Relevant bibliographies by topics / Elections, 2022

Academic literature on the topic 'Elections, 2022'

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Published: 25 July 2024
Last updated: 26 July 2024

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Journal articles on the topic "Elections, 2022"

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Widyana, Maulida Rita, and Addien Fikriansyah. "Analisis SOAR: Dampak Penundaan Pilkada Tahun 2022 dan 2023." Jurnal Adhyasta Pemilu 4, no. 2 (December 24, 2021): 52–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.55108/jap.v4i2.48.

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Elections as a form of community participation must be carried out following the procedures set out in the law. One of them is in the Regional Head Election. The impact of the Covid-19 pandemic stated that the election could not be held considering that the virus outbreak was increasing every year. The assumption that the Regional Head Elections in 2022 and 2023 have been postponed has given special attention to all the pros and cons elements. The impact of the postponement of the 2022 and 2023 Regional Head Elections will happen to the KPU as the election organizer, and the complexity of the problems in the 2019 Election will repeat itself. The purpose of this study is to find the cause of the government abolishing the 2022 and 2023 Regional Head Elections in real terms by looking at the context that occurred in the simultaneous elections in 2019. This study uses qualitative descriptive methods and data collected using relevant journals, news, and also web. The theory used is an empirical political theory because it explains the predictions that will occur if the Regional Head Election is still held in 2024 by looking at the causes and effects. The analysis used is SOAR with research results in legitimacy and political parties. In legitimacy, there are regulations in the form of laws, while political parties are related to the strategies taken to win the Regional Head Election.
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Shishelina, Lyubov. "2022 PARLIAMENTARY ELECTIONS IN HUNGARY." Scientific and Analytical Herald of IE RAS 26, no. 2 (April 1, 2022): 71–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/vestnikieran220227179.

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The Hungarian parliamentary elections of 2022 for the fifth time in the recent history of the country brought victory to the FIDESZ party, including the fourth with a constitutional majority of 2 /3 of parliamentary mandates. At the same time, during the current election campaign in Hungary, the system of preliminary election of a single candidate (by the type of primaries) among opposition parties and movements was tested for the first time. However, this did not save the multi-party coalition from another failure. Nevertheless, the recent elections have further strengthened the trend towards the formation in Hungary, as in a number of other Central European countries, of a two-party political system with a small layer of a «third force». The surprise of the elections was the passage to Parliament of the extreme nationalist party «Our Fatherland», which partially broke away from the Jobbik party after the 2018 elections. Now, within the walls of parliament, former right-wing radical party members will meet with the renewed Jobbik party, which performed in the last elections in a coalition with left-liberal forces. This campaign took place against a very unfavorable international background – the war in Ukraine and increased pressure on Hungary from Brussels and from neighboring states that do not agree with the aspirations of the Orban cabinet to prevent the use of Hungarian territory for military purposes. This circumstance made the task extremely difficult for Viktor Orban, the permanent leader of the FIDESZ party since its foundation, and at the same time played in favor of the opposition, as another reason for criticism of the foreign policy pursued by the Prime Minister, a significant element of which since 2011 has been the strengthening of pragmatic relations with Russia.
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Asrina, Suci, Yusrizal Yusrizal, and Mukhlis Mukhlis. "LEGAL POLITICS OF POSTPONING THE REGIONAL HEAD ELECTIONS IN ACEH FROM 2022 TO 2024." Suloh:Jurnal Fakultas Hukum Universitas Malikussaleh 12, no. 1 (May 26, 2024): 26. http://dx.doi.org/10.29103/sjp.v12i1.14999.

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This study aims to examine the legal politics of postponing the regional elections from 2022 to 2024, and to analyze the implications of postponing the regional elections in Aceh in connection with Aceh's special status. The legal politics in Aceh in the implementation of the regional elections, which were supposed to be held in 2022 but have been moved to 2024, were previously considered a special authority of Aceh as regulated in the Regional Autonomy Law (UUPA), but in its development, it must comply with and follow the rules of the national regional elections. This research is a normative legal research with a legislative approach, case approach, and concept approach, data is obtained through primary, secondary, and tertiary data and will be analyzed, then the research results will be systematically arranged to obtain clarity from the problems being studied. Based on the research results, the legal politics of postponing the Aceh regional elections is the implementation of Article 201 paragraph (8) and Article 199 of Law No. 10/2016, as well as the KPU Circular Letter, viewed from the political configuration can be categorized as an orthodox political configuration, the implication of the postponement of the regional elections is due to the presence of Article 199 of the Regional Election Law and in the Constitutional Court's decision to cancel the implementation of the Aceh Regional Elections regulated in the UUPA.
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Tarai, Jope. "Social media and democracy: The Fiji 2022 National Election." Pacific Journalism Review : Te Koakoa 29, no. 1and2 (July 31, 2023): 96–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/pjr.v29i1and2.1306.

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Since the 2014 Fiji General Election, social media political campaigning has continued to be a consistent feature in the country’s politics. This was evident in the 2022 National Election with many more political parties engaging in creative and innovative ways to campaign and engage voters. Since the 2018 elections, there have been a number of developments that led to the formation of new parties and declining popularity of the ruling FijiFirst party. This has provided a new context for social media political campaigning. Building on reviewed work around social media political campaigning from the 2014 and 2018 national elections, this article examines social media use in the 2022 General Election. It discusses some of the emergent trends and patterns of campaigning that are likely to prevail in social media use and Fiji elections.
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Muravev, Yuri, and Mark Boldyrev. "FRANCE 2022: PARLIAMENTARY ELECTIONS OUTCOME." Scientific and Analytical Herald of IE RAS 27, no. 3 (June 30, 2022): 46–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/vestnikieran320224654.

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The purpose of this study was to analyse the results of the French parliamentary elections of 12 and 19 June 2022 and their implications for the main political forces involved. The author summarises the results of the 2017–2022 electoral cycle, highlighting the changes that have affected the main incumbent actors. The author analyses separately the impact of the election results on Emmanuel Macron’s presidential bloc, Jean-Luc Melanchon’s bloc NUPES, the Rassemblement Nationale behind Marine Le Pen’s leadership, the Republicans, the Socialists, Eric Zemmour’s Reconquête, etc. The conclusion looks at the prospects for a new tripartite potential government and its sustainability. This year, populist parties collectively received almost 49 per cent of the vote, very close to the figures for the last presidential election. Today, populist movements are closer than ever to becoming the new systemic opposition.
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Song, Keon-Sup. "A Follow-up Study of Local Election Candidate Decisions from 2002 to 2022: What are the Ccriteria for Selecting Candidates for Daegu-Gyeongbuk Voters?" National Association of Korean Local Government Studies 25, no. 1 (May 31, 2023): 21–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.38134/klgr.2023.25.1.021.

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This paper investigated the local elections from 2002 to 2022 and identified the candidate selection criteria. A total of six surveys were conducted, and the data was 3,706 people. Here, the independent variables are the person, external factors, party and pledge factors, and the parameters and dependent variables are reputation and image, and voting decision. The results of the study are summarized as follows. First of all, in the overall model, voting decisions are influenced in the order of person, party, pledge. On the other hand, as external factors such as kindred, academic background and regional ties have a negative effect, it can be seen that local elections reject nepotism. In addition, the criterion for determining candidates was direct interest in image and politicians, not advice from neighbors and reputation of residents. 1) In the 2002 local elections, the criterion for determining candidates was the character factor. policy had a negative effect on decisions. 2) In the 2006 local elections, the criterion for determining candidates was the character factor. 3) the criteria for determining candidates for 2010 are personalities and political parties. The evaluation of the candidate was more important than the evaluation of others. 4) the criterion for determining candidates in 2014 is the character factor. Election pledge is influencing through the image factor. 5) The criteria for selecting candidates for 2018 are pledges and political parties. Advice from neighbors and media evaluations of candidates are rather negative. 6) The criteria for selecting candidates for 2022 is the party factor. Person and pledge were not statistically significant influencing factors, and the image factor formed an important positive (+) relationship in voting decision.In conclusion, it is necessary to activate local politics, increase interest in local elections and turnout, and improve negative regionalism in order to make rational voting decisions for voters in Daegu and Gyeongbuk.
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Mudau, Paul, and Hoolo ‘Nyane. "Reasons for the low voter turnout in Lesotho’s 2022 elections." Journal of African Elections 22, no. 1 (June 1, 2023): 121–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.20940/jae/2023/v22i1a7.

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Voter turnout in Lesotho’s 2022 National Assembly elections was at an all-time low of 37%. Since the country returned to multi-party electoral democracy in 1993, voter turnout has steadily decreased. Studies have been undertaken in Lesotho and globally to investigate the reasons for this phenomenon. While the turnout in the 2022 elections is a continuation of the pattern of declining voter turnout in Lesotho and globally, factors specific to each election may provide further insight into this intractable problem. The purpose of this article is to critically analyse the main reasons for the low turnout in the 2022 elections. The study uses qualitative methodology: it relies on primary and secondary data sources such as reports, targeted interviews, newspapers and literature, and legislation. The paper uses Stockemerian clustering of turnout variables to contend that election-specific factors can help to explain the steep decrease in voter turnout in the 2022 elections in Lesotho. Those factors are poor civic and voter education, political fragmentation, and some institutionalist variables.
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Carson, Jamie L., Spencer Hardin, and Aaron A. Hitefield. "You’re Fired! Donald Trump and the 2020 Congressional Elections." Forum 18, no. 4 (December 30, 2020): 627–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/for-2020-2103.

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Abstract The 2020 elections brought to an end one of the most divisive and historic campaigns in the modern era. Former Vice President Joe Biden was elected the 46th President of the United States with the largest number of votes ever cast in a presidential election, defeating incumbent President Donald Trump in the process. The record turnout was especially remarkable in light of the ongoing pandemic surrounding COVID-19 and the roughly 236,000 Americans who had died of the virus prior to the election. This article examines the electoral context of the 2020 elections focusing on elections in both the House and Senate. More specifically, this article examines the candidates, electoral conditions, trends, and outcomes in the primaries as well as the general election. In doing so, we provide a comprehensive descriptive analysis of the climate and outcome of the 2020 congressional elections. Finally, the article closes with a discussion of the broader implications of the election outcomes on both the incoming 117th Congress as well as the upcoming 2022 midterm election.
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Voroshilov, Nikolai V. "Features, trends, and factors shaping diverse approaches to local governance in the European North of Russia." Север и рынок: формирование экономического порядка 26, no. 3/2023 (September 27, 2023): 165–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.37614/2220-802x.3.2023.81.011.

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The goal of this article is to study the features and trends in the development of various forms of local governance in Russia, with a particular focus on the regions falling within the European North of Russia (ENR). To achieve this goal, a combination of general research methods (analysis, synthesis, generalization, case study) and applied methods (such as grouping analysis, economic and statistical analysis, and sociological research methods) were used. The study relies on official statistics from Rosstat, reports from the Ministry of Finance and the Ministry of Justice of the Russian Federation, election and referendum data from the Vybory (Elections) system, and the results of questionnaire surveys of municipal leaders in the Vologda Oblast conducted from 2007 to 2022. The scientific novelty of the study lies in its assessment of the influence of various factors (territorial urbanization level and overall municipal development) on the nuances of residents' electoral participation from 2018 to 2022, using ENR municipalities as a case study. The research revealed that elections lacking a legally established voter turnout threshold witnessed notably low voter participation rates (ranging from 28 % to 41 % in the elections of senior officials of ENR regions from 2019 to 2022, 40% to 46% in the elections of State Duma deputies in 2021, and 8% to 71% in the elections of rural settlement heads). In most cases, municipalities with predominantly rural populations demonstrated higher election turnout rates and stronger support for winning candidates, a pattern that also holds in low-development areas within the Vologda Oblast. The article also discusses how local governors in the Vologda Oblast assess civil engagement from 2012 to 2022 and offers recommendations for regional-level monitoring of diverse forms of population involvement in territorial development, with an emphasis on local public governance.
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Rubinskiy, Yuri, and Sergey Fedorov. "FRENCH ELECTIONS 2022: FEATURES, RESULTS, CONSEQUENCES." Scientific and Analytical Herald of IE RAS 30, no. 6 (December 31, 2022): 135–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/vestnikieran62022135146.

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The article analyzes the results of the presidential and parliamentary elections in France in 2022, which took place in specific conditions caused by the increase in energy and socio-economic problems in the country against the background of military operations in Ukraine. Despite the re-election of President E. Macron for a second term, the loss of an absolute pro-government majority in the National Assembly (the lower house of the French Parliament) following the parliamentary elections significantly complicated the implementation of his election program. In particular, the inability, as before, to constantly use article 49-3 of the Constitution of the country to adopt laws, in fact contrary to the opinion of deputies, required the President and the government to start searching for compromises and possible allies, as well as adjusting the political course. However, the significant strengthening of non-systemic political forces in the lower house of Parliament – the far-left «Unconquered France» and, especially, the far-right «National Association», the reluctance of the «Republicans» to enter into a coalition with the presidential majority complicates the plans of the Head of State. The prospects of further evolution of the country’s party-political system, as well as the preparation of the main political forces of the country for the next electoral cycle of 2027 are considered.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Elections, 2022"

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Muhindi, Solomon Peter Kavai. "Conflict management in Kenyan electoral conflict: 2002-2012." Thesis, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10948/12286.

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In the recent years, majority of African countries have been faced by conflicts during election periods. Some of the electoral related conflicts escalated into violence, and they have been transformed or managed. While other electoral related conflicts have just been prevented during the election periods but remain latent conflicts that would escalate triggered by future elections. This study focuses specifically on electoral conflicts in Kenya and its conflict management perspective from 2002-2013. To transform and manage the conflict, peacebuilding initiatives have been integrated in the study. The prime actors in Kenya electoral conflict includes the; the ruling party coalition, the leading opposition coalition and ethnic groupings affiliated to the ruling party and opposition. Other peripheral actors include: the Independent, Electoral and Boundary Commission (IEBC), the International Criminal Court (ICC) and the judiciary. Triangulation (the combination of two or more methods of collecting and analysing data) has been adopted both in data collection and analysis. Focus group interviews, selected individual interviews, and literature reviews were used to collect data, while research findings were analysed systematically using the constructivist grounded theory. Moreover, the liberal peace theory, Institutionalisation before Liberalisation (IBL) and findings from other researchers like (Elder, Stigant and Claes 2014:1-20), and the Afrobarometer research findings (Kivuva 2015) have been used to authenticate the research findings. Research findings indicates that claims of election rigging, numerous institutional failures, negative ethnicity and economic disparity, among other factors heighten the fear and anxiety that escalates during elections. Towards achieving peacebuilding and sustainable peace, the following reforms were undertaken: constitutional changes and reviews, electoral body reform, judicial reform, pursuit of transitional justice, extensive range of local initiatives reforms and police reforms. However, findings in the study also reveal that despite the latter reforms, peacebuilding measures have been short-term, temporal, and not fully successful, leaving behind a latent conflict that could be triggered again with future electoral conflicts. Besides that, negotiation, dialogue and mediation played a role in restoring trust and confidence in the democratic structures after escalated elections. We also recommend that multi-ethnic composition for electoral coalitions should also be adopted as a means to mitigate ethnic triggered conflicts.
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Frolova, Ksenia. "Presidential elections - Russia 2012." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2011. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-161879.

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The uniqueness of 2012 Presidential election campaign lies in some new trends: for the first time Internet played such an important role in influencing voters. It's not just about traditional official websites of the candidates, but first and foremost about campaigning in blogs and social networks. The opposition, including "off-system" one (which is advocating the overthrow of the ruling elite), was much more active in this field. The Internet space became the scene of this conflict, and we should expect that it would only escalate in the future.
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Fuller, Jan. "Využití nástrojů politického marketingu v předvolební kampani ODS ve volbách do krajského zastupitelstva Jihomoravského kraje 2012." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2012. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-142250.

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Almeida, Camilo Ximenes. "A participação de sociedades timorense nas eleições presidenciais:um estudo comparativo das eleições presidenciais de 2002, 2012 e 2012." Master's thesis, Instituto Superior de Ciências Sociais e Políticas, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10400.5/5879.

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Dissertação de Mestrado em Ciências Políticas
O presente trabalho insere-se na área de Ciências Sociais e Políticas. Nesta área disciplinar abordamos o tema “Participação da Sociedade Timorense Nas Eleições Presidenciais”. É um estudo comparativo sobre as eleições presidenciais que ocorreram em Timor-Leste, entre 2002 e 2012. A investigação teve como objetivo analisar o nível e o tipo de empenho da participação da sociedade timorense enquanto povo e nação nessas ditas eleições, segundo o conceito de Estado soberano defendido por John Locke. Este trabalho tem assim como objetivo geral principal, por um lado, melhorar a compreensão relativamente à responsabilidade dos cidadãos timorenses na política de consolidação do estado democrático; e, por outro lado, uma tentativa de dar conhecer a realidade política e cívica que norteia a sociedade timorense, nesta primeira década do século XXI, já num quadro de uma nação totalmente livre e soberana. De uma forma mais concreta, os objetivos específicos deste estudo são os seguintes: 1) fazer um estudo comparativo da participação da sociedade timorense nas eleições presidenciais de 2002 a 2012; 2) identificar os principais problemas que a sociedade timorense enfrenta na transição e consolidação democrática em curso em Timor Leste. Palavras-chave: Participação Política, Sociedade civil, Democracia, Partidos Políticos, Eleições Presidenciais.
This work inserts in the area of Social and Political Sciences. In this scientific area we approach the subject on "The Participation of Timorese Society in the Presidential Elections." It is a comparative study on the Presidential Elections that had occurred in Timor-Leste from 2002 to 2012. The research aimed to establish the participation’s levels and types of Timorese society in that election, as a people and as a nation, according to the concept of sovereign state defended by John Locke. This work has as main goal, firstly, to improve our understanding towards the responsibility of Timorese citizens in the political consolidation of the democratic state, and on the other hand, an attempt to meet civic and political reality that guides the Timorese society. The specific objectives of this study are: (1) to make a comparative study on the participation of the Timorese society in the presidential elections from 2002 to 2012; (2) to identify the main problems that Timorese society faces in implementing democratic consolidation that took place in Timor-Leste.
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Caicedo, Andrea. "The 2012 Presidential Election Gender Gap." Thesis, The University of Arizona, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/578550.

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The gender gap in presidential elections has been an important part of American politics for the past decades. This phenomenon in politics refers to the differences of men and women in party identification and voting behavior. This paper explains the origins of the gender gap dating back to the 1980s. It explains the patterns and analyzes the most significant issues in each presidential election. Finally, it analyzes the gender gap in the 2012 presidential election. It focuses on the issues that had the biggest difference and it explains why some issues are more susceptible to having a greater gender gap.
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Beaulieu, Emily Ann. "Protesting the contest election boycotts around the world, 1990-2002 /." Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC campuses, 2006. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p3212022.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of California, San Diego, 2006.
Title from first page of PDF file (viewed July 11, 2006). Available via ProQuest Digital Dissertations. Vita. Includes bibliographical references (p. 217-226).
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Favila, Alcalá Mariana. "New Insults on Facebook during the 2012 Mexican Presidential Elections." Thesis, Universidad de las Américas Puebla, 2013. http://catarina.udlap.mx/u_dl_a/tales/documentos/lio/favila_a_m/.

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The present study is the first in its nature as it aimed at 1) identifying which were the most common politically-related insults used on Facebook before, during, and after the 2012 Mexican presidential election, 2) resolving the morphological processes by which such insults came about, and 3) determining the meaning and the pragmatic implications of such insults. The latter was done by means of two corpora created with the comments made by Facebook users on pictures posted in four Facebook pages that were openly against the two most controversial presidential candidates: Enrique Peña Nieto (EPN) and Andrés Manuel López Obrador (AMLO). A total of 620 pictures were gathered throughout nearly a year, starting on January 7th and ending on December 1st, 2012. Although the Facebook pages against Peña Nieto posted the largest amount of pictures, the linguistic data obtained from them was scarce. In contrast, the comments obtained from the anti-AMLO pages offered a lot more types to be morphologically analyzed. It was concluded that the word-formation processes that gave way to the insults found were blending, compounding, acronym, and borrowing. Keywords: morphology, pragmatics, political discourse, Mexican politics, 2012 presidential elections, Facebook, online social networks, insults.
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Khamidova, Aziza. "Mexico after general elections 2012: Successful reforms or wishful thinking?" Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2013. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-198207.

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The central topic of analysis in the master thesis is the general elections in Mexico in 2012 and their influence on the ongoing reform process in the country. The emphasis is put on the effect of conducted reforms and the extent to which they are influenced by the separation of powers in the Mexican presidential system, the Congress itself, the power of the presidents the role of the political parties, the nature of the presidential systems in general, as well as the civil society i.e. the public. There has been a certain amount of criticism that the new, PRI political strategy is simply a portrait of the so called "dinosaur elite" and it is not working towards completing the needs of the people. The aim of the master thesis therefore is firstly to define the nature of the presidential systems, to elaborate any potential deadlocks and limitations that the system might impose in the reform process, and afterwards to represent the extent to which different factors influence the actual reform process in Mexico lead by the President Nieto. The research question aims to respond whether the current structural reforms are well maintained in terms of their effectiveness and in terms of gaining support from the remaining parties in the Congress, or the situation needs to be approved from another angle. In other words, it is crucial to show to what extent the newly elected political leadership in Mexico, as of 2012, had so far reformed the country in regard of strengthening the democracy, improving the economic situation by reducing the growing income inequality amongst the people, as well as working on the security improvement of the country.
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Nikolic, Louise. "Registration of foreign residents for municipal elections :A mixed-methods study of the 2012 municipal elections in Belgium." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/259551.

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This dissertation focuses on the issue of registration of foreign residents (EU and non-EU) for the 2012 local elections in Belgium. The goal of this study is twofold. First, it aims at identifying and analyzing the factors explaining variations in foreigners’ registration between municipalities. The second objective is to understand how and why these explanatory factors have an impact on their decision to register. A mixed-methods approach is used to provide a broad and comprehensive picture of the registration of foreign citizens. It is assumed that foreigners’ registration rates for municipal elections vary according to the formal and discursive political opportunities at the local level. I also argue that the political opportunities approach needs to be combined with other predictors that are specific to migrant groups. The quantitative results indicate that the presence of a left-wing mayor in the municipality displays a strong positive and significant association with both EU and non-EU registration. Moreover, the results provide a strong support for the hypothesis relating to outreach actions: municipalities organizing many foreign voter outreach actions are more likely to achieve high foreigners’ registration rates than municipalities that organize no action or only a limited number. In addition, the findings show that foreigners’ registration does not depend only on political opportunities, but also on specific characteristics of foreigners relating to their migration process. First, the residential instability has a negative impact on both EU and non-EU registration. Second, municipalities with a high percentage of non-EU residents with the nationality of a country where one of the languages spoken is French or Dutch are slightly more likely to achieve high registration of non-EU nationals. It has been shown that political context matters for foreigners’ registration, but several questions emerge about the way it does matter. Based on the statistical results, three typical and three deviant municipalities were selected to disentangle the causal mechanisms between the presence of a left-wing mayor and foreigners’ registration on the one hand, and between the organization of outreach actions and foreigners’ registration on the other hand. The qualitative part of this study examines the theoretically widely supported, but empirically understudied assumption that citizens perceive opportunities in their socio-political context, and that their perception influence whether or not they will register on electoral lists. It emphasizes the interactions between actors and the political context and it takes into account causal mechanisms that link macro-level political opportunities and micro-level electoral participation. The case studies demonstrate that the decision to register does not always depend directly on perceived favorable political context but that more subtle and indirect elements such as the perception of the municipal climate as welcoming and the feeling of integration, influence greatly registration and should therefore receive more attention.
Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
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Merge, Steven. "Cable News Coverage of the 2012 Presidential Election." Thesis, University of Oregon, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/13449.

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Books on the topic "Elections, 2022"

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Rallings, Colin. Local elections handbook 2002: The 2002 local election results. Plymouth: University of Plymouth, Local Government Chronicle Elections Centre, 2002.

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Electoral Institute of Southern Africa. Parliamentary elections, 26 May 2012: Lesotho. Johannesburg, South Africa: EISA, 2013.

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Network, Zimbabwe Election Support. 2002 presidential elections report, March 2002. Belvedere, Harare: Zimbabwe Election Support Network, 2002.

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Markov, Roman. Election of senior officials of the subjects of the Russian Federation in the context of federal relations. ru: INFRA-M Academic Publishing LLC., 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/1852894.

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The monograph presents the results of one of the first comprehensive studies in recent years of theoretical and practical aspects of the election of senior officials of the subjects of the Russian Federation (governors, heads of republics, heads of administrations). On the basis of an interdisciplinary approach, the analysis of the current electoral legislation and the peculiarities of the conduct of individual, the most significant election campaigns of 2012-2021 was carried out, measures to improve the legal support of gubernatorial elections were proposed. It is accompanied by additional materials reflecting the parameters of the regional electoral legislation and the results of the elections of the heads of the subjects of the Russian Federation of the period under review. The content of regulatory legal acts is presented as of November 1, 2021. It is addressed to scientific and pedagogical workers, students of higher educational institutions, employees of state bodies, as well as to anyone interested in the problems of constitutional and electoral law and the specifics of regional political processes.
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Karner, Florian. Monitoring thematique des medias sur le processus de l'election presidentielle d'octobre 2020 en Cote D'Ivoire: Rapport final 2021. Abidjan, Cote d'Ivoire: Konrad Adenauer Stiftung, 2020.

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Sagoe-Addy, George. Election events and observation report: 2012 presidential & parliamentary elections : 7th December, 2012. Accra: Christian Council of Ghana, 2008.

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Mutahi, Patrick. Monitoring election violence: Final report on the 2002 general elections. Nairobi, Kenya: Central Depository Unit, 2003.

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Centre for Monitoring Election Violence (Sri Lanka), ed. Final report on election-related violence, local government elections 2002. Colombo: Centre for Monitoring Election Violence, 2002.

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Mutahi, Patrick. Monitoring election violence: Final report on the 2002 general elections. [Nairobi, Kenya]: Central Depository Unit, 2003.

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Ackerman, John M. Elecciones 2012: En busca de equidad y legalidad. México: Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México, 2011.

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Book chapters on the topic "Elections, 2022"

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Adorf, Philipp. "The 2022 U.S. House Elections." In The Crossroads Elections, 126–46. New York: Routledge, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003440895-8.

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Trzcińska, Julia. "Media Coverage of the 2022 Campaign." In The Crossroads Elections, 192–203. New York: Routledge, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003440895-11.

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Goodman, Nicole, Iuliia Spycher-Krivonosova, Aleksander Essex, and James Brunet. "Verifiability Experiences in Ontario’s 2022 Online Elections." In Electronic Voting, 87–105. Cham: Springer Nature Switzerland, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-43756-4_6.

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AbstractDespite being one of the biggest international users of online voting with two decades of use, Canada has tended to use non-verifiable online voting systems. This has prompted concern about the verification of election results and potential impacts on public and administrator confidence in elections and democracy. In the 2022 Ontario municipal elections, however, about 9% of municipalities offered the option of individual verifiability to online voters. This article draws upon the experiences of two local governments of different sizes, resources, capacity, and online voting histories - Ignace and Markham - and their vendors to understand the considerations and challenges that come with the introduction of verifiability mechanisms in local elections. We identify deterrents to implementation and possible solutions to see an increase in uptake and improve the integrity of local elections.
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Fink-Hafner, Danica. "Changes in the Party System (1989–2022)." In Party System Changes and Challenges to Democracy, 161–204. Cham: Springer Nature Switzerland, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-54949-6_7.

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AbstractBased on the indicators presented in Chapter 5, four changes to the party system in Slovenia are revealed: the transitional party system (1989–1991); the consolidation of the first party system based on the 1991 constitution (1992–2000 elections); the destabilization of the first party system (2004–2008 elections); and the continuous radical renewal of the party system (2011–2022 elections). A comparative analysis of these four changes in the party system shows that party system fragmentation has been a constant characteristic. While the party system had become institutionalized during the 1990s, its deinstitutionalization started after the 2000 elections and radically intensified after the 2011 elections. Similarly, polarization was already increasing after the 2000 elections. The radical short-term decline in Slovenia’s democracy (2020–2021) cannot be explained without taking other factors into account.
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Kraśnicka, Izabela, and Jan Misiuna. "The Money in the 2022 Midterm Election Campaign." In The Crossroads Elections, 204–17. New York: Routledge, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003440895-12.

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Cowburn, Mike. "Factional Change and Continuity in the 2022 House Primaries." In The Crossroads Elections, 108–25. New York: Routledge, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003440895-7.

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Wilson, Walter Clark, C. Tyler Godines Camarillo, and Jeffrey Wright. "Voter Turnout in the 2022 Elections: Evidence from Georgia." In The Roads to Congress 2022, 147–69. Cham: Springer Nature Switzerland, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-42749-7_8.

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Zarkasi, A., Firmansyah Putra, and Dimas Rizal. "Law Enforcement of Election Crime in the 2024 Simultaneous Elections in Indonesia." In Proceedings of the 4th Green Development International Conference (GDIC 2022), 702–10. Paris: Atlantis Press SARL, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/978-2-38476-110-4_70.

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Foreman, Sean D. "The 2022 Midterm Elections: A Murky Clear View of Congress’ Future." In The Roads to Congress 2022, 3–13. Cham: Springer Nature Switzerland, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-42749-7_1.

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Hunt, Charles, and Jaclyn J. Kettler. "New Perspectives on Partisanship, Electoral Competition, and Campaign Finance Behavior in Congressional Elections." In The Roads to Congress 2022, 193–207. Cham: Springer Nature Switzerland, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-42749-7_10.

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Conference papers on the topic "Elections, 2022"

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Boehmer, Niclas, Piotr Faliszewski, Rolf Niedermeier, Stanisław Szufa, and Tomasz Wąs. "Understanding Distance Measures Among Elections." In Thirty-First International Joint Conference on Artificial Intelligence {IJCAI-22}. California: International Joint Conferences on Artificial Intelligence Organization, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.24963/ijcai.2022/15.

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Motivated by putting empirical work based on (synthetic) election data on a more solid mathematical basis, we analyze six distances among elections, including, e.g., the challenging-to-compute but very precise swap distance and the distance used to form the so-called map of elections. Among the six, the latter seems to strike the best balance between its computational complexity and expressiveness.
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Constantinescu, Andrei, and Roger Wattenhofer. "Voting in Two-Crossing Elections." In Thirty-First International Joint Conference on Artificial Intelligence {IJCAI-22}. California: International Joint Conferences on Artificial Intelligence Organization, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.24963/ijcai.2022/30.

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We introduce two-crossing elections as a generalization of single-crossing elections, showing a number of new results. First, we show that two-crossing elections can be recognized in polynomial time, by reduction to the well-studied consecutive ones problem. Single-crossing elections exhibit a transitive majority relation, from which many important results follow. On the other hand, we show that the classical Debord-McGarvey theorem can still be proven two-crossing, implying that any weighted majority tournament is inducible by a two-crossing election. This shows that many voting rules are NP-hard under two-crossing elections, including Kemeny and Slater. This is in contrast to the single-crossing case and outlines an important complexity boundary between single- and two-crossing. Subsequently, we show that for two-crossing elections the Young scores of all candidates can be computed in polynomial time, by formulating a totally unimodular linear program. Finally, we consider the Chamberlin-Courant rule with arbitrary disutilities and show that a winning committee can be computed in polynomial time, using an approach based on dynamic programming.
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Wu, Junlin, Andrew Estornell, Lecheng Kong, and Yevgeniy Vorobeychik. "Manipulating Elections by Changing Voter Perceptions." In Thirty-First International Joint Conference on Artificial Intelligence {IJCAI-22}. California: International Joint Conferences on Artificial Intelligence Organization, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.24963/ijcai.2022/79.

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The integrity of elections is central to democratic systems. However, a myriad of malicious actors aspire to influence election outcomes for financial or political benefit. A common means to such ends is by manipulating perceptions of the voting public about select candidates, for example, through misinformation. We present a formal model of the impact of perception manipulation on election outcomes in the framework of spatial voting theory, in which the preferences of voters over candidates are generated based on their relative distance in the space of issues. We show that controlling elections in this model is, in general, NP-hard, whether issues are binary or real-valued. However, we demonstrate that critical to intractability is the diversity of opinions on issues exhibited by the voting public. When voter views lack diversity, and we can instead group them into a small number of categories---for example, as a result of political polarization---the election control problem can be solved in polynomial time in the number of issues and candidates for arbitrary scoring rules.
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Boamfa, Ionel. "ELECTORAL PROCESSES IN THE OLT COUNTRY (1300-2020)." In 9th SWS International Scientific Conferences on SOCIAL SCIENCES - ISCSS 2022. SGEM WORLD SCIENCE, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.35603/sws.iscss.2022/s01.003.

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The article aims to highlight the chrono-spatial distribution of electoral processes in the Olt Country (southern Transylvania, Romania), in the last seven centuries. For the medieval era we have information related to the election of members (boyars) of the Superior Seat of Fagara?, an institution of regional autonomy preserved by both the Muntenian rule (before 1462) and the Transylvanian (XVI-XVII centuries), and in the first phase (XVIIIth century), by the Habsburg Court in Vienna too. For the middle of the XIXth century, we have information related to the district elections of the revolutionary year 1848, the municipal elections of 1861, or those related to the Transylvanian Diet of 1863. From the period of the Austro-Hungarian dualism (1867- 1918) the available data are related to legislative and local elections. After the Union of Transylvania with Romania (December 1, 1918), the electoral data refer, both for the interwar period (1919-1939), for the communist regime (1946-1989) and for the years of post-communist democracy (after 1989), both to parliamentary and local elections. The last interval also includes detailed electoral data, at communal level, related to both legislative and local elections. In conclusion, the analysis of the electoral results for the entire interval highlights the presence, mainly among the winners of electoral competitions, of Romanian representatives � including for the period before 1918 � and the "alignment" of the Olt Country, in the last century, to Romanian national trends.
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Smolík, Josef, and Michal Ševčík. "SPD v komunálních volbách v roce 2022 v Jihomoravském kraji." In XXVI. mezinárodní kolokvium o regionálních vědách. Brno: Masaryk University Press, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.5817/cz.muni.p280-0311-2023-49.

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This paper focuses on the analysis of the local elections, emphasizing the SPD's electoral gains. Municipal politics has a significant impact on the development of municipalities and regions. The text focuses on the analysis of the electoral results of the SPD political movement in the municipal elections in the South Moravian Region in 2022. The theoretical part of the paper describes the basic mechanisms and principles of municipal elections and the political programmatic of the SPD political movement. The analytical part deals with the results of the elections in the South Moravian region, emphasizing the gains of the SPD political party, which is classified as far right. The data is based on the statistical server volby.cz, which is provided by the Czech Statistical Office. The results of the survey can be seen as a contribution to the discussion on municipal politics, municipal elections, and the strategies of individual political parties. The main finding is that the SPD political movement did not become stronger in municipal politics in the South Moravian Region.
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Szufa, Stanisław, Piotr Faliszewski, Łukasz Janeczko, Martin Lackner, Arkadii Slinko, Krzysztof Sornat, and Nimrod Talmon. "How to Sample Approval Elections?" In Thirty-First International Joint Conference on Artificial Intelligence {IJCAI-22}. California: International Joint Conferences on Artificial Intelligence Organization, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.24963/ijcai.2022/71.

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We extend the map-of-elections framework to the case of approval elections. While doing so, we study a number of statistical cultures, including some new ones, and we analyze their properties. We find that approval elections can be understood in terms of the average number of approvals in the votes, and the extent to which the votes are chaotic.
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Do, Virginie, Matthieu Hervouin, Jérôme Lang, and Piotr Skowron. "Online Approval Committee Elections." In Thirty-First International Joint Conference on Artificial Intelligence {IJCAI-22}. California: International Joint Conferences on Artificial Intelligence Organization, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.24963/ijcai.2022/36.

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Assume k candidates need to be selected. The candidates appear over time. Each time one appears, it must be immediately selected or rejected---a decision that is made by a group of individuals through voting. Assume the voters use approval ballots, i.e., for each candidate they only specify whether they consider it acceptable or not. This setting can be seen as a voting variant of choosing k secretaries. Our contribution is twofold. (1) We assess to what extent the committees that are computed online can proportionally represent the voters. (2) If a prior probability over candidate approvals is available, we show how to compute committees with maximal expected score.
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Singh, Maneet, S. R. S. Iyengar, Akrati Saxena, and Rishemjit Kaur. "A Bi-level Assessment of Twitter Data for Election Prediction: Delhi Assembly Elections 2020." In WWW '22: The ACM Web Conference 2022. New York, NY, USA: ACM, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1145/3487553.3524673.

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Asuncion, Aldrich Ellis C., Jeric C. Briones, Eden Delight P. Miro, and William Emmanuel S. Yu. "Detecting localized systematic fraud in the 2022 Philippine national elections." In PROCEEDINGS OF THE 6TH INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE OF MATHEMATICS AND MATHEMATICS EDUCATION, 2022: Innovative Research of Mathematics and Mathematics Education to Face the 4th Industrial Revolution Challenges. AIP Publishing, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1063/5.0204898.

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Demillo, Reina Erika, Geoffrey Solano, and Nathaniel Oco. "Philippine National Elections 2022: Voter Preferences and Topics of Discussion on Twitter." In 2023 International Conference on Artificial Intelligence in Information and Communication (ICAIIC). IEEE, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/icaiic57133.2023.10067082.

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Reports on the topic "Elections, 2022"

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Bridges, Kate. AARP Alaska: 2022 Elections. Washington, DC: AARP Research, September 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.26419/res.00550.009.

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Bridges, Kate. AARP Pennsylvania: 2022 Elections (18+). Washington, DC: AARP Research, June 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.26419/res.00550.003.

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Bridges, Kate. AARP Georgia: 2022 Elections (18+). Washington, DC: AARP Research, July 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.26419/res.00550.006.

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Bridges, Kate. AARP Michigan: 2022 Elections (18+). Washington, DC: AARP Research, August 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.26419/res.00550.014.

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Bridges, Kate. AARP Florida: 2022 Elections (18+). Washington, DC: AARP Research, September 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.26419/res.00550.022.

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Bridges, Kate. AARP Wisconsin: 2022 Elections (18+). Washington, DC: AARP Research, September 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.26419/res.00550.017.

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Bridges, Kate. AARP Pennsylvania: 2022 Elections (18+), October 2022 Poll. Washington, DC: AARP Research, October 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.26419/res.00550.031.

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Bridges, Kate. AARP Pennsylvania: 2022 Elections Topline Data, October 2022. Washington, DC: AARP Research, December 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.26419/res.00550.043.

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Bridges, Kate. AARP Pennsylvania: 2022 Elections, October 2022 (Black Voters 50+). Washington, DC: AARP Research, October 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.26419/res.00550.044.

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Bridges, Kate. AARP Nevada: 2022 Elections (18+) – Governor. Washington, DC: AARP Research, September 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.26419/res.00550.019.

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