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Journal articles on the topic 'Election campaigns in the USA'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 1 February 2022

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1

Samuel-Azran, Tal, Moran Yarchi, and Gadi Wolfsfeld. "Aristotelian rhetoric and Facebook success in Israel’s 2013 election campaign." Online Information Review 39, no. 2 (April 13, 2015): 149–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/oir-11-2014-0279.

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Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to contribute to the mapping of the social media discourse involving politicians and their followers during election campaigns, the authors examined Israeli politicians’ Aristotelian rhetoric on Facebook and its reception during the 2013 elections campaign. Design/methodology/approach – The authors examined the Aristotelian rhetorical strategies used by Israeli politicians on their Facebook walls during the 2013 elections, and their popularity with social media users. Findings – Ethos was the most prevalent rhetorical strategy used. On the reception front, pathos-based appeals attracted the most likes. Finally, the results point to some discrepancy between politicians’ campaign messages and the rhetoric that actually gains social media users’ attention. Research limitations/implications – The findings indicate that Israel’s multi-party political system encourages emphasis on candidates’ credibility (ethos) in contrast to the prevalence of emotion (pathos) in typical election campaigns in two-party systems like the USA. One possible explanation is the competitive nature of elections in a multi-party system where candidates need to emphasise their character and distinct leadership abilities. Practical implications – Politicians and campaign managers are advised to attend to the potential discrepancy between politicians’ output and social media users’ preferences, and to the effectiveness of logos-based appeals. Originality/value – The study highlights the possible effect of the party system on politicians’ online rhetoric in social media election campaigns.

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Łukowiak, Dominik. "Między wolnością słowa a zasadą równości biernego prawa wyborczego. Ramy prawne systemu finansowania kampanii wyborczych w świetle I poprawki do Konstytucji USA." Studia Iuridica 72 (April 17, 2018): 207–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0011.7599.

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The article is a paper presented during the Poland-wide academic conference The U.S. Constitution – theory and practice. The basis for reflections constitutes an issue of the constitutionality of the federal legislation establishing restrictions on the money’s influence on financing election campaigns. The paper focuses on an analysis of the U.S. Supreme Court’s case law related to the range of an acceptable interference of such regulations in the freedom of speech and political expression clause of the First Amendment to the Constitution. The author discusses selected statements contained in the rulings made in cases, from which as the most crucial he regards: Buckley v. Valeo (1976), McConnell v. Federal Election Commission (2003) and Citizens United v. Federal Election Commission (2010). In the conclusion of the article an opinion is presented that the U.S. Supreme Court judicature, co-creating with the federal legislation the campaign finance law, is an unique attempt at balancing the two values fundamental to the democratic election process, which are freedom of speech and the principle of equal opportunities for political competitors.

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Zagladin, N. "Pre-election Campaign in USA: “Russian Question”." World Economy and International Relations, no. 4 (2009): 35–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2009-4-35-43.

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HMED, OMARA, and CHRO SHIAHAB. "THE EXTENT OF PUBLIC RELATIONS RELIANCE ON THE USE OF ONLINE NEWSPAPERS IN ELECTION CAMPAIGNS." Journal of The University of Duhok 22, no. 1 (November 25, 2019): 256–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.26682/hjuod.2019.22.1.13.

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Misiuna, Jan. "Zarys historii regulacji finansowania kampanii wyborczych w USA." Kwartalnik Kolegium Ekonomiczno-Społecznego. Studia i Prace, no. 1 (November 29, 2011): 203–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.33119/kkessip.2011.1.8.

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The article presents the history of the US campaign finance law. It describes acts passed by the Congress, starting from the Tillman Act of 1907, followed among others by Federal Election Campaign Act of 1971 and finished with McCain-Feingold Act of 2002. There are also described the most important decisions of the US Supreme Court related to the campaign finance including Newberry vs. United States (256 U. S. 232 (1921)), Buckley v. Valeo (424 U. S. 1 (1976)), McConnell v. Federal Election Commission (540 U. S. 93 (2003)) Citizens United v. Federal Election Commission (130 S. Ct. 876 (2010)) of 2010. The paper also how has changed the attitude of the Supreme Court towards campaign finance regulation The article also recalls the historical events, such as Teapot Dome Scandal and Watergate, that were important stimuli for passing new law by the Congress. The background of the Supreme Court decisions is also provided.

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Nenova, Kristina. "Hate Speech – What Reduces the Phenomenon in Media." Yearbook of Department Mass Communications 1 (October 7, 2020): 170–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.33919/ydmc.19.1.10.

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Hate speech can be used as an instrument preferred to exert political influence upon voters during election campaigns. This article provides two examples to support this assumption – the first one is related to a Kirk and Martin’s study on the way main presidential candidates in the USA ran their campaigns in 2016, while the other assumption is related to the current debate in Bulgaria on the National Child Strategy 2019-2030. The present article focuses upon possibilities to reduce the phenomenon’s influence as well as upon some of the challenges researchers and policy makers face in their attempts to limit it.

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Koryakova, Irina. "The USA Labor Unions Against the Legislative Restraint on Their Participation in Election Campaigns (1947-1948)." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, no. 3 (September 29, 2014): 55–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2014.3.6.

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8

Lee, Terry. "The global rise of “fake news” and the threat to democratic elections in the USA." Public Administration and Policy 22, no. 1 (July 1, 2019): 15–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/pap-04-2019-0008.

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Purpose Since the end of 2016, “fake news” has had a clear meaning in the USA. After years of scholarship attempting to define “fake news” and where it fits among the larger schema of media hoaxing and deception, popular culture and even academic studies converged following the 2016 US presidential election to define “fake news” in drastically new ways. The paper aims to discuss these issues. Design/methodology/approach In light of the recent elections in the USA, many fear “fake news” that have gradually become a powerful and sinister force, both in the news media environment as well as in the fair and free elections. The scenario draws into questions how the general public interacts with such outlets, and to what extent and in which ways individual responsibility should govern the interactions with social media. Findings Fake news is a growing threat to democratic elections in the USA and other democracies by relentless targeting of hyper-partisan views, which play to the fears and prejudices of people, in order to influence their voting plans and their behavior. Originality/value Essentially, “fake news” is changing and even distorting how political campaigns are run, ultimately calling into question legitimacy of elections, elected officials and governments. Scholarship has increasingly confirmed social media as an enabler of “fake news,” and continues to project its potentially negative impact on democracy, furthering the already existing practices of partisan selective exposure, as well as heightening the need for individual responsibility.

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Schubert, Christoph. "Rhetorical moves in political discourse: closing statements by presidential candidates in US primary election debates." Text & Talk 41, no. 3 (February 2, 2021): 369–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/text-2019-0189.

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Abstract Presidential primary debates in the USA are commonly concluded by brief closing statements, in which the competitors outline the central messages of their election campaigns. These statements constitute a subgenre characterized by a set of recurring rhetorical moves, which are defined as functional units geared towards the respective communicative objective, in this case political persuasion. Located at the interface of rhetorical move analysis and political discourse studies, this paper demonstrates that moves and embedded steps in closing statements fulfill the persuasive function of legitimizing the respective candidate as the most preferable presidential successor. The study is based on the transcripts of 98 closing statements, which were extracted from eight Democratic and eleven Republican primary debates held between August 2015 and April 2016. Typical moves, such as projecting the speaker’s future political agenda or diagnosing the current situation in America, are presented with the help of illustrative examples, frequencies of occurrence, and a sample analysis of a complete closing statement.

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Dmitrieva, Marina Ivanovna, and Veronika Vladimirovna Dubrovskaya. "Manipulative Communicative Strategies (by the Example of 2016 Presidential Election Campaign in the USA)." Filologičeskie nauki. Voprosy teorii i praktiki, no. 7 (July 2020): 180–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.30853/filnauki.2020.7.34.

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STASIUK, OLEKSANDRA. "POLITICAL SENTIMENTS OF WESTERN UKRAINIANS DURING ELECTION CAMPAIGNS OF THE POST-WAR PERIOD." Ukraine: Cultural Heritage, National Identity, Statehood 32 (2019): 113–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.33402/ukr.2019-32-113-124.

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The article considers the main manifestations of political sentiments of the population of Western oblasts of Ukraine concerning election campaigns of the post-war period. The factors determining the voting behavior of voters and causes of social deviations are analyzed. It is emphasized that the attitude of the Western Ukrainians to the Soviet election campaigns was primarily determined by the electoral experience they gained while participating in parliamentary structures of Austria-Hungary, interwar Poland, Romania, and Czechoslovakia. The scheme of stratification of electoral sentiments of the local population by quantitative, social, and political, gender, and other indicators are presented. The dominant anti-Soviet views that were caused by the rejection of Soviet totalitarianism by Western Ukrainians, the predatory economic policy of the government, and activities of the national liberation movement are noted. The specific facts of dissatisfaction of the population with the Soviet electoral legislation, forms and methods of its implementation as well as some measures of the Soviet government aimed at the forced Sovietization of the region are stated. It is determined that the largest group of protest voters was the peasantry, which in the postwar period was in difficult material and living conditions and actively supported the participants of OUN (Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists) and UPA (Ukrainian Insurgent Army). The geography of critical rhetoric suggests the similarity of electoral sentiments in different regions of the republic. However, if Western Ukrainians were not afraid to protest in public, the residents of Greater Ukraine hid their true attitude towards Soviet democracy because of fear of repression. It is claimed that the study of political attitudes of the population in regions where the Soviet regime has not yet been established, and peoplе’s consciousness was free of the Soviet ideological stamps allows reflecting their real state. Keywords: Western regions of the Ukrainian SSR, post-war period, Sovietization, elections to the Supreme Soviets of the USSR and the Ukrainian SSR, political behavior of the population.

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Fidelis, Thiago. "O TOSTÃO CONTRA O MILHÃO: A COBERTURA DA CAMPANHA PELA PREFEITURA DE SÃO PAULO PELO JORNAL O ESTADO DE S. PAULO (1952 - 1953) * THE PENNY AGAINST THE MILLION: THE ELECTION COVERAGE FOR THE CITY OF S. PAULO BY THE NEWSPAPER O ESTADO DE S. PAULO (1952 – 1953)." História e Cultura 5, no. 2 (August 31, 2016): 228. http://dx.doi.org/10.18223/hiscult.v5i2.1646.

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Resumo: O presente artigo procurou analisar a eleição para a prefeitura de São Paulo em 1953 sob a ótica do jornal O Estado de S. Paulo, periódico de maior tiragem e o mais influente na política paulista dessa época. Devido a uma lei federal, desde os anos 1920 não havia sufrágio para o Executivo paulistano; quando a lei foi revogada em 1952, surgiram duas campanhas que polarizaram a disputa, a do secretário estadual de Saúde, Francisco Cardoso, representando a situação e a do deputado estadual Jânio Quadros, representando a oposição. Apoiando a primeira campanha, o jornal estruturou suas notícias com base nessa perspectiva, e seus desdobramentos foram analisados e refletidos nesse breve espaço.Palavras-chave: História da Imprensa; O Estado de S. Paulo; Eleições Municipais. Abstract: This article analyses the election for the city of S. Paulo in 1953 by the newspaper O Estado de S. Paulo, the highest circulation and the most influential periodic. Because of a federal law, a 30 years ago don’t have election for São Paulo mayoral; when the law ended in 1952, there were two campaigns that polarized, the State Secretary of Health Francisco Cardoso and the state representative Jânio Quadros. Supporting the first campaign, the newspaper has structured your news based on this perspective and its consequences will be analyzed here.Key-word: Press History; O Estado de S. Paulo; Municipal Elections.

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Valero Heredia, Ana. "Citizens United y la financiación de las campañas electorales en el derecho norteamericano." Teoría y Realidad Constitucional, no. 30 (June 1, 2012): 433. http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/trc.30.2012.7015.

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Con la sentencia de la Corte Suprema norteamericana, pronunciada en el Caso Citizens United v. Federal Electoral Commission, de febrero de 2010, el Tribunal Supremo Norteamericano ha revocado un fallo que desde hacía veinte años imponía límites y restringía la capacidad de las empresas y los sindicatos para financiar las campañas electorales de los partidos políticos en las elecciones federales. Esta reñidísima decisión del Supremo intérprete de la Constitución estadounidense, ha supuesto una auténtica convulsión en materian electoral en los Estados Unidos pues anula el fallo emitido veinte años atrás en el Caso Austin v. Cámara de Comercio de Michigan, según el cual, las empresas podían ver limitado el uso de sus fondos con fines políticos para evitar los riesgos de corrupción.Citizens ofrece una visión absolutista de la Primera Enmienda de la Constitución que permite a las empresas gastar sumas ilimitadas de dinero de manera independiente para apoyar u oponerse a candidatos para el cargo, dando carta blanca a la desregularización de la financiación de las campañas electorales y permitiendo a las contribuciones opacas de las empresas sin límite de ningún tipo.With the ruling of the U.S. Supreme Court, pronounced in the case Citizens United v. Federal Election Commission, February 2010, the American Supreme Court has overturned a ruling that for twenty years imposed limits and restricted the ability of firms and unions to finance the election campaigns of political parties in federal elections. This decision of the Supreme interpreter of the U.S. Constitution was a radical upheaval in the U.S. election as the ruling nullifies twenty years ago in Austin v Case. Michigan Chamber of Commerce, according to which companies could have limited the use of their funds for political purposes to avoid the risks of corruption. Citizens offers an absolutist view of the First Amendment of the Constitution that allows companies to spend unlimited amounts of money independently to support or oppose candidates for office, giving carte blanche to the deregulation of the financing of election campaigns and allowing contributions opaque firms without any limit.

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Masullo Chen, Gina, Martin J. Riedl, Jeremy L. Shermak, Jordon Brown, and Ori Tenenboim. "Breakdown of Democratic Norms? Understanding the 2016 US Presidential Election Through Online Comments." Social Media + Society 5, no. 2 (April 2019): 205630511984363. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2056305119843637.

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This study examined how comments posted on news stories about the 2016 presidential election reflected the disruptive discourses of the campaign itself. A quantitative content analysis and a qualitative textual analysis of user-generated comments ( N = 1,881) showed that while incivility was less frequent than impoliteness, overall there was ample evidence of the violation of democratic norms of political talk in these comment streams. Findings also showed that comments posted on stories in The New York Times were less uncivil than those posted on either Fox News or USA TODAY stories. However, comments posted on USA TODAY stories were more impolite than those posted on stories on the Times’ or Fox News’ websites. Norms of political talk that ascribe to some aspects of deliberative discourse were more frequent in comments posted later in the campaign, except among comments posted on Fox News stories.

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Viera Berriel, Acaymo, and Diego Mo Groba. "Los efectos de la campaña electoral de las elecciones generales de 2015 y 2016 en el voto / The effects of the election campaign of the general elections of 2015 and 2016 in the vote." MARCO (Márketing y Comunicación Política) 4 (September 20, 2018): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.15304/marco.4.4972.

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Las elecciones generales de 2015 suponen una ruptura del sistema bipartidista español. Dos fuerzas políticas emergentes, Podemos y Ciudadanos, irrumpieron en el sistema de partidos. En este trabajo se aborda un análisis sobre la influencia de las campañas electorales de las elecciones generales de 2015 y 2016 en el voto, considerando un escenario de alta fragmentación partidista. Se buscará, además, delimitar los factores explicativos de los efectos de la campaña electoral en el voto.The general elections of 2015 represent a rupture of the bipartisan system that prevailed until that moment. Two emerging political forces, Podemos and Ciudadanos, broke into the party system. This paper analyze the influence of the electoral campaigns on general elections of 2015 and 2016 on the vote, considering a stage of high partisan fragmentation. It will also seek to delimit the explanatory factors of the effects of the electoral campaign on the vote.

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Morris, David S. "Twitter Versus the Traditional Media." Social Science Computer Review 36, no. 4 (August 2, 2017): 456–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0894439317721441.

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In the 2016 U.S. presidential campaign, both the traditional media and social media platforms, like Twitter, were critical in attempts to influence voters. Prior to the 2016 presidential election, the assumption was that campaign messages sent through the traditional media are perceived as more effectual by the public than those sent via Twitter. But after the election of Donald Trump, there is now a sense that things may have changed. In this new era of American politics and campaign discourse, do campaign messages sent via Twitter resonate equally with messages sent through the traditional media? This study attempts to address this question by utilizing a survey experiment to test whether campaign messages sent using USA Today headlines were perceived as more believable and persuasive by potential voters than messages sent via Twitter. The results suggest that campaign messages about candidates sent via Twitter—regardless of the candidate of focus—resonate just as strongly with potential voters as those sent via the traditional media. This provides a potential partial explanation for the shocking rise of Donald Trump’s political fortunes.

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Ennser-Jedenastik, Laurenz, Martin Dolezal, and Wolfgang C. Müller. "Gender Differences in Negative Campaigning: The Impact of Party Environments." Politics & Gender 13, no. 01 (November 2, 2016): 81–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1743923x16000532.

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How does gender affect the attack strategies of political actors? Do men and women diverge in their propensity to go negative and in their choice of targets? Extant research has long sought to shed light on these questions (e.g., Brooks 2010; Kahn 1993; Krupnikov and Bauer 2014; Proctor, Schenck-Hamlin, and Haase 1994; Walter 2013). Among all the possible determinants of attack behavior in elections, candidate gender has been one of the most “heavily studied” (Grossmann 2012, 2). However, the relevant research focuses almost exclusively on the United States and therefore on a system with candidate-centered campaigns, weak party organizations, and winner-takes-all competitions. Notwithstanding the importance of the USA as a case and exporter of campaign techniques, such context is specific and likely to bias the results. The few pioneering studies that examine the role of gender in negative campaigning outside the U.S. (Carlson 2001, 2007; Walter 2013) have addressed this question mostly by transferring the analytical framework of U.S.-based research to other political systems. Consequently, they have barely begun to incorporate the distinctive features of multiparty systems and strong party organizations as determinants of gender differences in attack behavior. The present article provides a novel argument about the role of party environments as a crucial context factor in party-centered political systems. Specifically we argue that in party-centered campaigns the gender balance within parties influences differences in the attack behavior of male and female politicians.

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Boduleva, Alla R., Luiza R. Saifutdinova, and Anastasia S. Salina. "Language peculiarities of fake news (based on fake news about Donald Trump and the USA election campaign 2020)." Vestnik of the Mari State University 14, no. 4 (2020): 466–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.30914/2072-6783-2020-14-4-466-473.

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Shumilin, Alexander. "European Union ‒ USA: On the Way to a “New Normality”." Contemporary Europe, no. 98 (October 1, 2020): 54–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/soveurope520205464.

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The article analyzes the state of relations between transatlantic partners in the context of the presidential campaign in the United States, and also attempts to predict their development after November 2020.The presidency of D. Trump thoroughly shook the foundations of Euro-Atlantic solidarity. This applies to the parties' adherence to democratic values (Trump does not hide his sympathy for European leaders with a penchant for authoritarianism), and also applies to the interaction of the US and the EU in the trade, economic and military fields. While most European elites prefer the Democratic candidate Biden to win the presidential election, many analysts believe that his probable arrival in the White House will hardly change much. Transatlantic relations have already entered a stage of serious transformation. We can witness the emergence of a “new normal” in transatlantic relations, accepted by Brussels on the one hand and, apparently, by Biden's team, on the other. It is designed to reduce the previous scale of the EU's dependence on the United States in the field of defense, while fixing issues in relation where the approaches of the allies may not completely coincide or even differ significantly (a striking example is the fate of the “Nord Stream 2”). If implemented, this model of relations may prevent the emergence of new lines of tension between allies in the transatlantic partnership.

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Frolova, O. A. "Religion as the Main Projection Channel of the Power Interests on Civil Society during the Election Campaign in the USA." RUDN Journal of Political Science, no. 4 (December 15, 2016): 95–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2016-4-95-100.

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Article considers the interrelation of political and religious interests in the USA during the current presidential campaign. In particular, the author considers such aspects as mentality and culture of the American society. In material, the religious preferences of the US population based on the last social researches. The author comes to conclusion that commitment of the American society to mass demand of goods consumption and services - an integral part of mentality and culture including religious. This characteristic of society formed the basis of “market nature” of spirituality to which candidates for president often appeal.

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Borges, Regilson Furtado, Suzete Gaia de Sousa, and Camilla Quesada Tavares. "QUEM FALA E COMO FALAM OS CANDIDATOS NAS ELEIÇÕES DE 2018? um estudo sobre o HGPE ao governo do Maranhão." Aturá - Revista Pan-Amazônica de Comunicação 4, no. 1 (January 3, 2020): 98–120. http://dx.doi.org/10.20873/uft.2526-8031.2020v4n1p98.

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O Horário Gratuito de Propaganda Eleitoral (HGPE) é uma das mais importantes ferramentas de comunicação dos políticos nos períodos de campanha eleitoral, principalmente em locais onde a televisão ainda possui uma forte influência, como é o caso do Maranhão. Assim, este artigo apresenta uma análise comparativa entre as três principais campanhas para o governo do estado do Maranhão em 2018, referente aos candidatos Flávio Dino (PC do B), Roseana Sarney (MDB) e Maura Jorge (PSL). A partir da Análise do Conteúdo, observou-se quem fala e como os políticos falam no HGPE. Percebeu-se, por meio dos resultados, que a construção da campanha televisiva dos três candidatos possui mais semelhanças do que diferenças, e que todos apresentam propostas mais sociais aos eleitores maranhenses. PALAVRAS-CHAVE: HGPE; Campanha televisiva; Maranhão; Eleições 2018. ABSTRACT The free political advertising time on television and radio (known as HGPE, in Brazil) is one of the most important communication tools for politicians during Brazilian election campaign periods, especially in places where television still has a strong influence, such as the state of Maranhão (Northestern Brazil). Thus, this article presents a comparative analysis between the three main campaigns for the state government of Maranhão in 2018, referring to the following candidates: Flávio Dino (PC do B), Roseana Sarney (MDB), and Maura Jorge (PSL). Based on a content analysis, it was observed who speaks and how politicians speak in the HGPE. The results showed that the construction of the televised campaign of the three candidates has more similarities than differences, as all of them focus on social proposals to the citizens of Maranhão. KEYWORDS: HGPE; television campaigning; Maranhão; 2018 Election. RESUMEN El Horario Gratuito de Propaganda Electoral (HGPE) es una de las herramientas de comunicación más importantes que los políticos poseen durante los períodos de campaña electoral, especialmente en locales dónde la televisión tiene una fuerte influencia, como es el caso de Maranhão. Por lo tanto, este artículo presenta un análisis comparativo entre las tres campañas principales del estado de Maranhão en 2018, hechas por los siguientes candidatos: Flávio Dino (PC do B), Roseana Sarney (MDB) y Maura Jorge (PSL). Por medio del análisis de contenido, fue identificado quién habla y como hablan los políticos en la propaganda. Los resultados muestran que las campañas de los candidatos tienen más similaridades que diferencias, siendo que todos presentan más propuestas sociales a los votantes. PALABRAS CLAVE: HGPE; Campañas electorales; Maranhão; Elecciones 2018.

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Dimitrova, Daniela V., and Jesper Strömbäck. "Election news in Sweden and the United States: A comparative study of sources and media frames." Journalism 13, no. 5 (January 10, 2012): 604–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1464884911431546.

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This study compares election news coverage in two different countries – Sweden and the United States, focusing on the use of the strategic game frame and the conflict frame and the association between these two frames and different types of news sources. The content analysis includes early evening newscasts from CBS Evening News, NBC Nightly News and ABC World News in the USA and Rapport, Aktuellt and TV4 Nyheterna in Sweden. The findings show that the strategic game frame is used more frequently in the US coverage and is correlated with the use of media analysts and campaign operatives in both countries. Ordinary citizens as sources contribute to issue framing while domestic political actors tend to be associated with conflict framing. Differences in media framing between public and private media are also identified and discussed in the context of national political and media systems.

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Suvorova, A. Yu. "Electoral Discourse Formation in the Context of Political Communication Development (Case Study of the Presidential Election Campaign in the USA in 2016 )." Vestnik Povolzhskogo instituta upravleniya 20, no. 2 (2020): 104–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.22394/1682-2358-2020-2-104-114.

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Hinojosa Navarro, Ghiovani. "Periodismo y propaganda en el Perú. Una relación compleja durante los procesos electorales." Correspondencias & Análisis, no. 4 (November 1, 2014): 259–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.24265/cian.2014.n4.13.

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Житко, А. О. "ФЕНОМЕН «СУЧАСНИЙ ПОПУЛІЗМ» У КОНТЕКСТІ РИЗИКІВ І ВИКЛИКІВ ЛІБЕРАЛЬНИХ ДЕМОКРАТІЙ ХХІ СТОЛІТТЯ." Сучасне суспільство: політичні науки, соціологічні науки, культурологічні науки 2, no. 2-19 (2019): 17–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.34142/24130060.2019.19.2.02.

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In the article attempts of description and analyze of research studies are undertaken, which are recognized in the modern scientific world as «strong points» in the study of the phenomenon of populism, in particular - G. Ionesk, E. Gellner, D. Bell, M. Kenovan, P. Tagart, E. Laclau, I. Me, I. Sorel et other, and the latest Western and domestic theoretical constructs, which lead to the knowledge and the nature and essence of the phenomenon of «modern populism», namely - Z. Bauman, W. Beck, F. Venturi, A. Grimimal-Buss, K. Davyst, J. Judis, R. Itwell, J.-V. Muller, T. Snyder, etc.; T. Andrushchenko, V. Bebyk, S. Datsyuk, I. Kiananka, G. Kuts, O. Lisnichuk, L. Matlai, I. Pobochi, T. Pryadko, T. Rad, O. Yarosha and others. It is determined that the overwhelming majority of modern researchers express a consolidated position on the complexity of definition («populism is the phenomenon dispersed, i.e. it is a component of many political phenomena, embodied in various ideological forms and political strategies») and a huge variety of manifestation of modern populism D. Trump (USA), Brexit (UK), Yellow Vest Movement (France), Five Star Movement (Italy), Podemos (Spain), G. Wilders (Netherlands), V. Orban (Hungary), R. Erdogan (Turkey), etc. Attention is drawn to the fact that the «global success of populists» in the 21st century creates a real threat to liberal-democratic values - individual freedom, pluralism, free speech, free elections, etc. The key factors that provoked «the outburst of populism» are characterized, in particular, the dominance of the contemporary voter in the socio-political moods of feelings of «disappointment», «confusion», «uncertainty» and others. The author attempts to find effective strategies for counteracting «aggressive populism» in the context of the mediation of contemporary political processes, in particular, the formation of critical thinking and media literacy of the modern voter. It is stated that the «wave» of populism also seized the political space of modern Ukraine, in which the mediation of political processes created a new format of communication between voters and politicians, which, in fact, attested to the results of recent presidential and parliamentary election campaigns.

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Lin, Luc Chia-Shin. "Convergence in election campaigns." Convergence: The International Journal of Research into New Media Technologies 22, no. 2 (August 18, 2014): 199–214. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354856514545706.

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Salzbrunn, Monika. "The Occupation of Public Space through Religious and Political Events: How Senegalese Migrants Became a Part of Harlem, New York." Journal of Religion in Africa 34, no. 4 (2004): 468–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1570066042564428.

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AbstractDuring the last twenty years, Senegalese migration has shifted from West African cities to France, from France to its European neighbour countries and finally towards the United States of America. Whereas the secular French state discourages religious display, especially within public space, the more community-oriented USA is far from opposed to religious expression in the public sphere. In this article, I analyze how Senegalese migrants who have grown up in secular states (Senegal and/or France) use American public space to demonstrate their political and religious identity through the organization of special events. Even though the migrants, notably the political and religious activists, take into consideration the cultural and political differences between their different places of residence, they follow continuous strategies across their translocal spaces. Special events like the Murid Parade in July or the Senegalese presidential election campaign in spring 2000 provide rich empirical data for the analysis of the complex interaction between Senegalese inside and outside their country, their translocal networks and their connections to the local situation in New York City. The latter includes the different inhabitants of Harlem and the local geographical setting, the representatives of the state and the politics of migration, as well as the Mayor and his political program. The recently opened House of Islam, founded by members of the Murid Sufi order in Harlem, shows how deeply the Senegalese in the US are already rooted. However, the annual religious event organized by the Murids is only one demonstration of identity politics. In order to illustrate the diversity of the community, I show how the events organized during the Senegalese presidential election campaign in 2000 in New York City take into consideration the complexity of the religious, political and economic identities of the American Senegalese.

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28

Standish, Dominic. "Nuclear Power and Environmentalism in Italy." Energy & Environment 20, no. 6 (October 2009): 949–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1260/095830509789625365.

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Pressure to restart nuclear power has mounted as Italy has become the world's largest electricity importer. The Italian environmental movement campaigned against nuclear power during the 1980s, culminating in a 1987 moratorium on nuclear power production. The green movement was partly institutionalised by the Italian state during the 1990s, which contributed to the upholding of the moratorium. Internationally, some environmentalists have recently embraced nuclear power as an environmentally-friendly response to climate change. New nuclear power plants are planned in the USA, UK and ‘considered’ elsewhere. In Italy, however, the 1980s movement has a durable legacy which maintains opposition to nuclear power without evidence of it being reconsidered due to climate change. But in the general election of April 2008, environmentalists' political influence was reduced and a government promising to reopen nuclear plants was elected. Also, imported nuclear power from foreign joint ventures is now increasing and may provide an alternative to re-starting domestic nuclear generation.

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McVey, Dominic, Nick Moon, and Iain Noble. "‘Bringing it All Back Home’ - Using RDD Telephone Methods for Large-scale Social Policy and Opinion Research in the UK." Market Research Society. Journal. 40, no. 2 (March 1998): 1–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/147078539804000201.

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Despite the extent of telephone ownership in the UK rising to levels comparable with those in the USA the use of telephone methods here, although growing, remains at a consistently and significantly lower level, even where the use of such methods might solve specific research problems. The major reason for this is the hitherto presumed inability to apply two stage Random Digit Dialling (Mitofsky-Waksberg) sampling methods. The authors review the position in the UK and the deficiencies of telephone sampling methods used there hitherto. They present proposals for a new method of implementing RDD in the UK and thus true probability sampling for telephone methods. In addition they present data from a number of surveys carried out to test the proposed methods, in particular a survey of health related behaviour and beliefs among adults aged 16-74 in England and a number of opinion polls. They also review briefly other polls carried out during the 1997 General Election campaign. They review the effectiveness of the proposed method and the possible future for telephone surveys in the UK.

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Hoff, Jens. "Election Campaigns on the Internet." International Journal of E-Politics 1, no. 1 (January 2010): 22–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/jep.2010102202.

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This article investigates whether political use of the Internet affects users politically. Using a combination of log- and survey data from a study of Internet use during the Danish 2007 parliamentary election, a number of hypotheses are tested. The investigation finds that 30% of the survey respondents say they are influenced politically by their Internet use. However, they are only modestly influenced when it comes to “core values” such as party choice or important political issues, while respondents are affected more in terms of general political opinions and opinions on different candidates. Political interest is found to act as an important determinant for political activity on the Internet, and certain types of uses are found to have more profound political effects than others. Somewhat paradoxically—but in line with Zaller (1992) — those indicating they are “little” or “somewhat” interested in politics are found to be the most politically affected.

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Aköz, Kemal Kivanç, and Cemal Eren Arbatli. "Information Manipulation in Election Campaigns." Economics & Politics 28, no. 2 (June 1, 2016): 181–215. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/ecpo.12076.

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Javarone, Marco Alberto. "Network strategies in election campaigns." Journal of Statistical Mechanics: Theory and Experiment 2014, no. 8 (August 14, 2014): P08013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1088/1742-5468/2014/8/p08013.

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Walzer, Michael. "Social Movements and Election Campaigns." Dissent 59, no. 3 (2012): 25–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/dss.2012.0065.

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34

West, Darrell M. "Television Advertising in Election Campaigns." Political Science Quarterly 109, no. 5 (1994): 789. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2152532.

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35

Bessett, Joseph. "Should Election Campaigns Be Deliberative?" Election Law Journal: Rules, Politics, and Policy 9, no. 3 (September 2010): 197–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.1089/elj.2010.9303.

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Kriesi, Hanspeter. "Personalization of national election campaigns." Party Politics 18, no. 6 (March 23, 2011): 825–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068810389643.

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West, Darrell M. "Polling effects in election campaigns." Political Behavior 13, no. 2 (June 1991): 151–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf00992294.

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Korte, Karl-Rudolf. "Model or deterrence? The United States presidential election campaigns and the bundestag election campaigns." German Politics 15, no. 2 (June 2006): 153–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09644000600731379.

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Lehrbass, Frank. "Sovereign risk management: A rationalist explanation of Putin’s and Trump’s risk taking behavior and its consequences." Corporate Governance and Sustainability Review 1, no. 2 (2017): 6–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.22495/cgsrv1i2p1.

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It goes without saying that nowadays corporate leaders should perform their activity within the concept of sustainable development. The United Nations detail on their homepage (sustainabledevelopment.un.org) what this means. But corporate leaders sometimes face headwind from their governments. Therefore it is important to understand the reasons for such governmental decision making. Two prominent cases are the presidents of the USA and Russia. Firstly, two seemingly unrelated topics of Russian politics are investigated. It is shown that under expected utility maximization the assumptions of an unbiased oil forward market and a risk-acceptant attitude (strictly convex utility function) of president Putin are sufficient to explain Russia’s open position in oil and the bailout of Rosneft. Secondly, actions of president Trump are considered. Again, a risk-acceptant attitude is able to explain his campaign and to conform with his statements. Thirdly, international negotiations over Ukraine between two risk-acceptant presidents are considered. It is proven that the chances for a negotiated settlement have shrunken with the election of Trump and might now even be nil. Fourthly, a tentative outlook on international economics (trade war), finance (regulation) and politics (climate action) is performed.

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Borisova, A. R. "DIGITAL TECHNOLOGIES IN U.S. ELECTION CAMPAIGNS." World Economy and International Relations 63, no. 10 (2019): 59–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2019-63-10-59-66.

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Jameson, Richard. "Election campaigns and civil service neutrality." Contemporary Record 1, no. 2 (June 1987): 4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13619468708580894.

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Bennett, Stephen E., and Linda L. M. Bennett. "Interest in American Presidential Election Campaigns." Polity 22, no. 2 (December 1989): 341–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3234838.

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43

Pfau, Michael, J. Brian Houston, and Shane M. Semmler. "Presidential Election Campaigns and American Democracy." American Behavioral Scientist 49, no. 1 (September 2005): 48–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002764205279429.

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Mintz, Eric. "Newspaper Advertisements in Canadian Election Campaigns." Journalism Quarterly 63, no. 1 (March 1986): 180–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/107769908606300129.

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45

Jacobs, L. R. "Polling Politics, Media, and Election Campaigns." Public Opinion Quarterly 69, no. 5 (January 1, 2005): 635–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/poq/nfi068.

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46

Wlezien, Christopher, and Robert S. Erikson. "The Timeline of Presidential Election Campaigns." Journal of Politics 64, no. 4 (November 2002): 969–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-2508.00159.

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47

Valdez Zepeda, Dr Andrés. "Opinión pública y campañas electorales. Los Resultados de las Elecciones en los Estados Unidos: Una Decepción para el Mundo." Ámbitos. Revista Internacional de Comunicación, no. 13-14 (2005): 379–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.12795/ambitos.2005.i13-14.22.

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48

Adkins, Randall E., and David A. Dulio. "Fighting "Change" in Congressional Campaigns." American Review of Politics 30 (July 1, 2009): 107–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.15763/issn.2374-7781.2009.30.0.107-113.

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The results of the 2008 election cycle were historic. After all of the votes were tallied, Senator Barack Obama garnered more votes than his principal opponent, Senator John McCain. Although the election brought the first African-American president to Washington, there is a lot more to the story. Congressional campaigns are often overshadowed by the presidential campaign and thereby left out of the post-election discussion. This is a mistake. Campaigns for House and Senate seats are just as important to how the nation will move ahead on serious issues in the coming years. Congress, after all, is responsible for delivering to President Obama the legislation that makes up his agenda. In 2008 congressional Democrats increased their margins in both the House and the Senate and returned the Democratic Party to unified control of government. The articles in this special issue of the American Review of Politics examine six important congressional campaigns and help tell the story of the 2008 election, beyond Barack Obamas historic victory.

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E.V. Efanova, E. V. x. "ORGANIZATIONAL AND FUNCTIONAL FEATURES OF REGIONAL ELECTION CAMPAIGNS IN RUSSIA." Вестник Удмуртского университета. Социология. Политология. Международные отношения 5, no. 2 (June 18, 2021): 179–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.35634/2587-9030-2021-5-2-179-185.

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The article presents a structural and functional analysis of election campaigns in Russia. It is obvious that electoral campaigns of candidates are unfolding during the election period, which, through interaction with citizens, enlist their support and sympathy, which contributes to their achievement of the main goal - victory in the elections and, therefore, the seizure and retention of power. The election campaign, being a structural element of the electoral process, is a set of events carried out by various subjects of this process in order to win the election by attracting the votes of the electorate. In general, the electoral company, on the one hand, is a set of measures for organizing elections, regulated by law and carried out by election commissions, and, on the other, a set of actions of political actors involved in the electoral process. It was established that election campaigns have a typical structure, organizational features, political, administrative and socio-cultural characteristics at the federal and regional levels of the electoral process. Among the regional organizational and functional features of domestic election campaigns are: a high degree of intensity of the election process, the dependence of the success of regional election campaigns on the electoral activity of citizens, the orientation of candidates to the needs of the residents of the region, and a prompt response to criticism from the electoral community. The study of the features of the implementation of regional election campaigns is important for Russian reality, especially in the conditions of the ongoing formation and intensive development of the democratic political process in the Russian Federation at the present stage.

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50

Kullolli, Brunela. "Electoral Campaign Financing and Criminal Policy." European Journal of Social Sciences 3, no. 1 (January 1, 2020): 53. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejss-2020.v3i1-83.

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In a democratic state, power is exercised by elected bodies through free and fair elections. The choice of the political class that will exercise political, economic, etc. power by the sovereign (the people) is one of the most important moments in the way how a state works.The sovereign and the expression of his will by voting for those to be elected to the governing or governing bodies. The first part will address and analyze the election campaign, the day of voting until the moment of the results, is the period when the sovereign exercises his power directly by voting which political class will lead the state.Political classes seeking to govern and govern governing bodies disclose their programs, their policies during the election campaign.Election campaigns in modern and capitalist society require funding as they are associated with costs, expenses. Election campaigns cannot be done without capital, without money. The second part will analyze the power of money in election campaigns is related to the expenses political parties or candidates make to their program, to disseminate their political and governing ideas, so money power is used to influence the sovereign to be informed on election day. who to vote for and who to choose in the governing bodies. The use of money in election campaigns forces a democratic state to set rules on how to finance, spend, etc., so setting rules such as how the power of money will affect election campaigns and their control by the responsible bodies.In a country with a fragile and transitional democracy such as the Albanian state, the control of money power during election campaigns is extremely difficult, however the manner of controlling election campaign financing is clearly defined in legislation. In this paper I will contribute by analyzing the impact of money on the Albanian state policy, first in terms of electoral financing, financing of political parties and individuals in electoral campaigns In this paper I will address and analyze how money affects constitutional principles during election campaigns, how it affects the principles of free and fair elections. The third part will address and analyze how entities participating in electoral campaigns are financed.The use of illegal money during campaigns affects the violation of constitutional principles for free and fair elections.I will address and analyze the criminal policies in the field of illegal financing of electoral campaigns. The Criminal Code of the Republic of Albania in relation to free and fair elections. llegal financing of election campaigns is a current phenomenon of the Albanian society, bringing about the incrimination of Albanian politics.Illegal financing of entities participating in electoral campaigns comes from organized crime or suspects in criminal activities, and this brings about the establishment of those persons who protect the latter's interests and not the interests of the constituents or democratic interests of a state .Intensify the fight against illicit financing of electoral campaigns by creating not only a complete legal framework for preventing illicit financing but also creating practical mechanisms for not only law enforcement but also the practical prevention of uncontrolled funding of electoral subjects.Setting criminal penalties for illegal financing of electoral campaigns and revising the Criminal Code in incriminating all illegal financing actions that violate free and fair elections may be the most important step in the fight against illegal financing of electoral campaigns. Illegal financing of electoral campaigns in Albania calls for free and fair elections and questions the basic principles of the representation of political entities in governing institutions and therefore the interference in law and penal policy is current and immediate.

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