To see the other types of publications on this topic, follow the link: Election campaigns in the USA.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Election campaigns in the USA'
Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles
Consult the top 50 dissertations / theses for your research on the topic 'Election campaigns in the USA.'
Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.
Browse dissertations / theses on a wide variety of disciplines and organise your bibliography correctly.
1
Luntz, F. I. "Candidates, consultants and modern campaign technology." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1987. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.234280.
Full text
2
Vautier, Elaine. "Representations of racial difference and 'white anxiety' in the USA and UK : the 1992 US and 1997 UK election campaigns." Thesis, University of East London, 2005. http://roar.uel.ac.uk/1240/.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis examines the construction of White anxiety through an analysis of discursive strategies used to marshal racialised fears and resentments within the context of specific political cultures. Here, White anxiety is defined as the imagined threats and displacements felt in response to the presence of those identified as ethnically or racially different, and in particular fears of loss over resources assumed to be scarce. I analyse the way political discourses in the USA and the UK deploy or negotiate such white anxiety in the post-war period with specific case studies focussed on the 1992 US and 1997 UK election campaigns. The topic of 'race' in contemporary politics has proved to be a potent and difficult issue for politicians. On the one hand appeals to 'race' and racialised resentments continue to be assumed as vote winners. On the other hand, in liberal democracies such as the US and the UK, such appeals attract accusations of 'playing the race card' to signify improper politics. These accusations prompt contrasting political responses and media participation in each country. The comparative analysis indicates the importance of specific political cultures in the construction and deployment of White anxieties grounded in assumptions of popular racisms. What is common to both contexts is that politicians with the help of the media rely upon and tacitly collude with White racialised resentments keeping notions of immutable racial differences in play. This is done through appeals that have distinct historical and contingent resonances. I have identified three narrative frames that have been persistently deployed, with contingent modifications, in order to marshal and construct White anxieties within each political culture. In Britain immigration numbers linked to racial harmony has been an enduring theme, supplemented by a second narrative frame of nation and belonging. In the US the dominant theme is tax resentments linked to Affirmative Action, with a second frame of national belonging becoming increasingly important. I show how the development of these historically and culturally specific narrative frames have retained validity and resonance even as they have been modified for new conjunctures.
3
Lee, Benjamin John. "Are digital technologies supporting traditional styles of electioneering? : measuring and explaining the use of interactive web campaigning by candidates in the 2010 UK General Election." Thesis, University of Manchester, 2013. https://www.research.manchester.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/are-digital-technologies-supporting-traditional-styles-of-electioneering-measuring-and-explaining-the-use-of-interactive-web-campaigning-by-candidates-in-the-2010-uk-general-election(5c6b3bbc-c362-48de-84b0-e98aa3a9706e).html.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis is a mixed methods analysis of the use of new, interactive web campaign techniques, often referred to as Web 2.0, by constituency level campaigns at the 2010 UK General Election. It has two main objectives: measuring the adoption of new web campaign techniques amongst constituency campaigns and assessing the influence of different factors on campaigns’ propensity to use interactive campaigning. Drawing on previous work on parties’ use of technology, this thesis tests a socially shaped explanation of adoption, hypothesising that the offline campaign style will be a strong influence. This contributes to the wider debate about election campaigning online by using an analytical framework of traditional and modern constituency campaigning that contextualises web campaign elements within the campaign as a whole. Data to test this hypothesis comes from a diverse range of sources. A national survey of election agents (ESRC Electoral Agent Survey 2010) is used to measure the offline campaign style of campaigns and their adoption of Web 2.0 campaign sites. Content analysis data from a subset of regional campaigns is then used to assess the extent to which campaigns actually used specific interactive features across a range of platforms. Finally, the findings of these analyses are triangulated using qualitative data collected in interviews with campaigners following the election. The findings of this work show that despite the rapid adoption of Web 2.0 sites, campaigns have not fostered the kind of interaction associated with an architecture of participation. The drivers of Web 2.0 adoption are more complex than originally envisaged, whilst social shaping explanations are relevant, statistical models leave much of the variation in adoption unexplained. In conjunction with the accounts of campaigners collected through interviews, this strongly suggests that researchers must consider more intangible factors such as the perceived symbolic and instrumental value of web campaigns alongside social factors when attempting to explain the adoption of Web 2.0.
4
Malherbe, Daniel. "The political use of ‘new’ media in the 2014 South African national election." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/96741.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2015.AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Nuwe media het ’n duidelike impak op die manier waarop moderne politieke partye en partyleiers hulle verkiesingsveldtogte bestuur. Hierdie studie fokus daarom op die vraag: Hoe is nuwe media tydens die 2014 Suid- Afrikaanse nasionale verkiesing gebruik? Dit word gedoen deur konteks te gee aan wat nuwe media behels, hoe dit in die moderne politiek gebruik word, en wat die impak is wat nuwe media op verkiesings en verkiesingsveldtogte het. Drie gevallestudies, die Obama-veldtog, asook die 2014 verkiesings in Indië en Brasilië, word gebruik om spesifieke elemente oor die impak wat nuwe media op verkiesings het, uit te wys. Die ontleding word dan gebruik om ’n kriteria-raamwerk te skep waarteen spesifieke Suid-Afrikaanse politieke partye se gebruik van sosiale media in die 2014 verkiesing gemeet word, om hulle sukses al dan nie daarmee te bepaal. Die sukseskriteria maak dit moontlik om politieke partye in ’n rangorde te plaas en punte aan hulle toe te ken. Die punte-telling, uit ’n totaal van 50, word dan gebruik om te bepaal waarom die partye sukses behaal het, of nie. Nog 50 punte word toegeken op die basis van ’n subjektiewe oordeel oor taalgebruiken aanslag asook geteikende kieserskommunikasie op nuwe media platforms, meer spesifiek Twitter. Dit word gedoen deur insigte uit ’n studie van relevante literatuur oor die verkiesingveldtog, Suid-Afrika se demografiese en geografiese verskille asook om te oordeel of die partye wat in die studie bestudeer word kommunikasie strategieë benut het om die verskillende groeperings van kiesers te teiken. Die studie bevind dat die spesifieke partye, gemeet teen die raamwerk vir kriteria vir sukses, sowel as die subjektiewe opinie oor taalgebruik en aanslag in kommunikasie, hulle sleg van hul taak gekwyt het in die 2014 nasionale verkiesing in Suid-Afrika. Hulle het in meeste gevalle, met die DA as ’n uitsondering, nie geslaag om die nodige digitale-platforms te vestig en om suksesvol deur die nuwe media platforms te kommunikeer nie. Hulle het ook nie geslaag om die apatie van die Suid-Afrikaanse jeug aan te spreek nie en daar was ’n gebrek aan geteikende en relevante kommunikasie met spesifieke sosiale groepe. Die partye het ook nie daarin geslaag om die kiesers wat partyloos is, of van party wil verander, ’n beter opsie te bied nie.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: New media is seen as having a big impact on the way modern political parties run their campaigns during election periods. This paper focuses on answering the question: How was new media used in the 2014 South African national election? It does this by creating a context regarding the understanding of what new media is, how it is used in politics, and what impact it has on electioneering and political campaign strategies. Three case studies, the Obama campaign and the 2014 Indian and Brazilian elections, are used to highlight how new media has impacted on elections. This analysis is then framed into a set of criteria for success that is used to measure the chosen South African political parties against, to determine whether or not they used new media well in the 2014 South African national election. A set of criteria for success thus makes it possible to rank and assign points to each party and from those points determine whether that party used new media well or poorly. Each party is given a score out of 50. The other 50 points were awarded based on a subjective view regarding the actual use of language and focused voter communication on new media platforms, specifically Twitter. This was done by looking at the insights garnered from the literature regarding electoral campaigning, South Africa’s demographic and geographic differences and seeing if the parties analysed in this study employed communication strategies to target these voter differences. This study found that the parties identified, when measured against the set of criteria for success that was created and the subjective views of the way in which the parties communicated, did not use new media well in the 2014 South African national election. They failed in most cases, with the DA being the exception, to build the necessary online platforms or to communicate effectively through new media platforms. There was also too little focus on addressing voter apathy in the youth and there was a lack of targeted communication to specific social groups. Parties also failed to present themselves as a viable alternative to voters who did not already identify with a party or those who were looking for an alternative party.
5
Andrýsová, Lenka. "Presidential Primary Elections 2008 in the United States of America." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2007. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-4574.
Full textAbstract:
Presidential primary elections could demonstrate current developments in the American society and contribute to better understanding of general elections in November 2008. Therefore, after theoretical introduction about primary elections as process, I describe and compare standpoints of front-runners to the most debated issues (Hillary Rodham Clinton, John McCain and Barack Obama, then partially John Edwards, Rudolph Guiliani, Mike Huckabee, Mitt Romney). As a result, new trends in American political parties could be identified. Moreover, this analysis could forecast main tensions during the general presidential election in November. Apart from issues, this thesis deals with race and gender question and ageism and effects and success of using new communication channels in candidates' political campaigns.
6
Bai, Yu. "Tweets Win Votes: A Persuasive Communication Perspective on Donald Trump’s Twitter Use During the 2016 US Presidential Election Campaign." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för informatik och media, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-325423.
Full textAbstract:
Twitter, a microblogging platform, has been increasingly used as a tool for political election campaigns. In an attempt to persuade people to vote for them, candidates and political parties worldwide have begun to incorporate Twitter in their campaigns to disseminate campaign information, promote themselves, and mobilize voters. In the 2016 U.S presidential election, Donald Trump had actively utilized Twitter to promote his campaign and convince voters to support him, which helped him earn a strong presence and huge popularity on Twitter. Eventually Trump even successfully got elected as the 45th US president. Although the rise of Twitter in political campaigns has been studied by researches from different disciplines, there have been very few studies focusing on Donald Trump or his communication performance on social media in the 2016 US presidential campaign. Besides, it is found that there is a lack of studying candidates’ social media use from the perspective of persuasive communication. In order to reveal how Donald Trump was making use of Twitter to influence audiences’ attitudes, this paper will present a content analysis of Donald Trump’s Twitter use from the perspective of persuasive communication. Specifically, the study will investigate the characteristics of messages demonstrated from Donald Trump’s tweets, and examine whether his messages placed an emphasis on certain aspects. The aim of this study is to offer insights into Donald Trump’s Twitter use, particularly about his persuasive communication on Twitter during the political election campaign.
7
Johannesson, Ludvig. "Går det att lita på de löften som ges under presidentkampanjer? : En studie om vallöften i USA från 2008 till 2016." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-100466.
Full textAbstract:
The following essay can be described as an election pledge research where the presidential pledges are compared to the politics they implement when in power. The purpose is to see if they are genuine with their promises or just seeking the votes of the public. The study will focus on three election campaigns, 2008, 2012 and 2016. This essay will implement two theories: Rational choice theory and the Mandate Model. To answer this two questions will be dealt with. They are as follows: How likely is it that the promises made during a presidential campaign are kept? What category of pledges are kept to the most extent and in what way does this influence the voter? To deal with those questions this essay will apply a case study design that implement the methods of a theory consuming- and qualitative text analysis. The result of the study showed that for the three studied elections a minority of the pledges were fulfilled. But as previous studies also have done is adding fulfilled pledges and compromises. In that case 71,18% of the election pledges were at least partly fulfilled. The pledges that were kept to the greatest extent was economic aid and financial support. The influence on the voter depends if they are satisfied by compromises or just want pledges to be kept.
8
Monson, Joseph Quin. "Polling in congressional election campaigns." Connect to this title online, 2004. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1092697398.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (Ph. D.)--Ohio State University, 2004.Title from first page of PDF file. Document formatted into pages; contains xi, 202 p. Includes bibliographical references (p. 190-202). Available online via OhioLINK's ETD Center
9
Albright, Jeremy J. "Election campaigns and voter alignments." [Bloomington, Ind.] : Indiana University, 2008. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:3344556.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (Ph.D.)--Indiana University, Dept. of Political Science, 2008.Title from PDF t.p. (viewed on Oct. 5, 2009). Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 70-02, Section: A, page: 0671. Advisers: Robert Rohrschneider; Edward Carmines.
10
Mcliveen, Robert. "Conservative election campaigns: Rational, Effective and modern?" Thesis, University of Sheffield, 2008. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.500525.
Full text
11
Afful, Ebo. "Journalism, election campaigns and democracy in Ghana." Thesis, Cardiff University, 2016. http://orca.cf.ac.uk/99853/.
Full textAbstract:
Political communication literature has documented various forms of framing election campaigns although that on Ghana are few. These included issues, horse race, coverage tone and presidential candidates’ media visibility leading to an incumbency advantage. These are normally attributed to news values that reflect political power such as relevance and politicians’ elite status. Hence, this study is intended to explore explanation for the trend of campaign coverage in Ghana, a developing democracy, using four Ghanaian newspapers in 2008 and 2012. Through content analysis and in-depth interviews, the thesis grounded in gatekeeping and framing theories, has demonstrated that: (1) the state-owned newspapers did not give an incumbency advantage (2), the coverage was issues-based (3), election stories were more positive in tone (4), there was media bias and (5) politicians paid money (‘soli’) to journalists for coverage. These empirical findings show that during the campaigns, gatekeeping and framing practices were driven more likely by the ‘soli’ norm rather than the norm of objective and impartial journalism. Thus the study offers a new explanation why there was no incumbency advantage, why the press bias, why coverage was largely positive in tone and why issues-based framing. However, horse race appears to have the potential to dominate Ghana’s elections coverage. The conclusions of this study, one argues, were as a result of interplay between candidates’ desire not only to dominate the newspapers but also to be projected positively and journalists’ desire to make money from politicians. Simply put: stories of elections published by the newspapers were defined by ‘soli’ journalism which promoted ‘protocol’ journalism. This means most election stories that reached electorates were from speeches of candidates. Therefore, the stories lacked critical interpretation of campaign events raising issues of capacity of the press in Ghana to function effectively as public sphere contributing to participatory democracy.
12
Brunk, Alexander Crowley. "Interactive Voice Response Polling in Election Campaigns." Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/51239.
Full textAbstract:
Since the early 2000s, Interactive Voice Response (IVR) has become a widely popular method of conducting public opinion surveys in the United States. IVR surveys use an automated computer voice to ask survey questions and elicit responses in place of a live interviewer. Previous studies have shown that IVR polls conducted immediately before elections are generally accurate, but have raised questions as to their validity in other contexts.
This study examines whether IVR polls generate measurably different levels of candidate support when compared to live interviewer polls, as a result of non-response bias owing to lower response rates in IVR surveys. It did so by comparing polling in 2010 U.S. gubernatorial and U.S. Senate elections that was conducted using both live interviewers and IVR. The findings suggest that in general elections, IVR polls find fewer undecided voters compared to surveys conducted using live interviewers. In primary elections, IVR polls can show larger support than live interview polls for a more ideologically extreme candidate who has high levels of support among more opinionated and engaged voters.
Implications are that journalists and other consumers of polling data should take into account whether a poll was conducted using IVR or live interviewers when interpreting results. IVR polls may tend to over-sample more engaged and opinionated voters, often resulting in smaller percentages of undecided respondents, and higher levels of support for specific candidates in certain contexts.Master of Arts
13
Husárová, Denisa. "Hodnotenie výsledkov kampane Counter-terror with justice: Guantánamo - Obamov nesplnený sľub?" Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2012. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-194655.
Full textAbstract:
On the particular example of the US new motto of the foreign policy after 9/11 --War on Terror I am trying to refer to the work of the non-profit organization Amnesty International in the field of the international relations. I am pointing out its importance in the decision-making process of the political elites. My intention is to find the correlation between the persuasion of the American population in relation to its leadership or leaders based on the expressed promises in the election campaign. As the object of my work I have chosen the current US President - Barack Obama whose one of his five main promises declared in the campaign was to defeat the terrorism, detain and adequately punish the masterminds of attacks from the September 2001 for the committed crimes. This point comprises the significant change from the approach of his predecessor and so the closure of the Guantanamo military base as a symbol of modern torture and denial of human rights which serves as a detention camp for the suspects of terrorism for more than 14 years now. This was a daring commitment but he gained millions of supporters thanks to it. This option comprised the expectations of sophisticated solutions for tens of substantial issues, including meeting the objective of punishment of the terrorists and establishment of deterrent precedent for any other similar attempts. Obama failed to accomplish it.
14
Middleton, Alia Francesca. "'Election, what election?' : low level campaigns and detrimental electoral outcomes in safe constituencies." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/15826.
Full textAbstract:
Political parties in the United Kingdom are increasingly focusing their constituency-level campaigns on marginal seats; such a focus has been echoed by academic researchers studying the effectiveness of intense constituency campaigning in boosting local electoral outcomes. Yet there has been little investigation into the impact of the redirection of campaigning resources on safe constituencies; while existing research suggests that intense campaigns are effective in boosting local electoral outcomes, it is possible that a relative lack of campaigning may be harmful. This thesis addresses this gap by exploring in detail the detrimental impact of low level campaigning on both turnout and vote share in safe constituencies by the Conservatives, Labour and Liberal Democrats. The study is situated within the literature of campaign effectiveness, also drawing on theories of voter behaviour. It offers a critical evaluation of existing research into constituency campaigning, contending not only that a lack of campaigning can be harmful, but also that these effects are impacted by nuances of local incumbency and party differentials. To explore this, the thesis conducts a quantitative examination of the effects of constituency campaigning conducted at UK general elections from 1987 to 2010. It also expands existing literature in two ways; by formulating and applying a refined way in which to measure relative levels of campaigning, and also exploring the potential of leader visits as a measure of local campaigning for the first time in the UK. The focus on rebalancing attention towards safe constituencies places the concept of marginality at the core of this thesis. In exploring the concept in detail, potential explanations for the origins of marginality are considered, drawing on theories of population stability and party support bases. Using a refined measure of relative levels of campaigning, a link is established between marginality and campaigning, which also considers the important role of incumbency. When exploring the impact of low levels of campaigning, the results indicate that in many cases there is a harmful impact on both turnout and vote share, although the effects are greater for the latter. The findings suggest that local incumbency is a central factor in deciding the detrimental impact of low levels of campaigning, with such campaigns run by opposition parties resulting in far greater declines in their vote share when compared to equivalent campaigns run by incumbents. In an era of increasing focus on marginal constituencies during election campaigns, this thesis explicitly considers the impact of a lack of campaigning in safe constituencies, the role of incumbency and also applies new measures. In doing so, new empirical insights are produced into the importance of constituency campaigning in the UK, through an approach both rooted in and building upon existing studies.
15
Zabel, Randel L. "Campaigns, independent voters, and the 1996 Russian presidential election /." Full text (PDF) from UMI/Dissertation Abstracts International, 2001. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/utexas/fullcit?p3008482.
Full text
16
Wang, Tai-li. "The effects of interactivity on web campaigning in Taiwan's 2000 presidential election /." Full text (PDF) from UMI/Dissertation Abstracts International, 2000. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/utexas/fullcit?p3004396.
Full text
17
Smith, David. "Immigration in UK newspapers during general election campaigns, 1918-2010." Thesis, Loughborough University, 2014. https://dspace.lboro.ac.uk/2134/17997.
Full textAbstract:
Issues concerning immigration and asylum have attracted considerable news media coverage in countries of the Global North such as the United Kingdom during recent decades. The UK national press famous for its longevity, mass appeal and partisanship has been uniquely placed to report on and provide commentary about issues of social change such as these, especially as they have become more prominent in UK party politics. This thesis therefore analyses the press coverage of immigration issues in seven national newspapers during the final week of general election campaigns between 1918 and 2010 in order to provide a historical context to these recent developments. Using content analysis and critical discourse analysis methods, the study assesses several aspects of the representational pattern of immigration coverage and offers a perspective which emphasises continuities and contrasts across time and across the press. Over two empirical chapters, the content analysis provides a thorough profile of the coverage in terms of its volume, the news presence and access of social actors, the balance of supportive and critical voices in coverage, the lexicon used to describe immigrants and immigration processes and the themes of debate. The findings suggest that immigration has become a low-threshold political issue within recent campaigns, for which there is a core element of detailed discussion but an unprecedented expansion in superficial reference to such issues. The prominence, politicisation and problematisation of immigration have combined to frequently provide critical voices with a prominent platform. Meanwhile, supportive voices and those of immigrants were mostly marginalised. There was relatively little variation in the thematic dimension of coverage over time and to some extent across the press. A third empirical chapter offers a critical discourse analysis of the headlines in three main areas of coverage: precarious routes comprising forced and irregular migration, numbers and immigrants as voters and candidates. These aspects of the debate are examined in terms of our and their rights and responsibilities to reveal how the press has constructed the ethics and politics of immigration qualitatively.
18
Jones, Timothy Andrew. "Chasing the vote : developments in the ways political parties conduct election campaigns." Thesis, University of Plymouth, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10026.1/373.
Full textAbstract:
The methods political parties use to engage the electorate during election campaigns undergo a continual process of re-evaluation and modification; this study seeks to further understanding of this process by proposing the concept of a toolkit of techniques from which those who plan campaigns make selections, based on the type of campaign and the resources they have available. Using data gathered from interviews of experienced campaigners, a case study from the 2007 local elections, and the author's own experience as a political campaigner, the development of campaigning is considered from the perspective of the candidate and campaigner 'on the ground'. Three main drivers of change are considered: increasing levels of partisan dealignment and a decline in party membership, the opportunities that technological innovations have afforded, and regulatory change. The development of new communication channels and the ease of accessibility to sophisticated technology are changing the basic processes of electioneering. Several of the new techniques now gaining favour place less emphasis on the need for face-to-face communication, allowing 'campaigning at a distance'. New data manipulation techniques allow campaigners to target voters in more precise ways, using personalised literature, email and the internet. Greater dependence on technology has led to the role of central party organisations becoming more dominant; many of the new approaches are also more costly than traditional methods, raising concerns about the abilities of minor parties and independent candidates to campaign on equal terms. The introduction of on-demand postal voting has introduced a second peak of activity during a campaign, moving the focus of an election away from a single polling day and creating a period of uncertainty in the final days of a campaign.
19
Adkins, Michael James. "The utilisation of Euroscepticism in European election campaigns : a multi-dimensional analysis." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2010. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/1144/.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis advances several core arguments surrounding the need for a dynamic and nuanced conceptualisation and multi-dimensional framework to position parties towards European integration; that Europe does play a more important role in European elections than previously thought; that ideology is the strongest predictor of party positions; and finally that the quantitative study of party manifestos produces valid and reliable data for positioning political parties. The study finds that the European issue is the most important in European election manifestos and that parties do exhibit similar behaviour in both national and European elections. Furthermore, it finds that ideology remains an important and strong predictive factor, but its explanatory power diminishes in the analyses towards the newer dimensions of integration (social, cultural, and foreign policy). With the in-depth examination of party positions, it is possible to identify a significantly greater number of Eurosceptic parties using the new definition, that Euroscepticism is now found in all political party families, and that there remains a strong ideological component in the content of their positions towards integration. However, ideology is a stronger predictive factor for the left-wing parties, with those on the right being more fragmented and heterogeneous
20
Foos, Florian. "Bringing the party back in : mobilization and persuasion in constituency election campaigns." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:6a9e144a-33c5-444c-90f2-cd04f909dc16.
Full textAbstract:
In this thesis, I report the results from the first randomized field experiments conducted in collaboration with party-affiliated candidates and campaigns in the United Kingdom. The papers presented as part of this thesis test both the limits and possibilities of campaign influence, in a partisan political environment. During election campaigns parties provide signals to voters, voluntarily or involuntarily imposing a structure, and thereby constraints, on individuals’ electoral decisions. By integrating insights about heuristic and social decision-making into the experimental campaign literature, I formulate testable hypotheses about the direct and indirect effects of party cues on campaign mobilization and persuasion. The first paper, The Heuristic Function of Party Affiliation in Voter Mobilization Campaigns, addresses how the provision of party cues, used during campaign phone calls, affects turnout among party supporters, opponents and unattached voters. The second paper on Household Partisan Composition and Voter Mobilization, explores the spillover effects from the previous experiment, testing whether campaign-induced mobilization between household members is conditioned by the partisan composition of a household, and the partisan intensity of a campaign message. Paper three investigates if candidates who are Reaching Across The Partisan Divide can win over supporters of rival parties. In the fourth paper, I test if Impersonal, But Noticeable methods of voter contact, such as door hangers and text messages, affect the turnout decisions of partisans and unattached voters. The final paper, The National Effects of Subnational Representation, highlights the importance of local party organization for the outcomes of national elections. The results of this thesis show the electoral consequences of direct and indirect interactions between campaigns and voters of different partisanship, and point to strategies that allow constituency campaigns to successfully navigate challenging partisan environments.
21
Jones, Matthew. "Comparing Political Campaigns with Respect to Gender: The 2016 Senatorial Election Cycle." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2019. https://dc.etsu.edu/asrf/2019/schedule/166.
Full textAbstract:
Only 25 women are currently serving in the United States Senate and there have only been 56 women to ever hold these positions in the history of the United States. The purpose of this research is to compare the identities and finances of campaigns in the 2016 Senatorial race, with respect to gender, to better understand possible reasons for the gender gap in this political institution. The data used in this study was primarily gathered from the Federal Election Commission. The information of the candidates includes party affiliation, types of candidates (incumbent, challenger, or open-seat), and financial contributions to the campaigns. The financial data examined was from the contributions of prominent Political Action Committees, donations from individuals, and party organizations. Concluding the research, results of the winning candidates were compiled with data from Ballotopedia to examine the successful campaigns. The results, in comparing men and women candidates, showed 17.7% of candidates were women and 82.3% were men. There was not a variation on the type of seat the candidates were competing for, whether an open-seat race or challenging race, besides a 6% difference in incumbent candidates between men and women, which could be explained by the lack of women currently serving. Gender did, however, have an effect on party affiliation with a majority of women identifying with the Democratic Party and the majority of men with the Republican Party. The ways in which men and women fund their campaigns differ, as well. The data shows that, unlike men, women derive most campaign funds from individual donors and rely on smaller contributions than do men. The Democratic Senatorial Campaign Committee used the majority of their funds opposing Republican male candidates, a minority opposing Republican female candidates, and even spent some funds in support of Democratic women candidates. The National Republican Senate Committee directed their funds to oppose Democratic women the most and some funds to oppose Democratic men. Political Action Committees that are considered “women’s PACs,” such as Emily’s List, had a significant role in funding campaigns for women, with liberally ideological committees being more effective than their conservative counterparts. The winning candidates included 82.4% men and 17.6% women. A majority of women, with 83.33%, were Democrats and a majority of men, with 71.4%, were Republican. The ratio of winning candidates who were men to women correlates to the ratio of men and women that entered the race, strengthening previous research preformed by other scholars. This leads to the conclusion that the number of women in the Senate will rise if a higher percentage of women will run for office.
22
Dumitrescu, Delia. "Spatial Visual Communications in Election Campaigns: Political Posters Strategies in Two Democracies." The Ohio State University, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1251837832.
Full text
23
Stojiljkovic, Ana. "Election campaigns and collective identities : the cases of Serbia and Bosnia and Herzegovina." Thesis, University of Leeds, 2017. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/17292/.
Full textAbstract:
Election campaigns are usually discussed in terms of a strategy designed to win elections, but, as this thesis argues, they also communicate the meaning of the collective identities they appeal to and therefore contribute to the (re)construction of these identities. In constructionist tradition, the argument in this thesis is that they do so by providing a narrative for these identities. My research looks at the 2008 and 2012 campaigns in Serbia and 2006 and 2010 campaigns in Bosnia and Herzegovina and examines the process of the (re)construction of targeted identities. The methodology used for this research is threefold. It includes the textual analysis of selected campaign materials (manifestos, slogans, TV debates, speeches at campaign rallies), interviews with campaign managers, consultants, candidates and pollsters, and focus groups and interviews with voters. The findings reveal that appeals to national and ethnic identities are the most common identity appeals in election campaigns in the two countries. They also suggest that Serbian campaigns typically direct their appeals at the majority of citizens and call for unity, while in Bosnia and Herzegovina they target ethnic communities composing the country, thereby reinforcing the links of in-group trust while discouraging bridging links between different groups. In the end, this study reveals that election campaigns shape the narratives of national and ethnic identities. They do so by 1. framing the present political and social context, retelling the past, and suggesting a vision for the future; 2. reimagining the borders of the political community, and 3. promoting cultural values of these political communities.
24
Stanyer, James Benedict Price. "Television coverage of British party conferences in the 1990s : the symbiotic production of political news." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1999. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/1523/.
Full textAbstract:
Studies of political communication in the UK have focused primarily on election campaigns and reportage of parliamentary and public policy issues. In these contexts, two or more parties compete for coverage in the news media. However, the main British party conferences present a different context, where one party's activities form the (almost exclusive) focus of the news media's attention for a week, and that party's leadership 'negotiates' coverage in a direct one-to-one relationship. Conference weeks are the key points in the organizational year for each party (irrespective of their internal arrangements), and a critical period for communicating information about the party to voters at large, especially via television news coverage, which forms the focus of this study. The visual and audio impressions generated in the conference hall shape the way in which citizens not involved with that party perceive its organization, membership and policies. This thesis is the first specialized study of how TV news coverage of party conferences is shaped. Source-centred approaches to understanding the production of news focus on the activities of extra-media actors such as party elites in shaping coverage. Media-centred approaches substantially disagree, stressing the media elites' exercise of discretionary power or licensed autonomy in framing news. Party conference coverage reveals the activities of both party and media elites in an exceptionally clear and uncluttered form. Using qualitative interviews with party and media influentials, content analysis of TV news coverage and transcripts, direct observation of conferences and newsrooms, and collateral material from press coverage, historical material and other sources, this study explores the main stages in the production of news. Parties and media organizations both undertake detailed pre-planning for conference week, in the process negotiating key parameters which shape coverage. Journalistic news gathering activities shape the emergence of stories once the conference week begins. The parties have developed specialist teams to handle immediate news management, taking account of media strategies, but coverage can also be affected by internal dissent inside the parties, and by collective and individual responses among TV organizations. The production of conference news is symbiotic at many levels. The one-to-one character of party-media relations in conference weeks demonstrates clearly that broadcasting organisations exert a disciplinary effect upon political parties. Media pressures have fostered a degree of homogenization in parties' internal structures, and a certain standardization in their previously unique organizational cultures and modes of public self-presentation. Party conferences have come to look and sound similar, partly in response to the organizational demands of media professionals and the emergence of media-oriented party cadres. But access to TV news is also an increasingly effective tool for party leaderships to influence the internal debates and power struggles within the parties themselves.
25
Ford, E. J. "Life on the Campaign Trail: The Political Anthropology of Local Politics." [Tampa, Fla] : University of South Florida, 2008. http://purl.fcla.edu/usf/dc/et/SFE0002610.
Full text
26
Sutton, Matthew Luke. "A candidate's use of aggressive communication and the electorates' response predicting presidential election outcomes /." Morgantown, W. Va. : [West Virginia University Libraries], 2005. https://eidr.wvu.edu/etd/documentdata.eTD?documentid=4053.
Full text
27
Jefferys, Matthew Thomas. "Florida : presidential elections and partisan change, 1952-2004." [Tampa, Fla] : University of South Florida, 2005. http://purl.fcla.edu/usf/dc/et/SFE0001344.
Full text
28
Jenkins, Richard William. "Campaigns, the media and the insurgent success, the Reform Party and the 1993 Canadian election." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1999. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape10/PQDD_0015/NQ46362.pdf.
Full text
29
Even, M. "The evolution of political television in Britain and its influence on election campaigns 1950-1970." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1986. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.375887.
Full text
30
Buratti, Brenda. "Analysis of the Social Media of the Obama and Romney Campaigns in the 2012 Election." Thesis, University of Oregon, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/18329.
Full textAbstract:
This study is a quantitative content analysis of the Facebook and Twitter communication of the Obama and Romney campaigns on seven dates within the 30 days prior to the 2012 presidential election. Specific rhetorical techniques are explored for similarities or differences in how these techniques have appeared in political communication in legacy media and how they are expressed in social media. Repetition, collective language, self-reference language and Benoit's functions of attack, acclaim and defend are examined. Additionally, the study identified what topics each candidate emphasized in their social media communication. Findings show that both candidates used repetition to reinforce key messages. The use of attacks, acclaims and defenses bore some similarities to uses in legacy media. However, the primary focuses by both candidates centered on motivating citizens to show support for the candidate and get out the vote. Few policy issues appeared in the communication of either candidate.2015-09-29
31
Grove, DeeAnn. "An issue of "special opportunity": the politicalization of education in presidential election campaigns, 1968-2012." Diss., University of Iowa, 2014. https://ir.uiowa.edu/etd/6585.
Full textAbstract:
This interdisciplinary study examines the issue of education in presidential election campaigns from 1968 through 2012. Historians of education have argued that the public's embrace of The National Commission on Excellence in Education report A Nation at Risk: The Imperative for Educational Reform (ANAR), in 1983 forced education onto the national agenda because political elites had to respond to voters' concerns about educational quality. Yet, historians of education have largely overlooked presidential election campaigns in their analysis of how education became a prominent political issue. In contrast, political scientists have focused a great deal on presidential election campaigns in seeking to understand the interaction between political elites and voters but have given little attention to the issue of education. This study integrates these two lines of inquiry to provide a better understanding of how education became a top-tier political issue and to better reveal the interactions between political elites and voters in that process.
This study makes use of source materials that have received little scholarly examination. Internal campaign strategy documents reveal how political elites understood public opinion about education and how they sought to make use of that understanding to win elections. These underutilized sources reveal that historians have overemphasized the role of ANAR in the rise of education on the national political agenda.
Long before education appeared in public opinion data as a top voter concern, strategists from both major political parties already wanted to push education onto the national political agenda. Yet, candidates were largely constrained from using education during the 1970s because they wanted to avoid engaging the controversial issue of de facto school desegregation. White voters were inconsistent on the issue: they claimed to support desegregation but took actions indicating they actually opposed desegregation. This made it difficult to craft an effective education message. When forced to discuss school desegregation, candidates of both parties employed a "quality education for all students" frame that deracialized the school desegregation debate and made education a safe issue to prime by the end of the decade.
Beginning in the 1980s, Republicans used education for two electoral ends. First, they sought to use the recent transformation of the National Education Association (NEA) into a labor union and its endorsement of Democratic candidates to convince voters that the Democratic Party was beholden to radical special interest groups. Republican candidates also increased their priming of education in an attempt to close the gender gap arguing that women voters had a particular concern for the issue of education.
Between 1990 and 2012, both parties wanted to use education to appeal to white voters. Republican candidates had long been committed to using education to soften their image. Now they began framing education as a civil rights issue in order to reassure white voters of their racial sensitivity. Meanwhile, Democratic candidates began framing education as an economic issue to reassure middle class white voters anxious about their children's future in the emerging global economy.
A primary element in these electoral strategies was the idea that education was a "special" political issue. The "special" status rested on political elites' perceptions of voters' strong personal commitment to education and their nonpartisan attitudes toward specific policy positions. The lack of partisan correlation presented challenges for both parties but also unique opportunities to address campaign concerns related to a candidate's image, targeted voting blocs, and possible attacks on their opponents. The rise of the issue of education on the national agenda was often less about voters' concerns with educational quality and more about campaign strategy.
32
Schowalter, Dana. ""The bitch," "the ditz," and the male heroes : representations of feminism and postfeminism in campaign 2008." [Tampa, Fla] : University of South Florida, 2009. http://purl.fcla.edu/usf/dc/et/SFE0003016.
Full text
33
Garcia, Wayne Scott. "Politics, journalism and Web 2.0 in the 2008 U.S. presidential elections." [Tampa, Fla] : University of South Florida, 2009. http://purl.fcla.edu/usf/dc/et/SFE0002905.
Full text
34
Toller, Amanda C. Moody Mia Nodeen. "Social networking sites and intent to vote in the 2008 presidential election." Waco, Tex. : Baylor University, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/2104/5288.
Full text
35
Siṅgha, Balawindara. "Electoral campaigns and the media : the coverage of India's 1991 general election in the Indian and the British press." Thesis, University of Leicester, 1994. http://hdl.handle.net/2381/34618.
Full textAbstract:
This study looks into the way India's 1991 general election was portrayed in the newspapers of India and Britain. The thesis stipulates that while the elections generated a keen interest in the Indian press, it kept a low profile in the British press. However, the British press' attention was heightened when the former Indian prime minister, Rajiv Gandhi, was assassinated during the same election campaign, which failed to invoke a substantial and appreciable amount of coverage. While the Indian newspapers, after providing an extensive coverage to the themes related to the assassinated leader for one week, returned to emphasise the campaign and other contemporary issues, the British newspapers relentlessly continued to fill their pages with the same themes even over three weeks after the event had happened. The thesis also argues that the British press accentuated far more than its Indian counterpart the issue of violence in India during the 47-day long campaign. It clearly emerges from the findings that during an election, the campaign agenda is formed by the journalists rather than by the political parties/leaders. While the newspapers of both the countries carried more media-initiated stories than party- initiated, the British press outnumbers its Indian counterpart. It shows that the sacerdotal role the British journalists are known to play in the coverage of the election in their own country is dissolved when they report election in a Third World country. Discussed in this thesis is also the fact that the powerful political actors and parties are referred to more than the minor parties and their leaders. Nevertheless, the basic and development issues like inflation, poverty, unemployment, education, rural development etc. - notwithstanding their inclusion in the manifestos of virtually all the Indian political parties - get a low priority in the press.
36
Dube, William. "The effect of new media on political advertising : television ads and internet ads in the 2008 presidential election /." Online version of thesis, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1850/9697.
Full text
37
Faykosh, Joseph. "The front porch of the American people James Cox and the presidential election of 1920 /." Bowling Green, Ohio : Bowling Green State University, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=bgsu1256750068.
Full text
38
Foss, John. "Running clean the inherent problems of the Bipartisan Campaign Reform Act and the clean election solution /." Restricted access (UM), 2008. http://libraries.maine.edu/gateway/oroauth.asp?file=orono/etheses/37803141.pdf.
Full text
39
Netto, Gabriela Figueiredo. "Quando o dinheiro importa menos: uma análise do financiamento de campanhas eleitorais dos candidatos evangélicos." Universidade de São Paulo, 2016. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8131/tde-08042016-132507/.
Full textAbstract:
O crescimento do número de parlamentares evangélicos ao longo das últimas legislaturas acompanha o crescimento populacional de brasileiros evangélicos em todo o Brasil. Esta lógica faz sentido a partir do momento em que o eleitorado evangélico passa a buscar opções e candidatos que possam vir a representar seus interesses no Parlamento em concordância com os princípios da religião, o que ocasiona, também o crescimento de candidatos que se utilizam do discurso da religião para atrair votos dos fiéis. A presente pesquisa tem como objetivo analisar se os candidatos evangélicos possuem um perfil de financiamento de campanha eleitoral diferente de outros candidatos. Mais especificamente, analisamos o volume de arrecadação dos candidatos evangélicos; assim como, as diferentes fontes de arrecadação de recursos; como o dinheiro é gasto nas campanhas; e se a arrecadação possui um efeito diferenciado nos votos obtidos e no sucesso eleitoral. Estudaremos as eleições de 2014 para os cargos de Deputado Estadual e Federal, realizando um estudo comparativo entre candidatos evangélicos e não evangélicos. A metodologia utilizada consistirá na regressão linear multivariada e, também, na regressão logística.The growing number of evangelical parliamentarians over the past legislatures accompanies population growth of evangelical Brazilians. This happen from the moment that evangelical electorate goes to seek options and candidates who may represent their interests in Parliament in accordance with the principles of religion, and there is also the growth of candidates who use the religion speech to attract the votes of this group. This research aims to analyze whether the evangelical candidates have a different election campaign financing profile of other candidates. Moreover, we analyze the total funds of the evangelical candidates; as well as the different sources of fundraising; how money is spent in the campaigns; and whether the total funds have a different effect on votes and electoral success. We will study the 2014 elections for Federal Deputy and State Deputy, performing a comparative study between evangelical and non-evangelical candidates. The methodology will be multivariate linear regression and logistic regression.
40
Chrtová, Michaela. "Prezidentské volby v USA 2012: vliv nových médií na volební kampaň." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2012. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-150323.
Full textAbstract:
The Thesis deals with the influence of new media on the organization of a political campaign. It is based on theories of political communication and new media, which it compares with real usage of these media during the US presidential campaign in 2012. The Thesis is divided into three parts; first of which deals with the theoretical framework of new media and political communication, including an outline of historic development and greatest changes that have occurred since 1950s. In second part, the system and milestones of American presidential elections are characterized, as they are very different from European elections. Both campaigns, Republican and Democratic, are also described. The last chapter is concerned with a particular usage of new media in both campaigns -- individual subchapters include depiction of presidential debates, which are an important part of the election process, international image of both candidates, negative campaigning distributed mainly by new media, and specific usage of new and social media by campaign teams. Volunteers constitute an integral part of the American voting system, which is why one subchapter describes their pursuits and organization.
41
Verser, Rebecca Mae. "The 2004 presidential election between George W. Bush and John F. Kerry an analysis of visually comparative televised advertisements /." Diss., Columbia, Mo. : University of Missouri-Columbia, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10355/4696.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Missouri-Columbia, 2007.The entire dissertation/thesis text is included in the research.pdf file; the official abstract appears in the short.pdf file (which also appears in the research.pdf); a non-technical general description, or public abstract, appears in the public.pdf file. Title from title screen of research.pdf file (viewed on October 10, 2007) Vita. Includes bibliographical references.
42
Jacob, Rafael. "Party, People, or Policy? Uncovering the Impact of Advertisement in Ballot Initiative and Candidate-Centered Campaigns." Diss., Temple University Libraries, 2017. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/433340.
Full textAbstract:
Political SciencePh.D.
We have acquired, over the last several decades, a fairly rich understanding of the impact on voter behavior of political communication in general and of political advertising specifically. Yet much of this knowledge pertains to “traditional,” candidate-centered elections; comparatively very little is known with regards to ballot initiative races. In principle, these contests pit not people, but proposed policies, against each other. In practice, however, they not only feature ads discussing policy, but also frequently comprise ads highlighting a measure’s supporters and opponents, be they individuals, non-profit groups, media outlets, industries, or political parties. This, in turn, leads to a basic query: what types of advertising message carry the greatest weight with voters in initiative contests – and how do they differ (if at all) from the effects they have in similar ads run in candidate-centered elections? Through an original experiment, this dissertation aims to break new ground in the voter behavior, media effects, and direct democracy literature by tackling this question.
Temple University--Theses
43
Lee, Cheolhan. "Public relations campaigns in 2002 Korean presidential election : functional analysis of political discourse and media effects of agenda setting and favorability /." free to MU campus, to others for purchase, 2004. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/mo/fullcit?p3137725.
Full text
44
Thomlison, Riley. "Judicial Campaigns and Expensive Litigation; The Evolution of the Civil Justice System." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2012. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/501.
Full textAbstract:
The partisan election of state judges and costly litigation make the civil justice system in the United States vulnerable because they undermine the values upon which the system was founded. The public’s trust that courts administer justice fairly and impartially is questioned by partisan elections funded by large corporations. Moreover, with the advent of electronically stored information, and the market’s control over the price of legal resources, access to the civil justice system is limited by wealth. This thesis seeks to address these problems and analyze the solutions that are most effective and comprehensive.
45
Marquisio, Carbajal Victoria, and Melendez Andrea Sosa. "Stereotypes in political rhetoric: “Other-Self” in electoral campaigns : a case study about the 2016 US presidential campaign." Thesis, Högskolan Väst, Avd för juridik, ekonomi, statistik och politik, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hv:diva-11428.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis aims to analyse the use of stereotypes about the Latin-American minority in the rhetoric of presidential candidates, using the single case of the 2016 US Presidential Campaign. The primary focus is the binary relation Self-Other established by the candidates through the use of stereotypes about the minority group and themselves. The analysis is performed in a framework that combines representation theory, constructivism and post colonial theory. The speeches and debates of the candidates, which served as data, demonstrate that stereotypes are present and help represent the Latin-American group as a negative Other, a threat or victimized burden. At the same time, through the representation of this specific Other, the candidates are creating their Self political persona, which in this case is a hero who will protect the American society from the threat, or a hero who will rescue the poor from their own victimized situation. Both candidates show similarities in the use of generalized stereotypes to mention LatinAmericans or in the context in which they refer to them. While they differ in the way that they create the Other, their position to confront the problem yields a similar political persona, as both want to be rescuers. Trump portrays LatinAmericans as a threat to security or as a poor victim, while Clinton also refers to the group as a victim, but also as an asset to economy. The intention of this thesis is to contribute to the field of stereotypes in political discourse in relation to the establishment of binary oppositions.
46
Maschinez, Swetlana. "Ideological Representation of the U.S. Presidential Candidates in the Editorial Positions of the English Online Newspapers in Russia - A Critical Discourse Analysis." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2018. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1515433218122878.
Full text
47
Forman, Jan. "Fenomén Ron Paul: Hospodářská politika a volební kampaň." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2012. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-162538.
Full textAbstract:
The goal of my Master's Thesis is to analyze the reasons of Congressman Ron Paul's unsuccessful nomination in US 2012 Presidential elections. The paper is divided into two main chapters; theoretical and applied. The first one is focused on economic policy aspect of his election program, whilst the second is mainly concerned with his communication campaign. In this analysis, I will combine outputs of particular observations of both his presidential campaigns, in 2008 and 2012, with respect to its consistency. Using the political marketing methodology, we should be able to decide whether his fail was caused by the inappropriate selection of election topics, or by the communication campaign itself, or even by combination of both factors.
48
Woop, Gerry. "Bentley der Politikpalette : Außenpolitik im Wahlkampf." Universität Potsdam, 2009. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/volltexte/2009/3267/.
Full textAbstract:
Außenpolitik - häufig ein kontrovers diskutiertes Thema. Wie steht es mit der Offenlegung außenpolitischer Grundsätze der Parteien in Zeiten des Wahlkampfes? Sollte man sich nur vorsichtig äußern, um potentiellen Koalitionspartnern nicht vor den Kopf zu stoßen?
49
Rauschenbach, Mascha [Verfasser], and Sabine C. [Akademischer Betreuer] Carey. "The Importance of Preaching to the Converted : The Strategic Use of Campaign Rallies, Campaign Promises, Clientelism, and Violence in African Elections / Mascha Rauschenbach. Betreuer: Sabine C. Carey." Mannheim : Universitätsbibliothek Mannheim, 2015. http://d-nb.info/1073826139/34.
Full text
50
Geidner, Nicholas W. "The influence of new media on the early stages of the 2008 presidential election : a critical analysis." Virtual Press, 2007. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/1365513.
Full textAbstract:
The Internet is rapidly becoming an important part of a presidential candidate's media strategy. Specifically, a candidate's website has distinct implications and uses in the early stages of a presidential campaign. Using an eclectic approach, this research examines the campaign websites of the candidates for the U.S. Presidency in 2008. By examining the websites using content analysis, analog criticism, media criticism, and scenario analysis emerging trends become apparent and conclusions on their further implications can be drawn. This research presents two major conclusions on the affects of campaign websites on the early stages of a presidential campaign. First, the design structure and features available on the Internet could be used to give the user a feeling of direct connection with the campaign, which in turn could motivate political involvement. Second, a candidate's new media strategy and usage must match with the overarching rhetorical style of the rest of the campaign. These two major concepts serve as starting points for further academic research and a greater understanding of our changing democratic system.Department of Telecommunications