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1

Madigan, Charles M. Destiny calling: How the people elected Barack Obama. Chicago: Ivan R. Dee, 2009.

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2

L, Regan Saundra, Moore Elizabeth A, and Scripps Gerontology Center, eds. Serving older constituents: An orientation for elected public officials : training guide. Oxford, Ohio: Scripps Gerontology Center, 1988.

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Center, Scripps Gerontology, and United States. Administration on Aging, eds. Serving older constituents: An orientation for elected public officials : final report. Oxford, Ohio: Scripps Gerontology Center, 1989.

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4

Warren, Tracey. Partnership with the people: A report on street-elected adult and youth neighbourhood councils, Liverpool, 1965-1993. Liverpool: Liverpool City Challenge, 1993.

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5

United States. Congress. House. Committee on Foreign Affairs. Reaffirming support for the legitimate democratically-elected government of Lebanon under Prime Minister Fouad Siniora; expressing condolences and sympathy to the people of the PRC for the loss of life and destruction caused by the massive earthquake centered in Sichuan Province; and Merida Initiative to Combat Illicit Narcotics and Reduce Organized Crime Authorization Act of 2008: Markup before the Committee on Foreign Affairs, House of Representatives, One Hundred Tenth Congress, second session, on H. Res. 1194, H. Res. 1195 and H.R. 6028, May 14, 2008. Washington: U.S. G.P.O., 2008.

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6

United States. Congress. Senate. A bill to amend title XVIII of the Social Security Act to establish a voluntary Medicare Prescription Drug Plan under which eligible Medicare beneficiaries may elect to receive coverage under the Rx Option for outpatient prescription drugs and a combined deductible. Washington, D.C: U.S. G.P.O., 2000.

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7

United States. Congress. House. A bill to amend title XVIII of the Social Security Act to permit the disabled surviving spouse of an individual to elect to retain private health insurance as the primary payor of health insurance benefits under the Medicare program. Washington, D.C: U.S. G.P.O., 2007.

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8

United States. Congress. House. A bill to amend title XVIII of the Social Security Act to provide broader and more informed protection to Medicare eligible individuals from abusive marketing of Medicare prescription drug plans and MA-PD plans to permit enrollees under Medicare prescription drug plans that have been sanctioned to elect to enroll under other plans. Washington, D.C: U.S. G.P.O., 2007.

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9

Madigan, Charles M. Destiny Calling: How the People Elected Barack Obama. Dee Publisher, Ivan R., 2009.

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10

Madigan, Charles M. Destiny Calling: How the People Elected Barack Obama. Dee Publisher, Ivan R., 2009.

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11

Plaut, Martin. Dr. Abdullah Abdurahman: South Africa's First Elected Black Politician. Africa World Press, 2022.

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12

Jr, Bradlee Ben. Forgotten: How the People of One Pennsylvania County Elected Donald Trump and Changed America. Little Brown & Company, 2018.

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13

Ben, Bradlee. The forgotten: How the people of one Pennsylvania county elected Donald Trump and changed America. 2018.

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14

Jr, Ben Bradlee. The Forgotten: How the People of One Pennsylvania County Elected Donald Trump and Changed America. Little, Brown & Company, 2018.

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15

Nygaard, Taylor, and Jorie Lagerwey. Horrible White People. NYU Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.18574/nyu/9781479885459.001.0001.

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At the same time that reactionary conservative political figures like Donald Trump were elected and disastrous socioeconomic policies like Brexit were voted into law, representations of bleakly comic white fragility spread across television screens. Analyzing a cycle of transatlantic television programs that emerged mostly between 2014 and 2016 targeting affluent, liberal, white audiences, Horrible White People examines the complicity of the white Left, obsessed with its own anxiety and suffering, in the rise and maintenance of the Far Right—particularly in the mobilization, representation, and sustenance of structural white supremacy on television. The authors use a combined methodology of media-industry analysis and feminist cultural studies, especially close textual analysis, to interrogate a cycle of US and British programming, like Broad City, Casual, You’re the Worst, Catastrophe, Fleabag, and Transparent, that features the abjection of middle-class, liberal, young white people. Throughout, they put these “horrible white people” in conversation with similar upmarket comedies from creators and casts of color, like Insecure, Atlanta, Dear White People, and Master of None, to highlight the ways those shows negotiate prestige TV’s dominant aesthetics of whiteness to push back against the centering of white suffering in a time of cultural crisis. The authors argue that multiple, concurrent, interrelated crises—recession, the emergent mainstreaming of feminism(s), and the unmasked visibility of racial inequality and violence—have caused upheaval among liberals. These crises are represented in this cycle as a collection of circumstances inextricable from and intertwined with the reactionary conservatism, antifeminism, and racism of the rising Right.
16

Cox, Homersham. Antient Parliamentary Elections: A History Showing How Parliaments were Constituted and Representatives of the People Elected in Antient Times. Adamant Media Corporation, 2005.

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17

Educating state and local elected officials to prepare for an aging society: Final report. Durham, N.C. (P.O. Box 19574, Durham 27707): North Carolina Central University, Public Administration Program, 1994.

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18

Educating state and local elected officials to prepare for an aging society: Final report. Durham, N.C. (P.O. Box 19574, Durham 27707): North Carolina Central University, Public Administration Program, 1994.

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19

Lichtman, Robert M. Barred by Congress: How a Mormon, a Socialist, and an African American Elected by the People Were Excluded from Office. University Press of Kansas, 2021.

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20

Lichtman, Robert M. Barred by Congress: How a Mormon, a Socialist, and an African American Elected by the People Were Excluded from Office. University Press of Kansas, 2021.

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21

Owusu-Daaku, Frances. Playing Second Fiddle- Harmony Or Timidity?! Noyam Publishers, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.38159/npub.eb2021902.

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In Playing Second Fiddle, Frances vividly narrates how as a female, one can still play a significant and fulfilling role as the sacrificial lamb or ‘second fiddle’ that can eventually open doors for other females to excel or succeed! Using many biblical examples, Frances shows how significant accomplishments occurred through many people who played second fiddle (cannon fodder) roles such as John the Baptist for Jesus Christ the Saviour of the world; Andrew for Peter who later became the ‘rock’ among the disciples of Jesus; or Barnabas for John Mark who became the author of the first gospel in the bible. In her life experience, she was the first visibly Christian Fellowship female to serve as a Hall President in Africa Hall, the only female and only student to complete a pioneering M.Sc. programme in Pharmaceutical Chemistry as well as the first established Ghanaian female lecturer in the then Faculty of Pharmacy (now Faculty of Pharmacy and Pharmaceutical Sciences). Focusing on female leadership in KNUST and in the Pharmacy Profession, the author cites the instance of at least four females including her, (and myself) who were nominated for the post of Pro-Vice-Chancellor in KNUST, but none got elected for the position. Eventually, the next female nominated for the position after her turn was successfully elected and moved on to be elected as the Vice-Chancellor! Apparently, some people must act as sacrificial lambs or forerunners (cannon fodders) for the ultimate to be realized! Her experiences in the pharmacy profession also tell the same story: although the Pharmaceutical Society of Ghana (PSGH) has been in existence for about 85 years, no female has been elected President. The closest is the Vice-President position of which she was the first among the three that have so far been elected; with the hope that eventually a female president will one day emerge! The book concludes with some useful advice to all females who may aspire for leadership positions in the Ghanaian society: such as being assertive, but with decorum; working hard, encouraging and mentoring others, etc. in order to succeed.
22

Lynch, John Roy, and John Hope Franklin. Reminiscences of an Active Life. Edited by John Hope Franklin. University Press of Mississippi, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.14325/mississippi/9781604731149.001.0001.

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Born into slavery on a Louisiana plantation, John Roy Lynch (1847–1939) became an adult during the Reconstruction Era and lived a public-spirited life for over three decades. His political career began in 1869 with his appointment as justice of the peace. Within the year, he was elected to the Mississippi legislature and was later elected Speaker of the House. At age twenty-five, Lynch became the first African American from Mississippi to be elected to the United States Congress. He led the fight to secure passage of the Civil Rights Bill of 1875. In 1884, he was elected temporary chairman of the Eighth Republican National Convention and was the first black American to deliver the keynote address. This, his autobiography, reflects Lynch's thoughtful and nuanced understanding of the past and of his own experience. The book, written when he was ninety, challenges a number of traditional arguments about Reconstruction. In his experience, African Americans in the South competed on an equal basis with whites; the state governments were responsive to the needs of the people; and race was not always a decisive factor in the politics of Reconstruction. The book provides rich material for the study of American politics and race relations during Reconstruction. Lynch's childhood reflections reveal new dimensions to our understanding of black experience during slavery and beyond. An introduction puts Lynch's public and private lives in the context of his times and provides an overview of how Reminiscences of an Active Life came to be written.
23

McRae, Elizabeth Gillespie. Introduction. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190271718.003.0001.

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Massive resistance to the civil rights movement has often been presented as sequestered in the South, limited to the decade between the Brown Decision and the Civil Rights Act, and attributed to the most vehement elected officials and the Citizens’ Councils. But that version ignores the long-standing work of white women who sustained racial segregation and nurtured both massive support for the Jim Crow order in the interwar period and who transformed support into massive resistance after World War II. Support for the segregated state existed among everyday people. Maintaining racial segregation was not solely or even primarily the work of elected officials. Its adherents sustained the system with quotidian work, and on the ground, it was often white women who shaped and sustained white supremacist politics.
24

Masullo, Gina M. The New Town Hall. ABC-CLIO, LLC, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5040/9798400691300.

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Drawing on in-depth interviews with a wide variety of people, this book answers two questions: How and why do we personally engage with elected officials online and offline? What influence does this personal political engagement have on our democracy? Never before has it been so easy for Americans to make their personal views known to their elected officials. Citizens can tweet their opinions to their political representatives or respond to a Facebook post on politicians' pages to convey their approval or dislike for policies. They can engage politically through virtual town halls or show up in person at a protest easily organized through digital platforms. But this mediated relationship also makes it easy for politicians to push back against the opinions of their constituents by deriding their views or even blocking them online. The New Town Hall gives readers a firsthand look at personal political experiences through vivid stories from a variety of Americans. Researcher and former journalist Gina Masullo documents how Americans feel when they are blocked on social media and demonstrates how political talk with elected officials—both online and offline—leads to more involved types of political participation, such as protests or campaigning for political candidates. She contextualizes these personal political experiences with an eye toward understanding how these interactions influence the democratic process.
25

MR, Madhavan. Part IV Separation of Powers, Ch.16 Legislature: composition, qualifications, and disqualifications. Oxford University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/law/9780198704898.003.0016.

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This chapter discusses the composition of Parliament and the State legislatures in India. It examines the qualifications and disqualifications applicable for membership to the legislative branch of government. India is a federal state, with a parliamentary form of government comprised of legislatures at the Union and State levels. The Indian Parliament consists of two Houses: the Rajya Sabha (the Council of States) and the Lok Sabha (the House of the People). The Rajya Sabha is an indirectly elected House whose members represent various States and Union Territories, whereas members of the Lok Sabha are directly elected from territorial constituencies. This chapter first considers some of the issues relating to the composition of the Rajya Sabha and Lok Sabha before explaining the qualifications and disqualifications of members of both Houses. In doing so, it provides an account of Articles 79 to 104 (Parliament) and Articles 168 to 193 (State legislatures) of the Indian Constitution.
26

Series, Michigan Historical Reprint. Journal of the proceedings of the convention of delegates elected by the people of Tennessee, to amend, revise, or form and make a new constitution, for ... in the city of Nashville, January 10, 1870. Scholarly Publishing Office, University of Michigan Library, 2006.

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27

Fontana, Biancamaria. Politics as Propaganda. Princeton University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691169040.003.0004.

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This chapter illustrates how Staël's analysis of the Jacobins' performance raises the question of the role she attributed, in the revolutionary process, to what she referred to as “the people” or “the nation.” On her account, if the mass of the people harbored the expectations that agitated French society, these shapeless aspirations acquired political significance only through the initiative of some active minority groups. The Revolution itself appeared to be the work of rival elites who pursued different political designs, each of them claiming to act according to the wishes of the whole nation. For Staël this interaction between the French people and its ruling elites was at best problematic. Because the country lacked a tradition of free government, in France the normal relations between a free nation and its elected representatives had not yet taken shape.
28

Samuel Tilden, the Real 19th President: Elected by the Peoples' Votes. Branford, CT: Show Biz East Production, 2006.

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29

Schiller, Wendy J., and Charles Stewart III. Electing the Senate. Princeton University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691163161.001.0001.

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From 1789 to 1913, U.S. senators were not directly elected by the people—instead the Constitution mandated that they be chosen by state legislators. This radically changed in 1913, when the Seventeenth Amendment to the Constitution was ratified, giving the public a direct vote. This book investigates the electoral connections among constituents, state legislators, political parties, and U.S. senators during the age of indirect elections. The book finds that even though parties controlled the partisan affiliation of the winning candidate for Senate, they had much less control over the universe of candidates who competed for votes in Senate elections and the parties did not always succeed in resolving internal conflict among their rank and file. Party politics, money, and personal ambition dominated the election process, in a system originally designed to insulate the Senate from public pressure. The book uses an original data set of all the roll call votes cast by state legislators for U.S. senators from 1871 to 1913 and all state legislators who served during this time. Newspaper and biographical accounts uncover vivid stories of the political maneuvering, corruption, and partisanship—played out by elite political actors, from elected officials, to party machine bosses, to wealthy business owners—that dominated the indirect Senate elections process. The book raises important questions about the effectiveness of Constitutional reforms, such as the Seventeenth Amendment, that promised to produce a more responsive and accountable government.
30

Guerrero, Alexander A. Defense and Ignorance. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190922542.003.0016.

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This chapter has a negative thesis and a positive thesis. The negative thesis is that, at least in the arena of national security, electoral representative democracy is incompatible with popular sovereignty, a prerequisite of political legitimacy. The incompatibility arises due to five distinct but interrelated factors. First, confidentiality: strategic requirements of confidentiality and secrecy undermine meaningful political accountability. Second, ignorance: national security policy is technical and complicated to an extent that the average voter lacks the information and competence required to hold elected political officials meaningfully accountable for enacting responsive policy. Third, voter psychology: national security policy is an area in which low information leads to easy psychological distortion. Fourth, electoral pathology: national security policy is an area where elected officials have dramatically and inappropriately circumscribed policy options, given the electoral repercussions of appearing :weak” on security and given that many of the most significant costs of ineffective policy are borne by others—either people in other countries or future generations of Americans. Fifth, money: national security policy is a policy arena where there is a lot of money to be made by a relatively small number of individuals and corporations, making lobbying and electioneering for certain political outcomes a very high-value proposition for those entities. These five factors work together and overlap in complex ways. The end result is that national security policy created by elected officials (and their appointees) is (1) largely unresponsive to the core beliefs, values, and preferences of those in whose name it is enacted; and (2) bad policy for those in whose name it is enacted. Thus, in the arena of national security policy, we have at most nominal popular sovereignty, not real popular sovereignty. The positive thesis of this chapter is that there may be institutional reforms that could be made which would help us reclaim popular sovereignty in the arena of national security policy. In particular, we should consider the use of lottocratic institutions, which employ randomly selected citizens in policymaking roles. The chapter introduces and briefly defends these institutions as a possible solution to the problem of popular sovereignty in the national defense context.
31

Silva, Denise dos Santos Vasconcelos. Direito à educação: efetividade, justiciabilidade e protagonismo cidadão. Brazil Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.31012/978-65-87836-88-1.

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The present study discusses the role of the judiciary concerning the interpretation of the right to education, with emphasis on the educational constitutional principles, on the basic content of the right to education and on the problems faced by this right. Furthermore, the present study pursuits to bring the risks that the excessive judicialization of the education brings to the balance between powers and the natural order of administration itself and public policies management in which the executive and legislative as powers elected by the people, develop, approve and initiate such programmatic actions; the lack of technical capacity of the judiciary to manage such complex matters; and the absence of infinite public resources to look after all the rights and benefits contained in the constitutions of the democratic states. As the education is a right related to the human dignity, development and citizenship, this way it should be carried out with diligence: 1. by the public authorities, specially the judiciary that even though it has not been elected by the universal suffrage, will not be able to remain inert in cases of inefficiency of the executive and legislative, for this purpose, it will be necessary mechanisms that provide more legitimacy in the acting of the judge, avoiding an inappropriate misuse of powers; and 2. by all members of society, as doers of their citizen position in search of a more decent life, once that through education (for) democracy, rights connected to freedom and to personal development are also accomplished.
32

Weinberg, James. Who Enters Politics and Why? Policy Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/policypress/9781529209167.001.0001.

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This book explores unique survey and interview data on the personality characteristics of British politicians, specifically the Basic Human Values of Members of Parliament (MPs). In doing so, it offers original insights into three compelling questions: Who enters politics and how are they different to the general public? Do politicians’ personality characteristics matter for their behaviour once they are elected to parliament? Do voters really get the ‘wrong’ politicians? Data collected from MPs are evaluated alongside comparable surveys and experiments conducted with over 400 elected councillors, over 500 unsuccessful candidates, and thousands of UK citizens. Synthesising the conceptual and empirical wisdom of political science and psychology, Weinberg uses these data and the governing questions above as a springboard from which to take an innovative and analytical dive into related areas of academic research and public interest. These include, for example, the role of basic values vis-à-vis candidate emergence and political ambition, parliamentary representation and legislative behaviour, and public voting habits. Through careful empirical analysis and theoretical dissection, this book shows that (a) politics is a profession few 'ordinary' people care to enter, (b) politicians’ basic values impact a range of actual legislative behaviours, and (c) voters have clear psychological preferences when it comes to choosing their representatives. Readers will find this book to be distinctive in its approach to familiar issues predominant in academic, popular and journalistic press. The substantive findings presented in this book do, therefore, tell a human story that has appeal beyond the ivory towers of academia.
33

Campbell, John L. Gridlock, Crisis, and Obama. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190872434.003.0007.

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Chapter 7 explains that the financial crisis and Barack Obama’s presidency pushed political polarization into extreme political gridlock in Washington. Americans became disgusted. The 2008 financial crisis exacerbated America’s economic woes and made people angry. The fact that Obama was America’s first African American president made things worse. So did his moves to handle the financial crisis and Great Recession, and reform the national health care system. Trump tapped the public’s anger, turning it to his electoral advantage. He promised that because as a billionaire he wasn’t beholden to anyone, he would unify the country and cut through the gridlock by “draining the swamp” in Washington. And if Congress didn’t cooperate, he said that he would move unilaterally by issuing executive orders that would get the job done. It worked and he was elected president.
34

Jenkins, Rob, and James Manor. Implications. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780190608309.003.0008.

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This chapter advances six arguments concerning the relationship between Indian politics and the National Rural Employment Guarantee Act 2005 (NREGA): NREGA, for all its faults, has improved the well-being of tens of millions of poor people; (2) NREGA's political aims and implications must be recognized to appreciate its significance as a development initiative; (3) while the Indian state's porousness provides privileged access to business organizations and socially powerful constituencies, it also offers openings for voices seeking to effect progressive social change in the interests of non-elite groups; (4) various aspects of NREGA implementation have demonstrated the complex process through which “clientelist” politics in India is being transformed rather than eliminated; (5) NREGA is emblematic of a new category of rights—a category we term “governance rights”, which are characterized by hybridity in terms of both content and enforcement mechanisms; and (6) NREGA spurred a devolution of resources to elected local councils, which made village-level democratic institutions, despite their shortcomings, a site where poorer people's demands for accountability were legitimated—a process aided in some states by unusually capable social movements, and in others by state bureaucracies.
35

Gallagher, Julie A. Pushing Through the Doors of Resistance in the 1950s. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252036965.003.0004.

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This chapter follows a number of African American women in the postwar period further into party politics and into city government, and it charts the efforts of local renegades to launch political insurgencies that sought to bring down entrenched Democratic bosses and improve African Americans' and women's access to political power. Despite the challenges they faced, African American women who were committed to creating a more just society through formal politics were extremely busy in the 1950s and 1960s. They introduced new issues into the political discourse as elected officials and government administrators, they pressured political leaders through protests, and they effectively used the courts. Through their examples of leadership and methods of organizing, they also encouraged historically disempowered people, especially black women, to engage in politics and to demand change from various state actors, including politicians, judges, police chiefs, school administrators, and municipal and state bureaucrats.
36

Schmidt, Ferdinand. The Youth of the Great Elector: Life Stories for Young People. Alpha Editions, 2019.

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37

Lauderbaugh, George M. The History of Ecuador. ABC-CLIO, LLC, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.5040/9798400664694.

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This handbook provides an unmatched, comprehensive political history of Ecuador written in English. Ecuador is a nation of over 13 million people, its area between that of the states of Wyoming and Colorado. Like the United States, Ecuador’s government features a democratically elected President serving for a four-year term. The Galápagos Islands, well known as the birthplace of Darwin’s Theory of Evolution, are part of a province of Ecuador. The History of Ecuador focuses primarily on the political history of Ecuador and how these past events impact the nation today. This text examines the traditions established by Ecuador’s great caudillos (strong men) such as Juan José Flores, Gabriel García Moreno, and Eloy Alfaro, and documents the attempts of liberal leaders to modernize Ecuador by following the example of the United States. This book also discusses three economic booms in Ecuador’s history: the Cacao Boom 1890–1914; the Banana Boom 1948–1960; and the Oil Boom 1972–1992.
38

O'Brien, David M., J. W. Peltason, Tom Cronin, James MacGregor Burns, and David B. Magleby. Government by the People Basic Elect Updated and 1Srch05 Pk. Pearson Education, Limited, 2004.

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39

Pearson. Government by the Peopl Calif&elect Amer Pk. Pearson, 2009.

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40

Whittier, Nancy. The Violence Against Women Act and Ambivalent Alliances. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190235994.003.0004.

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Chapter 4 examines the Violence Against Women Act and the ambivalent alliance that led to it. The chapter shows the influence of feminist organizations on the legislation and traces how support from conservative elected officials formed alongside opposition from conservative activists outside the state. Conservatives and many liberals in Congress sought to be tough on crime and protect women from domestic violence and rape, while feminists sought to reduce the systematic victimization of women and improve the response from law enforcement and others. Congressional testimony promulgated a frame about violence against women as a gendered crime that could be understood in different ways by different sides. The chapter shows how this frame promoted VAWA’s success but feminist advocates’ intersectional goals for immigrants, women of color, and LGBT people were marginalized. The chapter shows how, by 2011, conservative activists’ influence on Congress through the Tea Party movement and feminists’ ongoing push to strengthen VAWA’s intersectional dimensions destabilized agreement on VAWA. The chapter addresses feminist criticism of VAWA as a case of carceral feminism, showing how VAWA’s discourse and legislation promoted both carceral, non-carceral, and intersectional frames and outcomes. VAWA reflects both unprecedented feminist legislative influence countervailing conservative influence.
41

O'Brien, David M., J. W. Peltason, Tom Cronin, James MacGregor Burns, and David B. Magleby. Government by the People Brief Elect Updated and Prac Tst Pk. Pearson Education, Limited, 2004.

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42

Gest, Justin. The White Working Class. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/wentk/9780190861414.001.0001.

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In recent years, the world has been re-introduced to the constituency of “white working class” people. In a wave of revolutionary populism, far right parties have scored victories across the transatlantic political world: Britain voted to leave the European Union, the United States elected President Donald Trump to enact an “America First” agenda, and Radical Right movements are threatening European centrists in elections across the Continent. In each case, white working class people are driving a broad reaction to the inequities and social change brought by globalization, and its cosmopolitan champions. In the midst of this rebellion, a new group consciousness has emerged among the very people who not so long ago could take their political, economic, and cultural primacy for granted. Who are white working class people? What do they believe? Are white working class people an “interest group”? What has driven them to break so sharply with the world’s trajectory toward a more borderless, interconnected meritocracy? How can a group with such enduring power feel marginalized? This perplexing constituency must be understood if the world is to address and respond to the social and political backlash they are driving. The White Working Class: What Everyone Needs to Know® provides the context for understanding the politics of this large, perplexing group of people. The book begins by explaining what “white working class” means in terms of demographics, history, and geography, as well as the ways in which this group defines itself and has been defined by others. It will address whether white identity is on the rise, why white people perceive themselves as marginalized, and the roles of racism and xenophobia in white consciousness. It will also look at whether the white working class has distinct political attitudes, their voting behavior, and their prospects for the future. This accessible book provides a nuanced view into the forces driving one of the most complicated and consequential political constituencies today.
43

Bonner, Adrian, ed. Local Authorities and the Social Determinants of Health. Policy Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/policypress/9781447356233.001.0001.

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As many social inequalities widen, this is a crucial survey of local authorities' evolving role in health, social care, and wellbeing. The book reviews structural changes in provision and procurement, and explores social determinants of health including intergenerational needs and housing. The book begins with an overview of the relationship between health and housing, regional disparities and responses across England, Wales, and Scotland in the provision of health and social care, and local authority commissioning. It considers how the Municipal Corporations Act (1835) led to the establishment of elected town councils. In the mid- to late 20th century, municipalisation gave way to centralised government, which subverted the autonomy of local authorities. Currently, social care is provided and funded by local authorities and private funders. The main objective of social care is to help people to live well and happily, and live as long as they can. This person-centred approach is in contrast to the systems that have been developed to support the health care needs of people. In 2020, poverty still remains a key driver of poor health and wellbeing. With detailed assessments of regional disparities and case studies of effective strategies and interventions from local authorities, the book addresses complex issues (Wicked Issues), considers where responsibility for wellbeing lies and points the way to future policy-making. The Centre for Partnering (CfP), a network of universities working with the private and third sectors, is a key outcome of this innovative review.
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Beowulf. Ontario Elections, 1883 [microform]: Facts for the People, Should Be Read by Every Elector. Creative Media Partners, LLC, 2021.

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45

Publications, Twenty Four Seven. Eat Sleep Electro Repeat: Graph Paper 5x5 Notebook for People who like Humor Sarcasm. Independently published, 2019.

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46

Hinojosa, Magda, and Miki Caul Kittilson. Seeing Women, Strengthening Democracy. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197526941.001.0001.

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How does the more equitable representation of women in positions of power affect male and female citizens? We argue that the election of women to political office—particularly where women’s presence is highly visible to the public—strengthens the connections between women and the democratic process. For women, seeing more “people like me” in politics changes attitudes and orientations toward the democratic process. Substantial variation persists across Latin America in gender gaps in political engagement and political support. To assess the effects that women’s officeholding has on these, we pair comparative survey data from Latin American countries with case study evidence from Uruguay. The Uruguayan case offers a unique laboratory for testing the impact of women’s representation in elected positions of power on political engagement and support. Our panel survey of Uruguayan citizens reveals that the expected gender gaps in political knowledge, political interest, and other forms of political engagement were alive and well six weeks before the elections. Yet, just six weeks following the election—after the use of a gender quota had led to a doubling of women’s representation in the Senate—those gender gaps had largely disappeared or had significantly waned. Our findings indicate that far-reaching gender gaps can be overcome by more equitable representation in our political institutions.
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Walsh, Michael. Pocket Dictionary of Popes. Continuum, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.5040/9780567697066.

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The range of people interested in the Popes and the Papacy is very great indeed. As soon as Pope Benedict XVI was elected, enquirers wanted to know about the previous Popes called Benedict. For those who travel abroad to look at works of art a book of this kind is an essential work for quick reference. Who were the Borgia Popes? So many Popes appear in great works of art (right up till Francis Bacon) but we know so little about them. Who was the Pope who refused Henry VIII a divorce? Who was the Pope who declared Anglican orders null and void? Who was the Pope who tried to bring about world peace on the eve of the First World War? Who was the only English Pope? Is Benedict XVI the first German Pope? All these questions are answered in this compact book, which is packed with useful information. The Popes are listed aphetically according to the Papal names (Pius, John Paul, Alexander) but indexes also list the Popes by their family names (Borgia, Woytilja, Ratzinger). There is also a chronology so the Popes can be followed in historical order. Michael Walsh has written a short scholarly introduction in which he describes the role of the Papacy throughout history.
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Cunningham, Kevin. Power to the People: How We Elect the President and Other Officials. The Child's World, Inc, 2011.

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49

Board Jr., Marcus. Invisible Weapons. Oxford University PressNew York, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197605226.001.0001.

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Abstract This book explains how grassroots communities are infiltrated and politically co-opted in ways that render their resistance harmless. It reveals contemporary practices of domination, as power-holding elites—from elected officials to welfare bureaucrats—are teaching oppressed people to internalize their grievances and silence their needs. In the end, politics becomes a space where advocating for social justice makes less and less sense to people. The book therefore explains the politics of radical inaction through disempowerment, dissonance, and disengagement. It considers multiple sites of resistance to police violence, including the police killing of Akai Gurley, Freddie Gray, and Korryn Gaines in particular. It also considers the mass protest associated with the wider Movement for Black Lives (M4BL). The book argues that anti-radicalism is an embedded feature of neoliberalism, that the widespread adoption of neoliberal politics has reinforced ongoing racial and gender oppressions, and that these same oppressed communities are being infiltrated in order to minimize their commitments to radical political resistance. Covering multiple sites and methods—from in-depth interviews on the resistance politics of Black welfare recipients in Chicago, to nationally representative survey data on hard-work beliefs in politics and the labor force, and case study analyses of police violence in Baltimore and New York—the book shows how political domination today is about ensnaring minds, constraining imaginations, and upending resistance. With the creation of the invisible weapons framework, future research can better explain sites of political disengagement and the connection to the erosion of whatever remains of democracy in the United States.
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Plotch, Philip Mark. Last Subway. Cornell University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9780801453663.001.0001.

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This book is the fascinating and dramatic story behind New York City's struggle to build a new subway line under Second Avenue and improve transit services all across the city. The book reveals why the city's subway system, once the best in the world, is now too often unreliable, overcrowded, and uncomfortable. It explains how a series of uninformed and self-serving elected officials have fostered false expectations about the city's ability to adequately maintain and significantly expand its transit system. Since the 1920s, New Yorkers have been promised a Second Avenue subway. When the first of four planned phases opened on Manhattan's Upper East Side in 2017, subway service improved for tens of thousands of people. Riders have been delighted with the clean, quiet, and spacious new stations. Yet these types of accomplishments will not be repeated unless New Yorkers learn from their century-long struggle. The book offers valuable lessons in how governments can overcome political gridlock and enormous obstacles to build grand projects. However, it is also a cautionary tale for cities. It reveals how false promises, redirected funds, and political ambitions have derailed subway improvements. Given the ridiculously high cost of building new subways in New York and their lengthy construction period, the Second Avenue subway (if it is ever completed) will be the last subway built in New York for generations to come.

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