates, a pattern that also holds in low-development areas within the Vologda Oblast. The article also discusses how local governors in the Vologda Oblast assess civil engagement from 2012 to 2022 and offers recommendations for regional-level monitoring of diverse forms of population involvement in territorial development, with an emphasis on local public governance.
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Rubinskiy, Yuri, and Sergey Fedorov. "FRENCH ELECTIONS 2022: FEATURES, RESULTS, CONSEQUENCES." Scientific and Analytical Herald of IE RAS 30, no. 6 (December 31, 2022): 135–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/vestnikieran62022135146.
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The article analyzes the results of the presidential and parliamentary elections in France in 2022, which took place in specific conditions caused by the increase in energy and socio-economic problems in the country against the background of military operations in Ukraine. Despite the re-election of President E. Macron for a second term, the loss of an absolute pro-government majority in the National Assembly (the lower house of the French Parliament) following the parliamentary elections significantly complicated the implementation of his election program. In particular, the inability, as before, to constantly use article 49-3 of the Constitution of the country to adopt laws, in fact contrary to the opinion of deputies, required the President and the government to start searching for compromises and possible allies, as well as adjusting the political course. However, the significant strengthening of non-systemic political forces in the lower house of Parliament – the far-left «Unconquered France» and, especially, the far-right «National Association», the reluctance of the «Republicans» to enter into a coalition with the presidential majority complicates the plans of the Head of State. The prospects of further evolution of the country’s party-political system, as well as the preparation of the main political forces of the country for the next electoral cycle of 2027 are considered.
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Бушев, Александр Борисович. "ELECTIONEERING IN PRESIDENTIAL ELECTIONS FRANCE IN 2022." Вестник Тверского государственного университета. Серия: Филология, no. 3(74) (September 29, 2022): 179–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.26456/vtfilol/2022.3.179.
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В статье рассматривается предвыборная политическая коммуникация во Франции в 2022 году. Материал для изучения представлен дискурсами традиционных и новейших медиа. Методологией анализа является авторская теория рамочного анализа дискурса. Выводы связаны со значимой ролью новейших медиа в современной предвыборной коммуникации и успешностью политических стратегий центризма. The paper dwells on election political communication in presidential elections in France in 2022, the material under study being discourse of traditional and newest media. The methodology of analysis is based upon the author’s theory of frames of discourse analysis. The results shed light upon strategic importance of new media in election campaigns and success of political strategies of centrism in politics.
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Kaburu, Mercy Kathambi. "Free, fair and credible? An assessment of Kenya 2017 Election." Journal of African Elections 21, no. 1 (June 1, 2022): 44–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.20940/jae/2022/v21i1a3.
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Periodic, free, fair, and credible elections are one of the undisputed principles of liberal democracy. Kenya embraced multiparty democracy at independence in 1963 and has since used periodic elections as a means of selecting leaders to office. Focusing on Kenya’s national election held on 8 August 2017, this paper evaluates the fundamental requirements for a free, fair, and credible election. To this end, the paper assesses Kenya’s electoral legal framework and its application during the 2017 national elections. In addition, the paper uses primary data by Afrobarometer to explore public opinion on the performance of the Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission (IEBC), political parties, and the media towards free, fair, and credible elections. This study finds that despite some institutional challenges, Kenya’s 2017 national elections were conducted under a comprehensive electoral legal framework and met the threshold of free, fair, and credible as affirmed by the citizenry through Afrobarometer’s public opinion survey. The positive assessment of universally accepted electoral practice indicators by most of the people affirms that, notable challenges notwithstanding, Kenya’s 2017 national elections were free, fair, and credible, thus endorsing the legitimacy and authority of elected leaders. This argument is cognisant of the election outcome as a fundamental factor in shaping public perception of freeness and fairness in the electoral process.
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Kann, Claudia, Daniel Ebanks, Jacob Morrier, and R. Michael Alvarez. "Persuadable voters decided the 2022 midterm: Abortion rights and issues-based frameworks for studying election outcomes." PLOS ONE 19, no. 1 (January 19, 2024): e0294047. http://dx.doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0294047.
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Leading up to the 2022 Congressional midterm elections, all predictions pointed to a Republican wave, given factors such as the incumbent president’s low approval rate and a struggling national economy. Accordingly, the underwhelming performance of the Republican Party surprised many, resulting in an election that became known as the “asterisk election” due to its unusual and seemingly unpredictable outcome. This study delves into the specifics of the 2022 midterms, exploring factors that may have influenced the results beyond those traditionally considered by political scientists. Our analysis particularly seeks to understand whether a sudden shift in the public salience of specific issues could have influenced voters’ preferences, leading them to consider factors they might not have otherwise. To achieve this, we analyzed data from a nationally representative sample of registered voters surveyed immediately after the midterm elections. Our findings reveal that the issue of abortion played a pivotal role during this election. The prominence of abortion was not predestined, as evidenced by a comparative analysis with data from a survey conducted after the 2020 presidential election. Indeed, it seems that the decision by the Supreme Court to overturn Roe v. Wade in June 2022 significantly increased the salience of abortion. This unexpected policy shock had a significant impact on the behavior of voters in the 2022 midterm elections.
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Jaffrelot, Christophe, and Mahesh Langa. "Gujarat 2022 Elections: Explaining BJP’s Hegemony." Studies in Indian Politics 11, no. 1 (June 2023): 118–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/23210230231166454.
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The Bharatiya Janata Party’s (BJP’s) victory in the 2022 Gujarat state elections not only broke a record but also reversed the trend that was resulting in Congress’ growing effectiveness election after election. This time, the Congress registered its worse performance ever, largely because of the entry of a new player, the Aam Aadmi Party (AAP), but also because of the progress of the BJP. The ruling party is stronger than ever because of its ideology, its organization and, more importantly, its leader, Narendra Modi. These assets allow the BJP to get support across caste, classes and sub-regions like never before. Its rise, however, challenges democracy in different ways, not only its ‘OBCisation’ is not a synonym of plebeinization in terms of class, but its strategy of equating religious majority and political majority and to systematically undermine the opposition tends to make the BJP ‘the only game in town’.
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Jovanović, Milan, and Savo Simić. "Determining contextual factors of the 2022 snap elections in the Republic of Serbia." Politička revija 77, no. 3 (2023): 31–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/pr77-44382.
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The goal of this research is to determine four key contextual political factors in shaping the political framework for holding snap parliamentary elections in 2022. Some of them belong to long-term processes, such as the decline of democracy and opposition contestation of election conditions, while others are the products of current political events, such as environmental protests, opposition boycotts of elections, and the war in Ukraine. As a central factor, we single out the absence of inter-party dialogue and opposition participation in the 2020 elections, which produced an almost one-party representative body and a lack of parliamentary pluralism. Simultaneously we observe continuous democratic erosion of the Republic of Serbia, which prevents the long-term consolidation of democratic institutions. By the second cause, we imply the electoral calculation of the ruling party in unifying the Belgrade local elections with the presidential and parliamentary elections to ensure electoral victory. Environmental protests in 2021, initiated after the adoption of disputed normative acts without public deliberation, stand out as the third factor. The fourth reason for new elections included the positioning of Serbia within the conflict between Russia and Ukraine, requiring a review of the general will of the citizens and the consensus of the leading political actors on the issue of Kosovo and Metohia.
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Mamzelev, Ilya A., and Anton V. Shterle. "Features of the gubernatorial elections in the Yaroslavl region in 2022." Socialʹnye i gumanitarnye znania 9, no. 3 (October 7, 2023): 256. http://dx.doi.org/10.18255/2412-6519-2023-3-256-269.
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The article describes the legal foundations and political features of the gubernatorial elections in the constituent entities of the Russian Federation. In particular, authors focus on the political situation before the elections of the Governor of the Yaroslavl region in 2022. They come to conclusion that in the Yaroslavl region, the election campaign took place in the absence of political competition primarily due to the use of the “municipal filter” in the gubernatorial election system of the region, providing the overwhelming advantage of in the use of administrative, informational and financial resources to the main candidate, as well as low activity of other candidates. In addition, there were other important elements of the election campaign of federal leaders of public opinion, in particular federal ministers and senior state officials. Finally, one of the key features of the gubernatorial elections in the Yaroslavl region was the possibility of self-nomination of candidates that provided a solid public distance between the main candidate and the widely criticized United Russia party. These conclusions are confirmed with the help of the analysis of the political situation in the Yaroslavl region before the start of the election campaign, the overview of actions and resources of the main contenders based on open sources, and the content analysis of mass media.
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NICOLAU, JAIRO. "A reforma da representação proporcional e a fragmentação partidária da Câmara dos Deputados brasileira (2014-2022)." Revista Crítica de Sociologia e Política 22, no. 3 (2023): 217–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.59901/2318-373x/v22n3a8.
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The proportional system in force in Brazil went through a long period of stability, keeping its operating mechanisms intact. Between 2015 and 2021, however, the National Congress approved a series of changes that affected the way votes were counted and the dynamics of competition in elections for councilors and deputies. This article has two objectives. The first is to summarize these new rules. The second is to analyze the results of the elections for the Chamber of Deputies in 2014, 2018 and 2022 at the state level. The selection of the three elections is due to the fact that they used different electoral rules. In general terms, we observed that liberal norms contributed to increasing party fragmentation in the 2018 election, and the end of coalitions played a decisive role in the significant reduction in fragmentation in the 2022 elections. Key words: Elections for the Brazilian Chamber of Deputies; Proportional representation; Electoral reform.
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Баранов, Андрей. "Electoral behavior of citizens in regional elections in Spain (2020–2022): new trends." Latinskaia Amerika, no. 5 (2022): 72. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s0044748x0019916-6.
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The relevance of the topic is manifested in the need to find out the changes in the factors and parameters of electoral behavior in the regional communities of Spain in the context of a pandemic. The study is conducted on the materials of the Basque Country, Galicia, Madrid, Catalonia, Castile and Leon. The theoretical basis of the article is a socio-cultural approach to electoral behavior. The results of questionnaires and voting, election programs and statements of political parties’ representatives, statistical data are analyzed. Serious changes in party orientations and the identity of the electorate are shown in the context of the coronavirus pandemic and the economic crisis. There is an increase in the influence of online technologies in the course of election campaigns. Short-term factors of changes in the support of parties in elections are revealed. The scientific significance of the work lies in the identification of spatial factors of uneven support for parties in the compared autonomous communities. The consequences of the defeat of “Unidas Podemos” in the elections in Madrid are determined. The author comes to conclusions about the transformation of party systems and the growth of the influence of right-wing populism in the studied autonomous communities.
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McCargo, Duncan, Talitha Espiritu, Sheila S. Coronel, Nicole Curato, Lisandro Claudio, Maria Elize H. Mendoza, Jonathan Corpus Ong, Arild Engelsen Rudd, Cecilie Endresen, and Geronimo Cristobal. "Roundtable: Philippine Elections 2022." Contemporary Southeast Asia 44, no. 3 (2022): 357–411. http://dx.doi.org/10.1355/cs44-3a.
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Kiplagat, Ian Kibet, and Dr Thomas Otieno Juma. "Intra-Elite Influence towards Kenya’s 2022 General Elections." International Journal of Research and Innovation in Social Science VII, no. IX (2023): 722–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.47772/ijriss.2023.70961.
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As Kenyans headed to elections in August 2022 which characteristically mirrored political alignments and re-alignments, it elicited mixed recitations and tensions among the political class. The two frontrunners, Raila Odinga and William Ruto saw a loss as a great threat to their political and economic interests. This was propounded by the nature of Kenyan elections that is always a high stakes affair since the political class is eager to protect their careers and business interests. The previously witnessed social tensions seemed low compared to the previous year’s elections that may be attributed to changes in political dynamics where the political elites have relatively resorted to political agendas. The issue based politics however does not elusively promise peaceful transition, but creates optimism. Despite the efforts for peaceful elections by the political elite, the intra-elite tensions possess a threat to the outcome of the vote. A highly prime scenario is the increasing verbal attacks on one another by the political class as election date drew nearer that ethnicity and economic cleavages could drive voters into unrest; a situation that could be easily overcome by conceding defeat. The already witnessed public pronouncements by the top presidential contenders to accepting the poll results and the public view of the Kenyan Judiciary being regarded one of the best in Africa creates an avenue for contestation where candidates unhappy with the election outcome resort to in limiting the possible threats of violence. The interdependent institutions at the election period have to support each other while maintaining strict neutrality. Both internal and external actors have and should even work harder to address potential sources of unrest as the country moves closer to transition. Kenya is currently the main transport and commercial hub in the East African region hence any form of violence impacts negatively much parts of the region. Use of social media sites contribute positively in political passage of information despite the risk of misinformation. It is therefore postulated that government institutions, civil society and political elites influence on their supporters will greatly sway their actions for stability, good economy, education, and external linkages afterwards.
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Katalinić, Josip, Ivan Dunđer, and Sanja Seljan. "Polarizing Topics on Twitter in the 2022 United States Elections." Information 14, no. 11 (November 10, 2023): 609. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/info14110609.
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Politically polarizing issues are a growing concern around the world, creating divisions along ideological lines, which was also confirmed during the 2022 United States midterm elections. The purpose of this study was to explore the relationship between the results of the 2022 U.S. midterm elections and the topics that were covered during the campaign. A dataset consisting of 52,688 tweets in total was created by collecting tweets of senators, representatives and governors who participated in the elections one month before the start of the elections. Using unsupervised machine learning, topic modeling is built on the collected data and visualized to represent topics. Furthermore, supervised machine learning is used to classify tweets to the corresponding political party, whereas sentiment analysis is carried out in order to detect polarity and subjectivity. Tweets from participating politicians, U.S. states and involved parties were found to correlate with polarizing topics. This study hereby explored the relationship between the topics that were creating a divide between Democrats and Republicans during their campaign and the 2022 U.S. midterm election outcomes. This research found that polarizing topics permeated the Twitter (today known as X) campaign, and that all elections were classified as highly subjective. In the Senate and House elections, this classification analysis showed significant misclassification rates of 21.37% and 24.15%, respectively, indicating that Republican tweets often aligned with traditional Democratic narratives.
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‘Nyane, Hoolo. "The transition and formation of government after Lesotho’s 2022 elections." Journal of African Elections 22, no. 1 (June 1, 2023): 8–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.20940/jae/2023/v22i1a2.
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Most assessments and analyses of Lesotho’s elections have focused on the post-election conflict. There has been little attention to the role of the Independent Electoral Commission (IEC) as the key player with the constitutional mandate to ensure credible, free, and fair electoral processes. During the polls on 7 October 2022, the role of the IEC came to the fore in terms of the extent of their preparedness for and actual performance in managing the electoral processes. Adopting a qualitative approach that relies on interviews with purposefully selected respondents and document analysis, this paper assesses these two main aspects of the IEC. The paper argues that compared to previous elections from 2012, the IEC does not seem to have been adequately prepared to manage the October 2022 elections, and as such, it had a poor performance this time.
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Tobing, Rudyanti Dorotea, and Sri Astutik. "THE ROLE OF THE YOUNGER GENERATION IN PARTICIPATORY SUPERVISION GENERAL ELECTION IN 2024." Awang Long Law Review 6, no. 1 (January 16, 2024): 313–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.56301/awl.v6i1.1145.
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The purpose of this research is first to describe the implementation of the 2024 General Election and, secondly, to describe the role of the younger generation in participatory supervision of the 2024 General Election. The normative legal research method uses legal materials as the main source, carried out using the philosophical, statute, conceptual, and historical approaches. The research results show that the 2024 general election will be the same as the 2019 election, namely that the legislative and presidential elections (Pilpres) will be held simultaneously. The legal basis for holding the 2024 General Election is the same as the 2019 General Election, namely Law Number 7 of 2017 concerning General Elections (Election Law). The 2024 general election stages begin on June 14, 2022; by Article 167 paragraph (6) of the Election Law, the general election stages begin 20 months before voting day, while voting day is February 14, 2024. Second, supervision of implementing general elections is a desire based on noble concerns (ultimate concerns), to achieve quality general elections. The existence of Bawaslu has experienced significant changes from time to time, which is a sign that its existence is very important for upholding general election justice. The limited number of supervisors is still one of the obstacles for Bawaslu in carrying out supervision at all stages of the general election. The younger generation's involvement in election supervision carried out by Bawaslu is participatory. Participatory supervision is generally described as a joint collective effort involving various components of society to supervise the implementation of general elections. The role of the young generation as participatory observers in general elections is to be able to provide initial information on suspected general election violations, participate in supervising/monitoring the implementation of general elections, prevent general election violations, and report suspected general election violations.
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Yarni, Meri, Rona Indara, Irwandi Irwandi, Adeb Davega Prasna, and Lauri Juliani. "Putusan Mahkamah Konstitusi Nomor 85/PUU-XX/2022: Badan Peradilan Khusus Perkara Perselisihan Hasil Pemilihan Gubernur, Bupati dan Walikota." Wajah Hukum 8, no. 1 (April 30, 2024): 444. http://dx.doi.org/10.33087/wjh.v8i1.1467.
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The purpose of this research is to determine and analyze the balance of Constitutional Court Judges in Decision Number 85/PUU-XX/2022 and the legal implications of Decision Number 85/PUU-XX/2022 on special courts for resolving disputes over election results. The research issues include: 1) What are the considerations of Constitutional Court Judges in Decision Number 85/PUU-XX/2022? 2) What are the legal implications of Decision Number 85/PUU-XX/2022 on special courts for resolving disputes over election results? The research method used in this thesis is normative juridical, meaning the research starts from legal issues by analyzing legal problems through legislation, literature, and other reference materials. This thesis employs several approaches, including legal approach, conceptual approach, and case approach. The results of the discussion in this study indicate that: 1) Legal considerations underlying the Constitutional Court Decision include the absence of a special court designated by the President/Government and the DPR to handle disputes over the results of regional head elections, fundamental changes to Article 157 in three amendments to the Regional Head Election Law; the history of the development of authority in resolving disputes over election results in the Constitutional Court; and the elimination of differences in the election regime for both general elections and regional head elections. 2) The implication of constitutional Court Decision number 85/PUU-XX/2022 are, firstly, it removes the role of special judicial bodies in handling disputes over regional elections results” Secondly, there is inconsistency in the Constitutional Court’s decisions, as it previously mandated that settling regional election disputes (PHPUD) is not within the authority of the Constitutional Court. Thirdly, there is a pilin gup of election-related cases in the Constituional Court.
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Vaššová, Tatiana. "Politický systém a súčasná politická situácia v Bosne a Hercegovine: všeobecné voľby 2022." Krízový manažment 22, no. 1 (2023): 13–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.26552/krm.c.2023.1.13-21.
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The aim of this article, based on an analysis of the political system of Bosnia and Herzegovina and the overall political situation in the country, is to assess the results of the general elections held there on October 2, 2022. These elections were probably the most watched elections of 2022, mainly because of the expected accession negotiations and the granting of the status of a European Union candidate country. The general election results were supposed to indicate whether Bosnia and Herzegovina is ready to join the ranks of developed democratic countries and whether it has finally become a functioning multi ethnic state. The methods of analysis, synthesis, deduction, induction, and generalization were used to achieve the set goal. In the end, we will point out the impact of the election results on the current political situation, which, however, does not foresee any changes compared to the current situation in Bosnia and Herzegovina.
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Stremlau, Nicole, and Nathan Dobson. "Information Controls and Internet Shutdowns in African Elections: The Politics of Electoral Integrity and Abuses of Power." Journal of African Elections 21, no. 2 (October 1, 2022): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.20940/jae/2022/v21i2a1.
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Internet shutdowns in Africa are becoming increasingly widespread, particularly when governments face competitive or contentious elections. They have also come to symbolise a widening fracture between competing conceptions of the global Internet and its regulation. Governments in Africa are justifying shutdowns as able address misinformation and disinformation, protect the election process, and ensure national security. International organisations, NGOs, and social networking platforms condemn these as an inadmissible form of censorship and information control, an abuse by political actors seeking to silence critics or manipulate elections. This article offers an alternative reading on internet shutdowns by placing them in the historical context of the wide range of information controls around elections, many of which are widely regarded as being acceptable and legitimate mechanisms to support competitive elections. By offering this context, we can ask what is new about shutdowns and whether they can ever be regarded as a proportionate response to real concerns of social media and election manipulation. We conclude by highlighting the inequalities of online content moderation as an often-overlooked factor in driving the use of shutdowns, and the failure of social media companies to effectively address misinformation and disinformation in Africa, particularly around elections.
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Yarni, Meri, Kosariza Kosariza, Irwandi Irwandi, Juanson Juanson, Herma Yanti, and A. Yuli Taufani. "Polemik Hukum Penunjukan Penjabat (PJ) Kepala Daerah Berdasarkan Undang Undang Nomor 10 Tahun 2016 Tentang Pemilihan Gubernur, Bupati dan Walikota." Wajah Hukum 7, no. 2 (October 31, 2023): 483. http://dx.doi.org/10.33087/wjh.v7i2.1333.
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The appointment of acting regional heads to fill the vacancy for definitive regional head officials caused by postponing regional elections in 271 regions in Indonesia has created problems in the administration of government in Indonesia. Regarding Article 201 of Law No. 10 of 2016 concerning the Election of Governors, Regents and Mayors which is the legal basis for the appointment of acting regional heads, a judicial review has been carried out resulting in MKRI Decision Number 67/PUU-XIX/2021 and MKRI Decision Number 15/PUUXX /2022. These legal materials were obtained through literature study and analyzed descriptively-qualitatively. The postponement of the 2022 and 2023 regional elections is still causing polemics. Based on data from the Ministry of Home Affairs in May 2022, the needs for filling regional head officials include 5 provinces, 6 cities and 37 districts. Meanwhile, there are as many as 101 regional heads whose leadership terms will end in 2022 and as many as 170 regional heads and deputy heads in 2023. This means that 271 regional head positions will end before the 2024 simultaneous elections.
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Guseletov, Boris. "Results of the parliamentary elections in Portugal and their impact on Russian-Portuguese relations." Science. Culture. Society 28, no. 1 (March 25, 2022): 33–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.19181/nko.2022.28.1.3.
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The article examines the results of the Portuguese parliamentary elections held on January 30, 2022. It compares the results of the leading political parties in the elections of 2015, 2019 and 2022, and characterizes all the leading Portuguese political parties represented in parliament from 2015 to 2021. The results of the government led by the leader of the Socialist Party, A. Costa, are presented. The results of the government headed by the leader of the Socialist Party, A. Costa, formed by the results of the 2015 elections are presented. The reasons for maintaining the rating of this government and its impact on the election campaign are revealed. The article examines how the coronavirus pandemic and the government's actions to overcome its consequences influenced the course and results of the election campaign. The activities of the main opposition parties in this country are assessed: the liberal-conservative Social Democratic Party, the right-wing radical populist Chega Party and the Liberal Initiative Party. The course of the election campaign and its main topics are examined, as well as other political parties that were elected to the parliament as a result of these elections: the Liberal Initiative, the Left Bloc and the Unionist Democratic Coalition. The positions of the leading political parties of the country regarding their attitude to the new government coalition are presented. The state of Russian-Portuguese relations is analyzed. It forecasts how the results of the elections will affect the formation of the new government of this country and the relations between Russia and Portugal.
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F, F., F. F, and F. F. "Political Discourse on Twitter: The Case of Election Fraud in South Korea." Korea Observer - Institute of Korean Studies 55, no. 1 (February 28, 2024): 101–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.29152/koiks.2024.55.1.101.
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The fake news that circulated on social media in 2020 and 2022 affected the voters of the South Korean general and presidential elections, respectively. The political controversy, centered on the election fraud that occurred in both the elections, received significant attention from the society. This study emphasizes the Twitter discourse and compares the formation and distribution of election fraud. We conduct semantic social network analysis and structural topic modeling (STM) to represent topics and relationships among the emerging themes using Twitter texts related to both elections. Results demonstrate that discourses on the same political issue exhibited unique contents and structures, as information is formed and distributed differently depending on the type of election in South Korea. Furthermore, this study illustrates the process and analysis of large-scale text data collected from Twitter. It also includes new methods, such as political ideology, for considering an analytical dimension.
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Maslova, Elena. "PARLIAMENTARY ELECTIONS IN ITALY 2022: LEADERS AND IDEAS." Scientific and Analytical Herald of IE RAS 29, no. 5 (October 31, 2022): 55–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/vestnikieran520225562.
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The paper attempts to give an idea of the Italian political scene on the eve and after the extraordinary parliamentary elections in September 2022. The causes of the political crisis are analyzed and it is pointed out that by the level of political tension and intensity the elections in 2022 can be compared with the first parliamentary elections in the country in 1948. In the course of the election campaign political opponents of the centre-right coalition used the tools of labeling, the main of which were «friends of Putin», «populist», «neofascist». The article analyses these discursive techniques, and concludes that the left-wing forces in modern Italy, first of all the Democratic Party, are in a crisis, both in terms of ideology and leadership. The programme of the centre-right coalition and its ideas are considered separately; it is pointed out that the document contains a lot of «left» proposals related to the social support of citizens. The author analyses the reasons for the victory of the centre-right coalition and, in particular, of G. Meloni, highlighting the high social demand for change as the main factor behind the victory of the «Brothers of Italy».
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Maslova, Elena. "PARLIAMENTARY ELECTIONS IN ITALY 2022: LEADERS AND IDEAS." Scientific and Analytical Herald of IE RAS 29, no. 5 (October 31, 2022): 55–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/vestnikieran520225563.
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The paper attempts to give an idea of the Italian political scene on the eve and after the extraordinary parliamentary elections in September 2022. The causes of the political crisis are analyzed and it is pointed out that by the level of political tension and intensity the elections in 2022 can be compared with the first parliamentary elections in the country in 1948. In the course of the election campaign political opponents of the centre-right coalition used the tools of labeling, the main of which were «friends of Putin», «populist», «neofascist». The article analyses these discursive techniques, and concludes that the left-wing forces in modern Italy, first of all the Democratic Party, are in a crisis, both in terms of ideology and leadership. The programme of the centre-right coalition and its ideas are considered separately; it is pointed out that the document contains a lot of «left» proposals related to the social support of citizens. The author analyses the reasons for the victory of the centre-right coalition and, in particular, of G. Meloni, highlighting the high social demand for change as the main factor behind the victory of the «Brothers of Italy».
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Akimov, Yury. "2022 Provincial elections in Quebec: consolidation or fragmentation?" Russia and America in the 21st Century, no. 6 (2023): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207054760029527-6.
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The article deals with the election campaign and the results of the general elections to the National Assembly of Quebec held on October 3, 2022. The author claims that these elections demonstrated the preservation of fairly broad support for the Coalition avenir Québec (CAQ), a sharp drop in the popularity of the sovereignist project championed by the Parti québécois (PQ), a clear split in electoral preferences between “Big Montreal” consistently voting for the provincial Liberals (PLQ) and “The Rest of Québec”, as well as a certain increase in the polarization of the provincial electorate and its protest moods. It is noted that during these elections, the shortcomings of the existing electoral system became particularly evident. It is stressed that québécois nationalism, to which all the leading political forces of Québec appeal, remains the most important driving force of provincial politics. The author points out that the modern Québec politics is characterized by increased attention to issues of federal-provincial relations, protection of the French language, French-Québec culture and identity, with a clear decline in separatist sentiments and against the background of the expansion of the political spectrum.
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Ominah, Omondi Denin. "The Mirage of Issue-Based Politics in Africa. A Case Study of Kenya’s Presidential Election Campaigns from 2013-2022." International Journal of Research and Innovation in Social Science VII, no. X (2023): 2444–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.47772/ijriss.2023.701183.
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Political analysts have often described elections in Africa as nothing but an ethnic census. However, the results of the 2022 Kenyan presidential elections showed members of the most populous ethnic group (Kikuyus) overwhelmingly vote against a member of their own ethnicity and sitting President. This raises the question: Is issue-based politics finally the main determinant of Kenyan presidential elections? Since the 2022 presidential elections is a fairly recent event, there is scant information on this supposedly new phenomenon. This study uses a combination of quantitative data, such as the outcome of the presidential elections and subsequent analysis from election observers and non-governmental agencies, and qualitative data, like opinion pieces from political scientists, politicians, academics, and the fourth estate. The research examines voting patterns of the largest ethnicities in Kenya for the past five elections in a bid to highlight any major changes in the voting patterns to justify claims of Kenyans embracing issue-based politics. The study reveals that although the Kikuyu voted against the candidate endorsed by one of their own in the 2022 presidential elections, what they were doing was voting against a candidate from an ethnicity they have always rejected. It confirms that although the results of the 2022 presidential elections seem to suggest otherwise, Kenya’s electorate has a long way to go in terms of embracing issue- based politics and making it a reality.
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Papalia, Titi Suharti, Fatima Sialana, and Jumiati Tuharea. "Political Strategy for the 2022 Village Head Election, Waetele Village, Waeapo District, Buru Regency." JETISH: Journal of Education Technology Information Social Sciences and Health 2, no. 2 (September 1, 2023): 1218–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.57235/jetish.v2i2.656.
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The village head is the highest leader of the village administration. The village head election is a democratic party. Where the village community can participate by voting to elect a village head candidate who is responsible and can develop the village. Political strategy is a procedure used in the election process as an effort to obtain opportunities to get votes in the community. The type of research used in this research is a qualitative approach. A qualitative approach is research that produces findings that cannot be achieved by using statistical procedures or by means of quantification. Qualitative research can be designed to contribute to theory, practice, policy, social issues, and action. Collecting data in this study using observation and interviews using descriptive qualitative data analysis techniques. This research was conducted in Waetele Village, Waeapo District, Buru Regency. As for the formulation of the problem in this study, namely: 1. The Political Strategy used by Candidates in Winning Village Head Elections. 2. Supporting Factors and Inhibiting Factors for the Success of Political Strategy in Village Head Elections. 3. The Impact of Political Strategy in Village Head Elections on Society. The purpose of this study is to find out: 1. The political strategy used by candidates in winning village head elections. 2. Supporting Factors and Inhibiting Factors for the Success of Political Strategy in Village Head Elections. 3. The Impact of Political Strategy in Village Head Elections on Society. The results of the study show how the political strategy for the 2022 Village Head Election is Waetele Village, Waeapo District, Buru Regency. The strategy used in winning the village head election is an offensive and defensive strategy. As for the supporting factors for the success of the political strategy are the success team, family, financial conditions and self-quality. The inhibiting factors for the success of political strategy are opponents and financial or financial conditions. The political strategy used by the candidates certainly has an impact on society, both negative and positive impacts such as friends becoming enemies and vice versa, loss of image and dignity which will impact on jobs and loss of harmony in family relationships. The positive impact is that the community will get a new leader, whose leadership is expected to bring changes in the village for the better.
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Nyhuis, Dominic, Jan Velimsky, Sebastian Block, and Martin Gross. "Die Kommunalwahlen in Nordrhein-Westfalen im September 2020:." Zeitschrift für Parlamentsfragen 53, no. 1 (2022): 120–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0340-1758-2022-1-120.
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To understand the 2020 local elections in North Rhine-Westphalia, the electoral results are placed in the context of past election results in the state to test the impact of structural characteristics of the largest cities on local electoral behavior . In a second step, the mayoral elections in the largest cities and counties (Landkreise) are added before including the coali- tions formed in the largest cities after the election . It becomes evident that while the Social Democrats have lost further ground, the Greens have seen a sharp increase in electoral sup- port . Even though the mayoral elections continue to be dominated by SPD and CDU, the Social Democrats win most frequently in the largest cities, while the Christian Democrats are the prevailing force in the counties .
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Lee, Jongkon. "The Electoral Influence of Former President Donald Trump: Focusing on the 2022 Midterm Elections." Sungshin Women's University Center for East Asian Studies 29, no. 1 (February 28, 2023): 1–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.56022/ceas.2023.29.1.1.
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Former President Donald Trump, who planned to run for president in 2024, tried to drive out anti-Trump candidates and bring pro-Trump to the congressional floor as much as possible to strengthen his reputation within the Republican Party. To this end, he actively expressed his endorsement during the Republican primary in the 2022 midterm elections, helping a number of pro-Trump candidates win the primary and final elections. Several statistical tests showed that the former President expressed his endorsement based on their pro-Trump behaviors such as raising suspicions of the 2020 presidential election. The candidates who won Trump’s endorsement were able to win the Republican primary with a high probability. However, Trump’s endorsement did not have much impact on the final election. Further, the Republican candidates’ pro Trump behaviors negatively affected their final election results.
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Chowdhury, Nusrat Sabina. "Bangladesh in 2022 and 2023." Asian Survey 64, no. 2 (March 2024): 321–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2024.64.2.321.
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Following the semicentennial celebrations and a global pandemic, Bangladesh seemed well on track to achieve the promises of furthering both democracy and development. But while development was visible in the completion of spectacular infrastructural projects, democracy continued to suffer, as the government plans to host the 12th parliamentary elections without the participation of the main opposition party. The war in Ukraine and a depleting foreign exchange reserve severely affected the country’s economic profile, while a dengue outbreak once more revealed the inadequacies of its public health system.
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Entina, Ekaterina, and Denis Eremin. "General elections in Serbia - 2022." Analytical papers of the Institute of Europe RAS, no. 2 (2022): 13–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/analytics21420221326.
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On 3 April 2022, Serbia held general elections. They included presidential, early parliamentary and municipal elections. While the outcome was generally predictable, Russia's special military operation in Ukraine played a significant role in the specific outcome and had a significant impact on the Serbian electorate. Its results demonstrate that the party and political system of Serbia will transform in the nearest future. So far, Serbia remains the only European country that has not joined the sanctions against Russia. The ability to maintain this position in the future depends seriously not only on Belgrade, but also on Moscow.
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Azlan, Ariff Aizuddin, and Muhamad Nadzri Mohamed Noor. "Dari Barisan Ke Perikatan: Politik, Parti, dan Pengundi Melayu dalam Pilihan Raya Umum 2022." Malaysian Journal of History, Politics & Strategic Studies 50, no. 2 (June 1, 2023): 46–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.17576/jebat.2023.5002.04.
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Since the 2008 General Election (GE), Barisan Nasional (BN) has experienced a steady decline – particularly among the urban voters and the youth, including the Malays. Accordingly, the BN government fell in the 2018 GE before returning to Putrajaya in March 2020 (in the Muhyiddin Yassin administration) and in August 2021 (the Ismail Sabri administration) through a political pact with the National Alliance (PN). In the 2022 GE, scheduled in November, the BN Chairperson Ahmad Zahid Hamidi decided for the BN to go solo in the election and caused an intense multi-cornered fight throughout the country. Ahmad Zahid’s confidence, however, was not without basis. In late 2021, a state election took place in Melaka, before another state election in Johor in March 2022. The BN went alone in these elections and recaptured both of the states from the Pakatan Harapan (PH). Surprisingly, BN recorded poor performance in the 2022 GE, winning only 30 parliamentary constituencies, in contrast to 79 seats in the 2018 GE, out of the total of 222 seats. Based on field research and secondary sources, this article analyses the competition for the Malay vote in the 2022 GE, involving issues and campaigning strategies among the main parties/coalitions, by exploring the factors that shape and change Malay voting patterns in the election.
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Okuneva, Liudmila. "Brazil from 2018 elections to 2022 elections: new internal political course (2019-2022) and electoral process." Latin-American Historical Almanac 34, no. 1 (June 29, 2022): 217–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.32608/2305-8773-2022-34-1-217-264.
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The article analyzes the change in the political vector of Brazil in the conditions of the "right turn", which replaced the "left drift" (2003-2016). The circumstances of the coming to power of the right-wing conservative M. Temer, and then, according to the results of the presidential elections in 2018, the right-wing radical J. Bolsonaro are considered. The main directions of Bolsonaro's internal political course are investigated. As part of the analysis of the domestic policy of the President of Brazil, the features of the 2022 electoral campaign, which unfolded long before its official start, are shown. In the context of extreme radicalization of the political process and polarization of political forces, institutional design is being reformatted. The search for a candidate who could represent the so-called "third way" – a moderate, centrist politician – is not successful, and two leaders of the election race will face each other in the political arena – the current president Bolsonaro and the ex-president, center-left Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva. This confrontation goes beyond a personal dispute and embodies two different models of socio-economic development.
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Azhari, Azhari, and La Ode Dedihasriadi. "Money Politics In Local Democracy: A Case Study In The Simultaneous Election Of Village Heads Throughout Bombana Regency In 2022." Jurnal Ilmiah Ilmu Administrasi Publik 13, no. 1 (May 10, 2023): 233. http://dx.doi.org/10.26858/jiap.v13i1.45679.
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In Bombana district, Southeast Sulawesi Province on February 20, 2022 a democratic party was held through the simultaneous general election of village heads throughout Bombana district which was attended by 109 villages as stipulated in Bombana Regent Decree No. 449 of 2021 Concerning Schedules and Stages of Simultaneous Village Head Elections in 2022. In the implementation of local democracy through simultaneous village head elections, there are many practices of money politics carried out by village head candidates, success teams, and the community itself. The purpose of this research is to find out the factors causing the practice of money politics in the simultaneous village election. The method used in this study is a qualitative method by describing the facts that occur in the field to be explained more deeply through primary data sources, namely interviews, and secondary data, namely books and journals. The results of this study indicate that several factors cause money politics in simultaneous village elections in Bombana district, including the habitual factor that continues to occur at every election moment at all levels of democracy that occurs in Bombana district, and economic factors due to the Covid-19 outbreak that hit Indonesia. nationally 2 years ago, the factor of the absence of a special supervisory agency for village head elections, the factor weak laws and regulations on all hierarchies governing villages, and the absence of political education carried out by the local government and stakeholders in building village community intelligence about the dangers money politic.
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Guseletov, Boris. "Results of the Parliamentary Elections in France and their impact on Russian-French Relations." Science. Culture. Society 28, no. 3 (September 29, 2022): 8–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.19181/nko.2022.28.3.1.
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The article examines the results of the parliamentary elections in France held on June 12 and 19, 2022. The results of the leading political parties in the elections of 2017 and 2022 are compared, and all these parties that were represented in parliament in the period from 2017 to 2022 are characterized. The results of the activities of the French government, formed by President and Leader of party Republic on the March! E. Macron following the results of the 2018 elections. The reasons for maintaining the rating of this government and its influence on the course of the election campaign are revealed. It is considered how the coronavirus pandemic and the government's actions to overcome its consequences affected the course and results of the election campaign. The assessment of the activities of the main opposition parties of this country is given. The course of the election campaign and its main topics, as well as the positions of political parties and coalitions that were elected to parliament following these elections are considered: the coalition Together (For a President Majority), led by the Chairman of the National Assembly R.Ferrand, uniting the Renaissance, Democratic Movement and Horizon parties, the New People's Ecological and Social Union coalition (NPESU) led by the leader of the Unconquered France party J.-L.Melenchon, which also united the socialist and communist parties, and the Europe, Ecology, Greens party, the National Unification Party of Marine Le Pen, which was headed on the eve of the elections by MEP J.Bordella, and the coalition of the Union of the Right and Centrists led by the leader of the Republicans Party, C.Jacob, which also included the Union of Democrats and Independents party. The positions of these parties are presented. The state of Russian-French relations is analyzed and a forecast is given of how the election results will affect relations between RF and France.
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Francis, Luangisa. "Elections in Kenya: When All Roads in East Africa Lead to Nairobi." Journal of Public Policy and Administration 7, no. 1 (November 11, 2022): 54–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.47604/jppa.1692.
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Kenya went to the elections in August 2022. The increasing unpredictable and competitive elections have often down-graded general election trends in the East Africa region where predetermined outcomes and poll fixing are the often norm Kenya was not going to be an exception. However, the case in Kenya was different this time. The era of unquestionable linchpins in Kenyan politics seemed to no longer dictate the tone among Kenyan voters. The voting alliance usually set among ethnic lines appeared to have been a matter of the past. Leading candidates set tone by disowning violence and instead appealed for peace to their supporters during the process of elections. Independent monitoring via parallel vote tabulations and public access of data released by the electoral commission from polling stations kept the public informed of the contest. Before the elections, during and after, anxiety was on the rise within Kenya, among Kenya’s neighbors, the rest of Africa and elsewhere.
This study examines the 2022 General Election in Kenya as to the maturity of the Kenya electorate against all the odds that has always beset the nation during such particular times. The example set is worth emulation by willing neighboring East African and African states in particular and the world at large. Literature on the elections from reliable daily and weekly tabloids, newsreels, interviews from the mass media, one- to- one debates with political analysts, active participation in panel discussions on the election and discussion groups furnished the necessary information to put something on paper. The general consensus in the discussion groups pitted Kenya to have made a leap forward.
The conclusion can be drawn that a significant progress has been made in Kenya’s election process since 2007-2008. The process in 2022 has displayed a maturity of democracy worth rivalling.
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Guseletov, Boris. "Italy: parliamentary elections-2022 and prospects for relations with Russia." Science. Culture. Society 29, no. 1 (March 31, 2023): 103–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.19181/nko.2023.29.1.8.
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The governmental crisis that broke out in Italy in the summer of 2022 led to the resignation of the government of M. Draghi and the subsequent dissolution of Parliament. The article examines the results of Italy's early parliamentary elections held on September 25, 2022 (including a comparison with the results of the 2018 elections) and analyzes the positions of the leading political parties represented in the Italian parliament from 2018 to 2022. The author summarizes the results of the government with M. Draghi, identifying the reasons for the preservation of the rating of this government and its impact on the course of the election campaign. In reviewing the course and results of the election campaign the consequences of the coronavirus pandemic and the government's actions to overcome its consequences are analyzed, the activities of the main opposition parties in Italy are assessed. Considering the current situation, the author offers a comprehensive overview of the positions of the leading political parties and their coalitions, which passed on the results of the early parliamentary elections. The newly formed government supported the stance of the collective West on Russia, despite internal disagreements on this issue and direct recognition of the painful nature of anti-Russian sanctions for the Italian economy itself. There is no reason to count on a "privileged partnership" between Russia and Italy in the near future, but, according to the author, there are reasons to expect ties to be restored soon after the resolution of the Ukrainian conflict.
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Hambali, Muhammad Afied, Teguh Prasetyo, Widayati Widayati, and Muhammad Ngazis. "Feasibility Test Reconstruction of Ethical Enforcement Regulations for Election Organizers Based on the Values of Justice with Dignity." Scholars International Journal of Law, Crime and Justice 5, no. 1 (January 12, 2022): 1–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.36348/sijlcj.2022.v05i01.001.
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In the context of building an ethical enforcement system for general election organizers in Indonesia, apart from the need to complete and reinforce the material for legislation, it is also important to question the effectiveness of the work of general election organizers. The organizers of the General Election have the authority to impose sanctions on perpetrators of violations of the General Election administration. The emergence of ethical enforcement problems for the organizers of the General Election, especially in Article 458 paragraph (13) and paragraph (14) of Law no. 7 of 2017 concerning General Elections, which explains that the DKPP's decision is final and binding, this can lead to legal uncertainty and cannot be equated with final and binding decisions from judicial institutions in general because DKPP is an internal election organizer that is authorized by law. The results of this study have theoretical implications, especially concerning the code of ethics in the administration of elections that has developed so far which views that laws and regulations apply as the only absolute recognized standard of truth. This study has practical implications, that state law needs to be adapted to the conditions and situations of this nation, not to the interests of certain parties. Enforcement of ethics as described in Law no. 7 of 2017 concerning General Elections. The substances regulated are obligations to the state, obligations to the community, integrity, independence, and professionalism of the General Election Organizer. Although there is no explicit mention of the obligation to honor a code of ethics that is implemented properly/not violated is expected to place the General Election Organizer in the highest honor.
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Oluwadayisi, Akin O., Olugbenga Oke-Samuel, Olamide O. Mohammed, and Dauda A. Ariyoosu. "An Introspection into the Emergence of ‘Inconclusive Elections’ from the Electoral Act 2022 and Its Implication on the Nigeria Politics." European Journal of Law and Political Science 2, no. 3 (May 31, 2023): 14–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.24018/ejpolitics.2023.2.3.79.
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The incidence of inconclusive elections in Nigeria has attracted diverse perspectives in recent times. The significance of this discourse to the consolidation of Nigeria’s democracy cannot be ignored considering its consequential effects on the country’s electoral process. In what seems to be an unusual jurisprudential and political development was the case of John Faleke v Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) & Anor which posed a peculiar scenario that was unprecedented to the evolution of electoral disputes in Nigeria. In line with the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria (CFRN), the Independent National Electoral Commission is empowered to organize or undertake and to supervise all elections to key offices including those of the President and Vice President, Governor, and Deputy Governor among others. It is in the exercise of this power that the INEC developed the Electoral Act and Election Manual used for all general elections which authorized the INEC to declare elections inconclusive or to schedule a rerun election where appropriate. Several arguments have arisen as to the constitutionality of the declaration by INEC. The first notorious case was the Kogi State Gubernatorial Election held on November 21, 2015, as an inconclusive election. It is against this background that the paper examines the decision of the Supreme Court in the case of James Faleke v INEC, the provision of the Electoral Act 2022 and Election Manual which affirms the legality of the INEC’s power and the correctness of the declaration of inconclusive election. It argues that the declaration of election as inconclusive is in line with the Electoral Act and the Constitution. The paper further posits the fundamental grounds or conditions upon which an election can be declared as ‘inconclusive.’ However, it suggests that there is a need to carefully thread the path of application of the provisions on inconclusive election in order to avoid a situation where it is being deployed as a manipulative tool for the benefit of the ruling party.
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Reisen, Helmut. "Präsidentschaftswahl zeigt Frankreichs Spaltung." Wirtschaftsdienst 102, no. 5 (May 2022): 408–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10273-022-3197-1.
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AbstractFrench presidential elections 2022 have significantly strengthened anti-EU populists. Traditional mainstream centrists are not among the big three election winners, while far-right Marine Le Pen deftly addressed the plight of the disengaged. The country’s rural-urban divide masks significant differences in voting motives; Paris is a stark outlier. Unemployment rates, low skills, and car dependency fuel Le Pen’s support, as well as xenophobia. The province has fought back against neglect by electing populists. It is doubtful whether place-based policies will solve the structural cause of the populist tendency by the next presidential election in five years.
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Bhattarai, Prakash. "Nepal in 2022 and 2023." Asian Survey 64, no. 2 (March 2024): 341–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2024.64.2.341.
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The major events that were pivotal in Nepal in both 2022 and 2023 can be put into five categories: politics and society; geopolitics and foreign policy; the economy; climate change, disaster, and health; and human rights, justice, and peace. The country’s economy performed poorly, and results were mixed in the other four categories. In particular, these two years were instrumental for institutionalizing democratic practices due to timely local, provincial, and federal elections. However, as in preceding years, this review indicates a need for significant efforts to improve the country’s economy, address climate change and disastrous events, ensure justice for conflict-era victims, and promote peace.
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Adesiyan, Emmanuel Ayobami. "Digitization of Electoral Process and` Democratic Consolidation: A Case of Ekiti and Osun State, Southwest, Nigeria." International Journal of Research and Innovation in Social Science VII, no. IV (2023): 1530–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.47772/ijriss.2023.7527.
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Liberal Democratic theorists have established a strong link between Democracy and Election. A high premium is thus placed on the integrity of election in the democratic project. In Nigeria, attempts at strengthening and consolidating democracy have always been frustrated by electoral fraud ranging from rigging, ballot snatching, unauthorized announcement of elections, illegal thumb-printing and most recently, vote buying. To arrest this she nanigan, the Country’s electoral rules introduced the use of Smart Card Reader as a technological innovation into the electoral process in 2015. A further step in this initiative was the introduction of the use of Bimodal Voters Accreditation System and Electronic Transmission of Result in the Electoral Act, 2022. This paper examines the use and consequences of the technology on Nigeria’s democratic future as demonstrated in the 2022 Ekiti and Osun governorship elections. It relies principally on secondary data generated from documented evidence of local and international election observers, archival materials, journals and texts. The content analyses revealed that there was effective deployment of Bimodal Voters Accreditation System (BVAS) in the conduct of the two 2022 gubernatorial elections with minimal challenges in their functionality. This facilitated prompt release of the election results. Digitization and transmission of election results, if properly administered have the prospect of guaranteeing increased security of election and encouraging increased voters’ turnout as a result of perceived guarantee of electoral integrity. This portends good prospect for Nigeria’s democratic stability and institutionalization in future polls.
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Daniluk, Dawid. "Manipulacje wyborcze Waldemar Wojtasik Manipulacje wyborcze wyd. drugie, Ridero 2022, s. 414." Przegląd Sejmowy 1(174) (2023): 167–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.31268/ps.2023.171.
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In the book under review, the author presents the legal possibilities of influencing election results. Changes in electoral law may have political consequences, but they should not be made with the intention of benefiting their initiators or weakening the opponents. Therefore, it is necessary to distinguish election manipulation from election engineering, as well as from illegal activities – offences against elections. The author divides election manipulations into institutional and communication ones. In the author’s opinion, communication manipulations are a greater threat for principles of democracy because they are more difficult to identify.