Relevant bibliographies by topics / Elections

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  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters
  5. Conference papers
  6. Reports

Academic literature on the topic 'Elections'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 31 July 2024

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Journal articles on the topic "Elections"

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Setia Putra, Imam Radianto Anwar, William Socrates Kasimat, and Purwadi Purwadi. "Political Participation of Communities in the 2018 Papua Gubernatorial Election Agenda." Jurnal Bina Praja 12, no. 2 (December 16, 2020): 113–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.21787/jbp.12.2020.113-123.

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This research article aims to describe communities' participation through direct elections, citizen agreement, and the mandate of representatives with actor interaction in the 2018 Papua gubernatorial election. The regional heads who elected democratically manifest the implementation of direct elections mandated by Acts of 1945 with community participation. The participation of communities in gubernatorial elections comes to the polling places and then casts/elects the desired candidate. More than that, communities' participation explains in-depth the form of involvement and typology of community participation in organizing the Papua Gubernatorial Election. Political participation of Papua communities in terms of political participation related to elections (voting/electing). The research was conducted using a qualitative approach with a case study method to explain the Papua communities' awareness at the Papua gubernatorial election. The data was collected using three methods, namely, the documentation study method, interview method, and Focus Group Discussions (FGD) with respondents from the General Elections Commission (KPU), the Regional Government of Papua Province, the Legislative and the Papuan People's Assembly (MRP), traditional figures, religious figures, academics, and Papua communities. Based on the quantitative calculation of communities participating in the gubernatorial election, it reached 88.44% of the total voters of 3,447,008 people who entered the final voter list, meaning that many communities used their voting rights. There were three mechanisms to facilitate community political participation in the Papua gubernatorial election, including direct mechanisms, citizen agreement, and representative mandates. Increasing the quality of political participation of communities in gubernatorial elections begins with regulations governing the legal norms of gubernatorial elections. It needs adjustment to the paradigm, and various experiences of holding Papua gubernatorial elections have been running to date. The standards that must be considered starting from the system, model, mechanism, and form of involvement of gubernatorial election organizers, so that the absolute and actual political participation of the community is formed.
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Salim, Hardy, and Cut Memi. "KEWENANGAN MAHKAMAH KONSTITUSI DALAM MENGADILI PERKARA PERSELISIHAN HASIL PEMILIHAN KEPALA DAERAH (SUATU KAJIAN TERHADAP PUTUSAN MAHKAMAH KONSTITUSI NOMOR 97/PUU-XI/2013 JO. PUTUSAN MAHKAMAH KONSTITUSI NOMOR 072-073/PUU-II/2004)." Jurnal Hukum Adigama 1, no. 2 (January 21, 2019): 570. http://dx.doi.org/10.24912/adigama.v1i2.2847.

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Acccording to the Arrticle 24C paragaaph (1) the Constttution of thr Republic of Indonesia of 1945, the Constitutional Court of thr Republic of Indonesia have thr power to decide upon disputes over the results of general election. The general election referred to here is elections to elect members of the legislature, regional representative councils, regional legislatures, president amd vice president. Both of thr provisions have been limitative, so there will no be any other elections that included. However, in its development, the Constittutional Court of the Republc of Indonesia is given the power to decide upon disputes ovrr the results of regional hed elections with a legal basis of the Constittutional Court Ruling Number 072-073/PUU-II/2004. However, a litle later the Constttution Court of the Republic of Indonesia issued a Consttttuional Court Ruling Number 97/PUU-XI/2013 which said tht the Constitusional Court of the Republic of Indonesia can’t have the power to decide upon disputes over the resuls of regional hed elections. This reaises problems regarding whether regional head elections are included in thr general election regime? And whether the Constitutional Court of the Republic Indonesia has thr authorty to decide upon disputes over the results of regional hed elections? Thr Author examined the issue by normative method. The results of thr resrarch show tht thr regional hesd elections is not a part of the general electiins regime and the Constututional Corrt of the Republic Indonesia can’t have thr power to decide upon disputes ovrr thr resulls of the regional hesd elections.
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Karmanis Karmanis, Sugiyanto Sugiyanto, Sumarmo Sumarmo, and Murdiansyah Murdiansyah. "Pembentukan Dana Cadangan Pemilihan Kepala Daerah Serentak Tahun 2024." MIMBAR ADMINISTRASI FISIP UNTAG Semarang 20, no. 2 (October 25, 2023): 94–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.56444/mia.v20i2.1124.

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The direct election of a regional head will produce a regional head and deputy regional head who are qualified, competent and have integrity, according to democratic ideals and the will of the people. In comparison with the pattern of electing regional heads through the election of the Regional People's Representative Council, the pattern of electing regional heads directly requires a lot of funds, the regional government must prepare as well as competing candidates as participants. This study examines the Formation of Reserve Funds for the 2024 Simultaneous Regional Head Elections in Pekalongan Regency, using a qualitative method. The author finds that the Regional Regulation concerning the Establishment of Reserve Funds for the 2024 Concurrent Regional Head Elections is urgently needed, because the costs of holding Regional Head Elections are quite large and need to be budgeted for more than one fiscal year, a Reserve Fund is needed, the budgeting of which is allocated for two years.
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Słomka, Tomasz. "Udział parlamentu w wyborach Prezydenta RP – tradycje i uwagi de lege ferenda." Studia Politologiczne, no. 3/2023(69) (July 10, 2023): 126–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.33896/spolit.2023.69.8.

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The article concerns a potential change in the method of electing the President of the Republic of Poland, consisting in abandoning the universal and direct elections in force since 1990 and introducing elections using the method of an extended parliament. The study verifies the hypothesis that forms of electing the president with the participation of the parliament are present in the Polish tradition. The second research assumption relates to the relationship between the constitutional role of the head of state and the over-normative legitimacy resulting from the general election.
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Kazemi, Said Reza. "Talking about and Doing Elections: The Shaping of a Local Electoral Field in Western Afghanistan." Central Asian Affairs 5, no. 2 (April 27, 2018): 160–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22142290-00502004.

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This paper investigates elections as the construction of a two-faceted field in a semi-urban area in Herat, western Afghanistan. Looking at Afghanistan’s 2014 presidential and provincial council elections, the paper first surveys the elections as a discursive field. It tries to understand what the local people, given their historical and social contexts, said about the elections. The second facet examines the elections as a performative field, attempting to unpack how local actors enacted the elections. The paper shows that an election’s discursive and performative framing needs to be situated in the wider historical and social contexts of a place. It also shows that in a place where there is greater freedom immediately following an oppressive era (for instance, that of the Taliban) and where there is egalitarianism among elites, the election is turned into a lively and unpredictable process where the discourse is marked by polyphony and instability, and the performance is characterized by mobilization of ties on various fronts and by shifting differentiation of local actors on political, generational, gender, and other grounds.
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Tawakkal, George Towar Ikbal, Irma Fitriana Ulfah, Andi Setiawan, Andrew D. Garner, and Thomas R. Seitz. "WHEN DIFFERENT ELECTIONS HAVE DIFFERENT SALIENCIES FOR VOTERS: MOST IMPORTANT AND CONSIDERATION (EVIDENCE FROM INDONESIAN VOTERS)." Humanities & Social Sciences Reviews 8, no. 4 (August 27, 2020): 625–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.18510/hssr.2020.8462.

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Purpose of the study: Generally, the purpose of this study is to explain the salience of each form of election for voters. To explain that, this study examines which election is perceived as the most important election for voters, and what matters are considered by voters in each election, especially in the most important election and money politics. Methodology: The data are drawn from a survey of 800 respondents in Central Java during the 2019 Indonesian elections. The survey asked two questions; which election they perceive as the most important election ("what is the most important election for you?"), and what matters they consider when voting for a candidate ("what is your consideration in each election?"). The dataset also includes variables related to money politics. Main Findings: Voters have different importances and considerations in various forms of elections. More voters see the executive election as the most important than the legislative election in every level of election. More voters consider the program in the legislative elections, while more voters consider the figure of candidates in the executive elections. But in more detail, there are various patterns. Applications of this study: Referring to the number of elections in Indonesia, this finding can help the government, electoral commission, or activists to develop better strategies for educating citizens. Also, referring to the widespread money politics in Indonesia, this finding can help them to improve participation and reduce money politics in elections, especially at local levels. Novelty/Originality of this study: Many scholars who talked about the meaning of election or the Importance of election do not explain clearly the possibility of voters having different meanings for different elections, while a voter faces several elections for different positions. This article fills in the literature explanation by discussing the level of elections when understanding the meaning of elections for voters.
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Bezubik, Kamila. "Rola federalnej komisji wyborczej w procesie wyborczym – uwagi na tle wyborów do Bundestagu w 2021 r." Przegląd Prawa Konstytucyjnego 75, no. 5 (October 31, 2023): 113–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2023.05.08.

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During the preparation and conduct of elections to the Bundestag, up to the determination and confirmation of the election result and the allocation of seats, electoral and administrative bodies and other institutions make a number of decisions and actions related to the elections. The procedure for verifying the correctness of the elections takes place after the elections, so it comes too late. The Federal Elections Act provides for legal remedies that can be taken before the elections, i.e. a complaint against the decision of the Federal Election Commission not to grant party status and a complaint against the decision of the State Election Commission not to admit the national list to the elections. The article is a synthetic analysis of the competence of the federal election commission in the field of applying legal measures to prevent irregularities during elections.
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A.M. Shayo, Daniel. "Supervision of Local Government Elections in Tanzania: The Plight for Independent Electoral Organs." Eastern Africa Law Review 47, no. 1 (June 30, 2020): 170–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.56279/ealr.v47i1.6.

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Local government elections provide an opportunity for people to choose their immediate leaders at the grass-root level. They are means to ensure democracy at such levels. Prompted by events and results of the 2019 local government elections, this study examines the efficiency of the existing laws and regulations on local government elections in ensuring free and fair elections. The results point out to lack of independence and neutrality of election supervisory bodies at the said levels. The study recommends review of the whole election system at grassroot level in order to ensure free and fair elections. Key Terms: Local Government Elections, Election Supervision, Independence of Election Supervisors
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Bolysbek, M. A., and B. B. Bulegenova. "Elections of rural akims: new electoral reform." BULLETIN of the L.N. Gumilyov Eurasian National University.Political Science. Regional Studies. Oriental Studies. Turkology Series. 143, no. 2 (2023): 21–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.32523/2616-6887/2023-143-2-21-29.

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The article describes the election system of rural akims in the Republic of Kazakhstan since 2021 and examines the technologies of pre-election campaigning from the point of view of electing village akims. During the elections of akims, the main attention is paid to the need to agitate the electoral system of akims. The scientific novelty of the article lies in the study of the main problems of campaigning activities of rural leaders in the electoral process.The authors argue that the direct elections of rural akims are a very important event, marking a completely new stage in the modernization of the local self-government system. The innovation of the bill is the introduction of elections of rural akims by secret ballot on the basis of universal, equal and immediate suffrage, as well as the introduction of the procedure for nominating candidates through political parties and self-nomination.Direct elections of rural akims provide an opportunity for citizens to actively exercise their constitutional rights, increase their understanding of the needs and problems of local executive bodies, and fully implement the concept of a «listening state».
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Murjani, Murjani, and Suwardi Sagama. "THE EXISTENCE OF THE ELECTION SUPERVISORY AGENCY POST 2024 BASED ON POSITIVE LAW." Syiah Kuala Law Journal 6, no. 3 (December 1, 2022): 242–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.24815/sklj.v6i3.28441.

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Bawaslu was formed to oversee elections and elections to run in a direct, free, confidential, honest, and fair manner. Bawaslu's authority is only to supervise in stages. In 2024, elections and elections will be held simultaneously. The stages will start again before the elections and elections in 2029. Researchers are interested in knowing the existence of Bawaslu post-election and elections in 2024. The research uses a normative legal research method with a statutory approach. Based on Law Number 7 of 2017 concerning Elections, Bawaslu only has supervisory authority at the election and election stages for 20 months. Bawaslu oversees the stages set by the KPU based on the PKPU. After the general election and simultaneous elections in 2024, Bawaslu does not have supervisory authority until it enters the stages for implementation in 2029. The existence of Bawaslu without any supervisory activities can return to being an ad hoc body at the beginning of its formation.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Elections"

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Mbuh, Tem F. "Election management in Cameroon : can elections Cameroon (Elecam) turn the tide of flawed elections?" Diss., University of Pretoria, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/16795.

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The will of the people shall be the basis of the authority of government; this will shall be expressed in periodic and genuine elections which shall be by universal and equal suffrage and shall be held by equivalent free voting procedures1 The right to participate freely in the government of one’s country is recognized and protected in many international human rights instruments. These include the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights (ACHPR), the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), the European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms4 and the American Convention on Human Rights (ACHR). This right has generally been understood to include among others things, the right to vote and be voted through an election process that is free, fair transparent and convincing.
Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2010.
A dissertation submitted to the Faculty of Law University of Pretoria, in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree Masters of Law (LLM in Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa). Prepared under the supervision of Prof.Babally Sall of the Faculty of Law and Political Science, University of Gusto Berger, Senegal. 2010.
http://www.chr.up.ac.za/
Centre for Human Rights
LLM
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Cross, Kathleen Ann. "Elections without politics: television coverage of the 2001 B.C. election /." Burnaby B.C. : Simon Fraser University, 2006. http://ir.lib.sfu.ca/handle/1892/2686.

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Dissertation (Ph.D.) - Simon Fraser University, 2006.
Theses (School of Communication) / Simon Fraser University. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 276-296). Also issued in digital format and available on the World Wide Web.
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Groemping, Max. "Transparent elections: Domestic election monitors, agenda-building, and electoral integrity." Thesis, The University of Sydney, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/16959.

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Holding elections has become a global norm, even in autocracies; at the same time, there is mounting evidence to suggest that flawed or failed elections pose serious risks for political stability, legitimacy, and participation. Scholars and practitioners alike increasingly see citizen election monitoring and advocacy groups to be a partial remedy to electoral malpractice. But existing studies about the impacts of domestic monitors have a number of shortcomings: they do not address the question of where and why citizen election monitors emerge; there is little agreement about the causal mechanisms by which domestic monitors would strengthen elections; and they fail to explain why some monitoring groups achieve desirable outcomes while the majority do not. In addressing these gaps, the present study theorizes and investigates empirically the causes and consequences of domestic election monitoring through the lens of agenda-building theory. Bottom-up movements and public interest groups have been successful in building agendas in a range of issue spaces, sometimes leading to quite rapid policy change. But similar successes have not materialized in the policy area of electoral integrity. The study developes the first systematic and globally comparative dataset of domestic election monitoring initiatives to investigate this puzzle. It encompasses more than 1,000 groups in 123 countries, and measures media attention to these groups, their organizational characteristics, and advocacy strategies, based on an organizational survey, news content analysis, and in-person interviews with activists. Drawing on this evidence, the research confirms the agenda-building model and demonstrates that only well resourced, media-savvy, and specialized groups attract public attention, the crucial necessary condition for agenda-building success, whereas the majority of groups remain unnoticed. This study argues that it should come as no surprise that civic groups have a limited ability to improve elections, given their struggle to garner attention. The study furthermore argues that this is the case because agenda-building in the issue space of electoral integrity is exceptionally difficult for a number of reasons: electoral integrity is a redistributive issue with very high stakes; domestic monitors predominantly operate under hybrid regimes where the institutional framework is detrimental to public interest articulation; and the groups struggle to legitimize themselves vis-à-vis their domestic audiences given their funding from ‘Western’ donors. These findings contribute to agenda-building theory by clarifying the importance of variation in issues, regimes, and actors for attention-getting. These factors have thus far been neglected due to the predominant focus in the literature on cases from North America and Western Europe. Overall, the study’s findings do not give much occasion for optimism. Only very dense, well-mediated, and well-resourced monitoring ecologies should be expected to make any impact on election integrity in the long run. The neglect of communication dynamics may have led existing explanations of observer influence to draw overly optimistic conclusions.
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Timmer, Sanne. "Causal factors of election violence in Africa : a comparative analysis of Kenya´s 2007 elections and Zimbabwe´s 2008 elections." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/20394.

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Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2012.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Africa has made tremendous progress over the past decades in its transition to democratic regimes. When evaluating the leverage such an enormous change has, and the haste Africa was in when making this change, the continent has been able to achieve a considerable amount of revision in their regimes. One fundamental aspect of a democracy is competitive Presidential elections. This has however shown to be a problem in Africa as many cases of violent elections have been reported on, with Nigeria’s 2011 elections being the latest example. The focus of this thesis is on the causal factors behind electoral violence in African democracies. More specifically, a comparative analysis of Kenya’s 2007 Elections and Zimbabwe’s 2008 elections is presented. The five possible causal factors under analysis are 1) free and fair elections, 2) international assistance, 3) political/electoral systems and 4) socio-economic factors and 5) ethnicity. Additionally, background information on the history of Kenya and Zimbabwe is presented. The research is conducted around the framework of one of the foremost African scholars in the field, Gilbert Khadiagala. His typology suggests two angles ‘In the first order of causes, electoral violence is the outcome of events and circumstances that emanate from broader political conflicts, particularly in societies that are beset by ethnic, communal and sectarian fissures. In the second category, electoral violence is a consequence of imperfect electoral rules; imperfections that allow some parties to manipulate elections through electoral fraud, vote buying, and rigging’ (Khadiagala, 2010:17). Next to this a discussion on Khadiagala’s fourth wave of democracy is analysed which proves of major importance for Kenya and Zimbabwe to prevent election violence. Not only because of the fact that the contemporary form of their democracies clearly show major flaws, but also because a democracy has proved to encourage socio-economic development. Firstly, the findings suggest that the people are fed up with stolen elections and they are demanding the free and fair conduct of elections. The use of violence is the means to express this ‘demand’. Furthermore, in both Kenya and Zimbabwe, the land occupation of colonizers caused the start of deep social cleavages and ethnic tensions. In Kenya it is concluded that the cause of violence was not purely the flawed election process, this was merely a trigger for underlying ethnic tensions. In Zimbabwe in turn, the violence was mainly sparked by President Mugabe’s government who used extreme means to gain votes. The system was highly manipulated and due to weak institutions and electoral rules, President Mugabe was able to rig the elections. The role of international assistance is discussed and proves to be of little influence towards election violence. In the case of Zimbabwe, no international observers were invited, in the case of Kenya, international observers were invited and present. In both cases violence broke out. The establishment of a stronger socio-economic society proves vital for the development of a democracy. The connection between ethnic, social and economic differences to the electoral system recognizes that further deepening and strengthening of the democratic institutions needs to become a reality in order to conduct more peaceful elections. The elections are far from free and fair and as a result of weak democratic institutions the possibility of rigging is created. With the underlying ethnic tensions and broader political cleavages, Kenya and Zimbabwe proved prone to violence.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Wanneer daar in ag geneem word dat Afrika onder moeilike omstandighede en in ‘n baie kort tydperk, beweeg het van meerderheid autokratiese state na demokrasieë, is dit regverdig om te argumenteer dat Afrika ‘n kenmerkende vordering gemaak het in die laaste dekades om ‘n demokratiese samenleving te berwerkstellig. Helaas, n fundamentele aspek van n demokrasie is die beoefening van gereelde en kompeterend verkiesings. Oor die jare is daar bewys dat verkiesings n problematiese aspek van demokrasie is in meeste Afrika state, meerderheid van verkiesings in Afrika is geneig om uit te loop in konflik en geweld. Dus is die fokus van die studie op die faktore wat bydra tot konflik gedurende n verkiesings tydperk in jong Afrika demokrasieë. Meer spesifiek sal daar n vergelykende studie gedoen word van die 2007 verkiesing in Kenia en die 2008 verkiesing in Zimbabwe. Die vyf faktore wat bydra tot konflik gedurende verkiesings is : 1) vry en regverdige verkiesings, 2) internasionale hulpvelening, 3) politiese en verkiesingsstelsels, 4) sosio-ekonomiese faktore, 5) etnisiteit, word elk bespreek. Ook word die agtergrond van beide die verkiesings in Zimbabwe en Kenia bespreek. Die teoretiese aspekte van die studie is gebaseer op die werk van Gilbert Khadiagala, n hoogs ge-respekteerde kenner op die gebied. Sy teorie veronderstel dat konflik plaasvind as gevolg van politiek konflikte en etniese verskille. Tweedens, beweer hy dat verkiesingskonflik n produk is van foutiewe verkiesingsstelsels, veral waar een groep die ander groep kan manipuleer en waar bedrog moontlik is. Langs dit is 'n bespreking oor Khadiagala se vierde golf van demokrasie ontleed en bewys dit van groot belang vir Kenia en Zimbabwe om verkiesings geweld te voorkom. Nie net as gevolg van die feit dat die demokrasieë duidelik groot foute toon nie, maar ook en meer belangrik, omdat 'n demokrasie sosio-ekonomiese ontwikkeling aanmoedig. Daar word gevind dat meeste mense eenvoudig keelvol is met ‘gesteelde’ verkiesings en dat hulle begin aandring op vry en regverdige verkiesings en konflik en geweld is die enigste manier om hulle wense te verwesenlik. Ook, in beide Kenia en Zimbabwe het kolonialiseerders n groot skeuring veroorsaak tussen verskillende etniese groepe in beide lande, wat vandag voordurende etniese spanning veroorsaak. In Kenia blyk dit dat dit die etniese verskille was wat gelei het tot die verkiesingsgeweld in 2007 eerder as foutiewe verkiesingsstelsels. In Zimbabwe was dit verkiesingskorrupsie en President Robert Mugabe se oneerlike wyse van stemme werf wat gelei het tot konflik. Dit is aangetoon dat die aanwesigheid van internationale hulp min invloed het op verkiesings geweld. In die geval van Zimbabwe, is daar geen internasionale waarnemers genooi nie en in die geval van Kenia, is daar wel internasionale waarnemers is genooi en was hulle daadwerklik aanwesig. In beide gevalle het geweld uitgebreek. Daar word gevind dat ‘n sterke sosio-ekonomiese sameleving belangrik is vir demokratiese ontwikkling van ‘n land. Verder word daar geargumenteer dat sterk en onafhanklik politieke en demokratiese instansies bevorder moet word ten einde meer vreedsame verkiesings te hou. Tans in Afrika is verkiesings ver van vry en regverdig, gesamentlik met etniese spanning kan dit n plofbare situasie veroorsaak soos bewys in Kenia en Zimbabwe.
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Hyde, Susan Dayton. "Explaining the causes and consequences of internationally monitored elections." Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC campuses, 2006. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p3211823.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of California, San Diego, 2006.
Title from first page of PDF file (viewed June 21, 2006). Available via ProQuest Digital Dissertations. Vita. Includes bibliographical references (p. 261-277).
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Li, Pang-Kwong. "Elections and political mobilisation : the Hong Kong 1991 direct elections." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1995. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/1372/.

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Previous studies of the first direct elections to the Hong Kong Legislative Council (LegCo) in 1991 were largely focused on the effect of the Tiananmen Incident on voters' choice, neglecting the domestic dimension of social conflict evolving within Hong Kong from the 1970s. Adopting the social cleavage approach, the present thesis argues that two electoral cleavages, centre-periphery and collective consumption, were important by 1991. It, therefore, explores the international, social and political contexts within which the 1991 LegCo direct elections took place in order to explain the political alignments and electoral cleavages during the period 1982-1991. First, the study examines the Sino-British attitudes towards political reforms in Hong Kong and the development of the centre-periphery cleavage in the 1980s as the two countries negotiated the transfer of sovereignty. Second, the expansion of the Hong Kong Government's activities and its privatisation programmes are analyzed in order to describe the increasingly intimate relations between government and society and to show that, as a result, conflicts evolved over issues of collective consumption. Third, the emerging competition at the time of the 1991 elections is discussed with reference to political mobilisation and alignments during the previous decade. Fourth, the electoral market of 1991 is examined to explain voters' choice. Finally, the election results are analyzed to demonstrate that two electoral cleavages, centre-periphery and collective consumption, played a significant role. The data used in this study were collected from: official documents, such as the Hong Kong Government Gazette, the Sino-British Joint Declaration, the Basic Law, the Hong Kong Census and By-census reports, the annual reports of various government departments; opinion polls and one exit poll of the 1991 LegCo direct elections; personal interviews with leading political leaders; campaign materials and election debates on television; and newspaper cuttings.
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Brelsford, Eric. "Approximation and elections." Online version of thesis, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1850/3959.

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Werth, Luca Camilla. "Brazil’s 2014 presidential elections: the interconnection between election news and stock market behavior." reponame:Repositório Institucional do FGV, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10438/15269.

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This study researches whether there has been abnormal stock market behaviour in Brazil as a consequence of election news (observed via opinion polls), regarding the last Brazilian presidential election, held in October 2014. Via applying event study methodology, the research on the Ibovespa and Petrobras suggests that events in which Rousseff was gaining in share have been subject to negative abnormal returns, and events where Rousseff was loosing in share have led to positive abnormal returns. Moreover, volatility has been significantly elevated during the election period and volume has been found to have slightly increased.
Este estudo investiga se houve comportamento anormal no mercado de ações no Brasil decorrente de notícias sobre as últimas eleições presidenciais brasileiras (através da utilização de sondagens), realizadas em outubro de 2014. Utilizando uma metodologia de estudos de evento (event studies), a investigação sobre o Ibovespa e a Petrobras sugere que, nos períodos em que Dilma melhorava a sua posição nas sondagens existiram retornos anormais negativos e, nos períodos em que Rousseff piorava a sua posição, existiram retornos anormais positivos. Além disso, a volatilidade foi bastante elevada durante o período eleitoral tendo o volume de transações aumentado ligeiramente.
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Sinha, Samrat. "Regulatory oversight over electoral processes a case study of the Election Commission of India /." Access to citation, abstract and download form provided by ProQuest Information and Learning Company; downloadable PDF file, 296 p, 2009. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1679682951&sid=2&Fmt=2&clientId=8331&RQT=309&VName=PQD.

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Schneider, Daniel. "Measurement in surveys and elections : interviewer effects in election surveys, name order on election ballots, customer satisfaction surveys /." May be available electronically:, 2008. http://proquest.umi.com/login?COPT=REJTPTU1MTUmSU5UPTAmVkVSPTI=&clientId=12498.

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Books on the topic "Elections"

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Zimbabwe Human Rights Association. Information Dept., ed. Election monitoring report: Parliamentary elections, 1995. Harare: ZimRights Information Dept., 1995.

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Malaysia. Election laws: Contains, Elections Act, 1958, Election Offences Act, 1954, Elections Commission Act, 1957, Elections (Registration of Electors) Regulations, 1971, Elections (Conduct of Elections) Regulations, 1981, as at 25th November 1989. Kuala Lumpur: International Law Book Services, 1989.

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Malaysia. Election laws: Containing, Elections Act, 1958, Election Offences Act, 1954, Elections Commission Act, 1957, Elections (Registration of Electors) Regulations, 1971, Elections (Conduct of Elections) Regulations, 1981, as at 5th January 1994. Kuala Lumpur: International Law Book Services, 1994.

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Elklit, Jørgen. Parliamentary elections and election administration in Denmark. Copenhagen: Ministry of the Interior, 1996.

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Team, Independent Election Observer's, and Jammu & Kashmir Coalition of Civil Society., eds. Interpreting elections: Independent Election Observer's Team report : Jammu & Kashmir legislative assembly elections, 2008. Srinagar: Jammu Kashmir Coalition of Civil Society, 2008.

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Jammu & Kashmir Coalition of Civil Society., ed. Interpreting elections: Independent election observer's team report : Jammu & Kashmir legislative assembly elections, 2008. Srinagar: Jammu Kashmir Coalition of Civil Society, 2008.

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Rāshṭriya Nirvācana Paryavekshaṇa Samiti, Nepāla., ed. Election observation report: General elections, 1991, Nepal. Kathmandu, Nepal: National Election Observation Committee, 1992.

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Ghana, Electoral Commission of, and Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung Ghana Office, eds. Elections 2004: Ghana's parliamentary and presidential election. [Accra]: Electoral Commission of Ghana with support of the Friedrich Ebert Stiftung, Accra, 2005.

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Free & Fair Election Network., ed. Pakistan general elections 2008, election results analysis. Islamabad: Free and Fair Election Network, 2009.

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Philippines) ASSI Conference (2004 Manila. Elections. Manila]: ASSI, 2004.

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Book chapters on the topic "Elections"

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Budge, Ian. "General elections and election systems." In Politics, 164–82. Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2019.: Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429399176-12.

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Cheema, Moeen H. "‘Election disputes’ or disputed elections?" In Judicial Review of Elections in Asia, 69–83. New York, NY : Routledge, 2016.: Routledge, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315668567-5.

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Gillespie, J. M. "Elections." In Local Government, 80–82. Dordrecht: Springer Netherlands, 1988. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-009-1229-8_11.

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Williams, Michael. "Elections." In Society Today, 53–59. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1986. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-08845-4_12.

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Cook, Chris, and John Stevenson. "Elections." In British Historical Facts, 1688–1760, 111–19. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1988. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-02369-1_6.

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McAllister, Ian, Malcolm Mackerras, and Carolyn Brown Boldiston. "Elections." In Australian Political facts, 65–187. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1997. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-15196-7_3.

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Butler, David, and Gareth Butler. "Elections." In Twentieth-Century British Political Facts 1900–2000, 233–81. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-62733-2_4.

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Johnston, Ron. "Elections." In Encyclopedia of Quality of Life and Well-Being Research, 1866–67. Dordrecht: Springer Netherlands, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-007-0753-5_856.

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Cook, Chris, and John Paxton. "Elections." In European Political Facts, 1900–1996, 163–277. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-26383-7_5.

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Andeweg, Rudy B., and Galen A. Irwin. "Elections." In Dutch Government and Politics, 79–107. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1993. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-22931-4_4.

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Conference papers on the topic "Elections"

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Krogmann, Alfred, Magdaléna Němčíková, Ján Veselovský, and Andrej Svorad. "Geographical approach to the analysis of elections on the example of parliamentary elections in Slovakia in 2016." In 27th edition of the Central European Conference with subtitle (Teaching) of regional geography. Brno: Masaryk University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5817/cz.muni.p210-9694-2020-8.

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With regard to surprising results of Parliamentary elections in Slovakia their geographic dimension is also important. The aim of this article is to analyze the milieu of elections and the subsequent spatial differentiation of the results of the 8 parties which were successful to enter the Parliament. Election data were processed via the diversification of election preferences, the identification of areas of election support and correlation analysis by means of which the mutual cohesion of individual parties election results was studied. We found out that within the diversification of election preferences the one party dominance – the winning SMER – SD (40 out of Slovakia’s 79 districts) – prevails. Further we have dealt with the identification of areas of political parties support, with emphasis to their core regions.
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Rodina, Anita, and Annija Karklina. "Control Over Legality of Parliamentary Elections in a State Governed by the Rule of Law." In The 8th International Scientific Conference of the Faculty of Law of the University of Latvia. University of Latvia Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.22364/iscflul.8.2.14.

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The article examines the genesis of control over the legality of the Saeima (the parliament of the Republic of Latvia) elections, particularly focusing on the judicial review of the Saeima elections. The particularities of the control over elections, which differentiate them from typical administrative legal proceedings, are highlighted in the publication. The article presents findings of the case law regarding the limits of controlling the legality of elections and the cases when the court could revoke a decision by the Central Election Commission on approving the results of the Saeima elections. In view of the fact that sometimes the regulation set out in the Saeima Election Law has been criticised in the Latvian legal science, namely, that the legality of elections is controlled by the Department of Administrative Cases of the Supreme Court’s Senate rather than the Constitutional Court, the authors examine the models of controlling the legality of elections found in various states and provide their assessment of whether the control functions should be transferred into the jurisdiction of the Latvian Constitutional Court.
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Boehmer, Niclas, Piotr Faliszewski, Rolf Niedermeier, Stanisław Szufa, and Tomasz Wąs. "Understanding Distance Measures Among Elections." In Thirty-First International Joint Conference on Artificial Intelligence {IJCAI-22}. California: International Joint Conferences on Artificial Intelligence Organization, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.24963/ijcai.2022/15.

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Motivated by putting empirical work based on (synthetic) election data on a more solid mathematical basis, we analyze six distances among elections, including, e.g., the challenging-to-compute but very precise swap distance and the distance used to form the so-called map of elections. Among the six, the latter seems to strike the best balance between its computational complexity and expressiveness.
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Евгений, Макаренко, and Холопова Екатерина. "DIGITALIZATION OF MUNICIPAL ELECTIONS IS THE KEY TO THEIR DEMOCRATION AND TRANSPARENCY." In MODERN CITY: POWER, GOVERNANCE, ECONOMICS. Publishing House of Perm National Research Polytechnic University, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.15593/65.049-66/2020.26.

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The article discusses the current situation with the municipal elections in St. Petersburg in 2019. Based on the analysis of the results of voting on precinct election commissions and court cases, the main schemes for manipulating election results are considered. Recommendations are given on increasing the turnout in elections, increasing their transparency, accessibility and openness to various political movements based on the use of digital technologies.
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Constantinescu, Andrei, and Roger Wattenhofer. "Voting in Two-Crossing Elections." In Thirty-First International Joint Conference on Artificial Intelligence {IJCAI-22}. California: International Joint Conferences on Artificial Intelligence Organization, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.24963/ijcai.2022/30.

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We introduce two-crossing elections as a generalization of single-crossing elections, showing a number of new results. First, we show that two-crossing elections can be recognized in polynomial time, by reduction to the well-studied consecutive ones problem. Single-crossing elections exhibit a transitive majority relation, from which many important results follow. On the other hand, we show that the classical Debord-McGarvey theorem can still be proven two-crossing, implying that any weighted majority tournament is inducible by a two-crossing election. This shows that many voting rules are NP-hard under two-crossing elections, including Kemeny and Slater. This is in contrast to the single-crossing case and outlines an important complexity boundary between single- and two-crossing. Subsequently, we show that for two-crossing elections the Young scores of all candidates can be computed in polynomial time, by formulating a totally unimodular linear program. Finally, we consider the Chamberlin-Courant rule with arbitrary disutilities and show that a winning committee can be computed in polynomial time, using an approach based on dynamic programming.
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Wu, Junlin, Andrew Estornell, Lecheng Kong, and Yevgeniy Vorobeychik. "Manipulating Elections by Changing Voter Perceptions." In Thirty-First International Joint Conference on Artificial Intelligence {IJCAI-22}. California: International Joint Conferences on Artificial Intelligence Organization, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.24963/ijcai.2022/79.

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The integrity of elections is central to democratic systems. However, a myriad of malicious actors aspire to influence election outcomes for financial or political benefit. A common means to such ends is by manipulating perceptions of the voting public about select candidates, for example, through misinformation. We present a formal model of the impact of perception manipulation on election outcomes in the framework of spatial voting theory, in which the preferences of voters over candidates are generated based on their relative distance in the space of issues. We show that controlling elections in this model is, in general, NP-hard, whether issues are binary or real-valued. However, we demonstrate that critical to intractability is the diversity of opinions on issues exhibited by the voting public. When voter views lack diversity, and we can instead group them into a small number of categories---for example, as a result of political polarization---the election control problem can be solved in polynomial time in the number of issues and candidates for arbitrary scoring rules.
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Faliszewski, Piotr, Andrzej Kaczmarczyk, Krzysztof Sornat, Stanisław Szufa, and Tomasz Wąs. "Diversity, Agreement, and Polarization in Elections." In Thirty-Second International Joint Conference on Artificial Intelligence {IJCAI-23}. California: International Joint Conferences on Artificial Intelligence Organization, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.24963/ijcai.2023/299.

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We consider the notions of agreement, diversity, and polarization in ordinal elections (that is, in elections where voters rank the candidates). While (computational) social choice offers good measures of agreement between the voters, such measures for the other two notions are lacking. We attempt to rectify this issue by designing appropriate measures, providing means of their (approximate) computation, and arguing that they, indeed, capture diversity and polarization well. In particular, we present "maps of preference orders" that highlight relations between the votes in a given election and which help in making arguments about their nature.
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Reire, Gunda. "Opening of new election polling stations: the effect on turnout and diaspora voting patterns." In 22nd International Scientific Conference. “Economic Science for Rural Development 2021”. Latvia University of Life Sciences and Technologies. Faculty of Economics and Social Development, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.22616/esrd.2021.55.062.

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Opening of additional polling stations in foreign countries has been brought forward as a method to raise the turnout of diaspora voters in Latvian parliamentary election, and the number of polling stations abroad during last four elections has almost doubled. In this article, the author tests the argument that the increase in the sheer number of polling stations and the expansion of territorial coverage is an election parameter in foreign countries with the potential to raise the election turnout. In sharp contrast to a popular argument and the academic debate, the results of the Latvian data analysis show that opening of new polling stations did not meet the intended goal and cannot be regarded as an effective method for raising the diaspora voter turnout; the means must be sought in other factors of election organisation and voter behaviour. To compare data of voter behaviour in foreign countries in four separate parliamentary elections and to determine tendencies in diaspora voting patterns, the deviation of the elections outcome in foreign countries from the general national results are analysed by the help of calculation model that uses the Voting Outcome Coefficient. The article outlines that the third and fourth wave of emigration have introduced a new tendency of extreme stratification in the results between the Latvian Association of Regions (2014), KPV LV (2018) and the rest of the political parties. The article also analyses the deviation of the elections outcome in the new polling stations from the vote share in particular foreign countries by the help of Polling Station Coefficient, and concludes that in the 13th Saeima election, all newly opened polling stations were beneficial for KPV LV as results in all of them were proportionally even better than the list’s overall results in a particular country.
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Gerni, Cevat, Özge Buzdağlı, Dilek Özdemir, and Ömer Selçuk Emsen. "Elections and The Real Exchange Rate Volatility In Turkey (1992-2014)." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c07.01553.

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Sudden fluctuations that occur as results of politicians’ manipulation on the macroeconomic variables during the election period are called as Political Business Cycle. In recent years, exchange rate also has become an important subject of many studies in this framework. Before the elections, to gain the public’s votes, politicians firstly put pressure on the exchange rates to prevent currency depreciation, and then this can lead to manipulative fluctuations. In this respect, during the 1992:01-2014:12 periods in Turkey, the impact of the entire local and general elections on the real exchange rate volatility is examined using E-GARCH method. On the other hand, political variables such as independence of Central Bank, exchange rate regime, the number of representatives of the ruling party in the parliament and coalition are included to the model while the pre and after election period from the 1st to the 6th month as dummy variables. Based on the results of the analysis, it can be said that the elections and the political variables affect the real exchange rate and its volatility in Turkey. However, there is no significant evidence whether the politicians act opportunistic behavior to be reelected. Since the uncertainty during the election period cause outflow of the capital and deferral of the investment decisions of the investors until after the election, it may well be said that the politicians fail to influence the real exchange rate for their self-interests.
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Bredereck, Robert, Piotr Faliszewski, Michal Furdyna, Andrzej Kaczmarczyk, and Martin Lackner. "Strategic Campaign Management in Apportionment Elections." In Twenty-Ninth International Joint Conference on Artificial Intelligence and Seventeenth Pacific Rim International Conference on Artificial Intelligence {IJCAI-PRICAI-20}. California: International Joint Conferences on Artificial Intelligence Organization, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.24963/ijcai.2020/15.

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In parliamentary elections, parties compete for a limited, typically fixed number of seats. We study the complexity of the following bribery-style problem: Given the distribution of votes among the parties, what is the smallest number of voters that need to be convinced to vote for our party, so that it gets a desired number of seats. We also run extensive experiments on real-world election data and measure the effectiveness of our method.
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Reports on the topic "Elections"

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Gajjar, Devyani. Cyber security of elections. Parliamentary Office of Science and Technology, May 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.58248/rr17.

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Idris, Iffat. Conditions for Elections to Succeed in Reducing Conflict and Instability. Institute of Development Studies, July 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2022.124.

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Post-conflict elections can pave the way for democratisation and peacebuilding, but can also lead to renewed conflict. Minimum conditions for ensuring that elections promote the former and reduce conflict and instability include: peace and demilitarisation; international involvement; not holding post-conflict elections too early; holding national and local elections separately – ideally, local before national; election systems (notably proportional representation) that distribute rather than concentrate power; independent, permanent and well-resourced election management bodies; and media that promote voter education, messaging by parties and candidates, and election transparency. However, it is important to stress that specific criteria needed for successful post-conflict elections will be context-dependent.Post-conflict elections have the potential to establish legitimate government and can pave the way for democratisation and sustained peace. However, because they determine the distribution of power, they can also trigger renewed conflict. The risk of this is exacerbated by the difficult circumstances in which post-conflict elections are typically held (e.g. damaged infrastructure, weak institutions). The challenge is how to achieve the potential benefits while avoiding the risks. What are the conditions or criteria needed to ensure that post-conflict elections do not lead to conflict and instability?This review looks at the conditions needed to ensure that post-conflict election reduce conflict and instability. It draws on a mixture of academic and grey literature. While there was substantial literature on the various criteria, notably international involvement and election administration, it was largely gender-blind, as well as disability-blind.
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Egeresi, Zoltán. Bulgarian Elections: Ahead of New Polls? Külügyi és Külgazdasági Intézet, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.47683/kkielemzesek.ke-2021.35.

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The current analysis describes the path to the elections in Bulgaria on 11 July, 2021, as well as their outcome. It argues that the political stalemate after the April elections can be overcome by the new election results. In July a recently founded party, There Is Such A People (ITN), led by late-night showman Slavi Trifonov, was able to overtake Boyko Borisov’s party, which has not been achieved by any other politician for 12 years. Nevertheless, Trifonov’s party will not be able to form a government alone without forming a coalition with other parties because it is far from a majority in parliament. Without a coalition,there is high probability for lasting political instability in Bulgaria. According to the pessimistic scenario, snap elections will be held along with the presidential elections in mid-autumn of 2021.
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Alesina, Alberto, and Howard Rosenthal. Moderating Elections. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, August 1989. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w3072.

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Richards, Robin. The Effect of Non-partisan Elections and Decentralisation on Local Government Performance. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), January 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2021.014.

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This rapid review focusses on whether there is international evidence on the role of non-partisan elections as a form of decentralised local government that improves performance of local government. The review provides examples of this from Sub-Saharan Africa and South Asia. There are two reported examples in Sub-Saharan Africa of non-partisan elections that delink candidates from political parties during election campaigns. The use of non-partisan elections to improve performance and democratic accountability at the level of government is not common, for example, in southern Africa all local elections at the sub-national sphere follow the partisan model. Whilst there were no examples found where countries shifted from partisan to non-partisan elections at the local government level, the literature notes that decentralisation policies have the effect of democratising and transferring power and therefore few central governments implement it fully. In Africa decentralisation is favoured because it is often used as a cover for central control. Many post-colonial leaders in Africa continue to favour centralised government under the guise of decentralisation. These preferences emanated from their experiences under colonisation where power was maintained by colonial administrations through institutions such as traditional leadership. A review of the literature on non-partisan elections at the local government level came across three examples where this occurred. These countries were: Ghana, Uganda and Bangladesh. Although South Africa holds partisan elections at the sub-national sphere, the election of ward committee members and ward councillors, is on a non-partisan basis and therefore, the ward committee system in South Africa is included as an example of a non-partisan election process in the review.
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Martinez-Bravo, Monica, Gerard Padró Miquel, Nancy Qian, and Yang Yao. Elections in China. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, May 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w18101.

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Kolarzik, Nina, and Aram Terzyan. The State of Human Rights and Political Freedoms in Belarus: Was the Crisis Inevitable? Eurasia Institutes, November 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.47669/psprp-4-2020.

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The rule of Alexander Lukashenko in Belarus has created one of the most resilient authoritarian regimes in post-communist Europe. Meanwhile, the turmoil triggered by the 2020 presidential election has put in the spotlight the mounting challenges facing Lukashenko’s authoritarian rule. This paper investigates the state of human rights and political freedoms in Belarus, focusing on the main rationale behind the turmoil surrounding the 2020 presidential election. It concludes that the political crisis following the elections is the unsurprising consequence of Lukashenko’s diminishing ability to maintain power or concentrate political control by preserving elite unity, controlling elections, and/or using force against opponents.
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Stein, Ernesto H., and Jorge M. Streb. Elections and the Timing of Devaluations. Inter-American Development Bank, January 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0010763.

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This paper presents a rational political budget cycle model for an open economy, in which devaluations are delayed in the pre-election period so as to increase the electoral chances of the party in office. By concentrating on closed economies, previous political cycle models had overlooked the influence of elections on the behavior of exchange rates. Voter uncertainty is introduced in two different dimensions. Not only are voters uncertain regarding the competency of the incumbent, but they also ignore the degree to which the incumbent is opportunistic.
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Bridges, Kate. AARP Alaska: 2022 Elections. Washington, DC: AARP Research, September 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.26419/res.00550.009.

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Shigeoka, Hitoshi, and Yasutora Watanabe. Policy Diffusion Through Elections. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, July 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w31441.

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