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Journal articles on the topic 'El Salvadoran History'

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Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 1 February 2022

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1

Flores-Yeffal, Nadia Y., and Karen A. Pren. "Predicting Unauthorized Salvadoran Migrants’ First Migration to the United States between 1965 and 2007." Journal on Migration and Human Security 6, no. 2 (June 2018): 131–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2331502418765404.

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Although Salvadoran emigration to the United States is one of the most important migratory flows emanating from Latin America, there is insufficient information about the predictors of first unauthorized migration from El Salvador to the United States. In this study, we use data from the Latin American Migration Project–El Salvador (LAMP-ELS4) to perform an event history analysis to discern the factors that influenced the likelihood that a Salvadoran household head would take a first unauthorized trip to the United States between 1965 and 2007. We take into account a series of demographic, social capital, human capital, and physical capital characteristics of the Salvadoran household head; demographic and social context variables in the place of origin; as well as economic and border security factors at the place of destination. Our findings suggest that an increase in the Salvadoran civil violence index and a personal economic crisis increased the likelihood of first-time unauthorized migration. Salvadorans who were less likely to take a first unauthorized trip were business owners, those employed in skilled occupations, and persons with more years of experience in the labor force. Contextual variables in the United States, such as a high unemployment rate and an increase in the Border Patrol budget, deterred the decision to take a first unauthorized trip. Finally, social capital had no effect on the decision to migrate; this means that for unauthorized Salvadoran migrants, having contacts in the United States is not the main driver to start a migration journey to the United States. We suggest as policy recommendations that the United States should award Salvadorans more work-related visas or asylum protection. For those Salvadorans whose Temporary Protected Status (TPS) has ended, the United States should allow them to apply for permanent residency. The decision not to continue to extend TPS to Salvadorans will only increase the number of unauthorized immigrants in the United States. The United States needs to revise its current immigration policies, which make it a very difficult and/or extremely lengthy process for Salvadorans and other immigrants to regularize their current immigration status in the United States. Furthermore, because of our research findings, we recommend that the Salvadoran government — to discourage out-migration — invest in high-skilled job training and also offer training and credit opportunities to its population to encourage business ventures.

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2

Burns, E. Bradford. "The Intellectual Infrastructure of Modernization in El Salvador, 1870-1900." Americas 41, no. 3 (January 1985): 57–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1007100.

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The pursuit of economic and political progress engaged many of the Salvadoran elite during the last decades of the nineteenth century. The intellectuals were no less energetic in the chase. Travelers to El Salvador at the turn of the century commented favorably on the progress they perceived. Marie Robinson Wright, who visited the country in 1893, wrote euphorically of “modern improvement,” “progress,” and “development.” “Salvador flourishes,” she rhapsodized, “a glorious example of good discipline and government.” Percy F. Martin wrote in 1911 a long, sober account of his visit. He concluded, “The present condition of her civilization, of her arts and her commerce is eminently encouraging.” He also characterized the Salvadorans as “the most developed and most intellectual” of the Central Americans. These assessments inferred that the progress El Salvador demonstrated drew on North Atlantic models, and to the degree the Salvadorans adopted those models they were judged favorably by foreigners.

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3

Huezo, Stephanie M. "Remembering the Return from Exodus: An Analysis of a Salvadoran Community’s Local History Reenactment." Journal of Latino/Latin American Studies 11, no. 1 (January 1, 2021): 56–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.18085/1549-9502.11.1.56.

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Abstract On June 20, 1986, amid the 12-year civil war in El Salvador (1980–1992), a group of displaced Salvadorans from the northern department of Chalatenango declared San José las Flores their home. As the war between the Salvadoran army and the Farabundo Martí National Liberation Front (FMLN) intensified in rural areas, many people left to find refuge in other parts of the country. Since the FMLN had an active presence in Chalatenango, the Salvadoran military bombed this region frequently, which transformed las Flores into a ghost town by 1984. Those Salvadorans who decided to hide instead of leaving the country or even the region faced treacherous conditions as they trekked through the mountainous terrain of Chalatenango fleeing from military operations. By 1986, many of these Salvadorans emerged from their precarious living to demand their right to live in San José las Flores. More than three decades after the repopulation of the town, and more than two decades since the signing of the peace accords, residents of las Flores continue to celebrate their history, without fail, every year, bearing witness to a reenactment of the events that led to their town’s repopulation. This article examines these anniversaries, especially its 30th anniversary in 2016, to understand how the town remembers, interprets, and transforms their local history. What prompts residents of las Flores to relive these events? How is social memory and trauma transmitted to the diverse audience in attendance? What does reenactment have to do with collective memory? This article argues that the performance of the repopulation of las Flores, enacted by former guerrilla soldiers, survivors of the war, and their children and grandchildren, demonstrates how the history, memories, and values of this town are transmitted from generation to generation. In Diana Taylor’s words, they remember their collective suffering, challenges, and triumphs through both archival and embodied memory.

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4

Holiday, David. "El Salvador's “Model” Democracy." Current History 104, no. 679 (February 1, 2005): 77–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2005.104.679.77.

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In the immediate aftermath of the 1992 peace accords, El Salvador was cited frequently by the United Nations and even the World Bank as a country that, with the international community's help, effectively managed its transition from civil war to peace and reconciliation. Thirteen years later, only the US government views the Salvadoran model so favorably.

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5

Behrens, Susan Fitzpatrick. "From Symbols of the Sacred to Symbols of Subversion to Simply Obscure: Maryknoll Women Religious in Guatemala, 1953 to 1967." Americas 61, no. 2 (October 2004): 189–216. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tam.2004.0127.

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In December of 1980 three women religious and a lay missioner from the United States were brutally raped and murdered by the Salvadoran military. This outrage brought international attention to the violence in El Salvador and led to a temporary halt in US military aid. The sisters were neither the first nor the most violently killed—8,000 people were massacred in 1980 and 45,000 between 1980 and 1984—but their rape and murder, the murder of Archbishop Romero in March of 1980, and that of six Jesuit priests in 1989 were consistently cited as evidence of the sheer brutality and impunity of the Salvadoran military regime. Killing priests and bishops and raping and murdering nuns signified quite simply that “nothing was sacred.”

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6

Baker-Cristales, Beth. "The Salvadoran Americans." Latino Studies 5, no. 2 (July 2007): 268–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/palgrave.lst.8600245.

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7

Dym, Jordana. "Citizen of Which Republic? Foreigners and the Construction of National Citizenship in Central America, 1823-1845." Americas 64, no. 4 (April 2008): 477–510. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tam.2008.0067.

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The law of the South American states with reference to nationality of origin remains to be noticed.Sir Alexander Cockburn, Nationality: or, The law relating to subjects and aliens, considered with a view to future legislation (London, W. Ridgway, 1869), 17.In December 1841, voters in Sonsonate (El Salvador) elected Frenchman and long-time resident, Luis Bertrand Save, as their alcalde, or municipal judge, for 1842. The governor insisted that Save accept the office. However, Save convinced El Salvador's president that he should not serve since he was not a citizen of the country, citing French and Salvadoran laws to back up his argument. French law mattered because Save could lose his qualité de français, or “Frenchness,” by holding office in a foreign government, and Salvadoran laws limited office-holding to its own citizens. In 1843, Save was again elected alcalde and again protested because “the law requires for these positions that it is indispensable that the elected be a citizen of the country. While I am a vecino (for I live in Sonsonate), I am not a ciudadano (citizen), and as a foreigner, have neither a letter of naturalization, nor am I naturalized de facto.” That is, Save acknowledged the importance of local citizenship and accepted the status of a Sonsonate vecino, or community member, but pointed out that he lacked national membership because his domicile did not make a “foreigner” a citizen, and he lacked the institutional change of status, naturalization, to overcome that foreignness.

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8

Dixon, Chris. "The Salvadoran Crucible: The Failure of US Counterinsurgency in El Salvador, 1979–1992." Journal of American History 105, no. 4 (March 1, 2019): 1098–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jahist/jaz157.

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9

Langer, Beryl. "From history to ethnicity: El Salvadoran refugees in Melbourne1." Journal of Intercultural Studies 11, no. 2 (January 1990): 1–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07256868.1990.9963363.

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10

Lindstrom, David P., and Cecilia Menjivar. "Fragmented Ties: Salvadoran Immigrant Networks in America." Journal of American History 89, no. 3 (December 2002): 1140. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3092495.

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11

Blanke, Svenja. "Civic Foreign Policy: Human Rights, Faith-Based Groups and U.S.-Salvadoran Relations in the 1970S." Americas 61, no. 2 (October 2004): 217–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tam.2004.0129.

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El Salvador, the smallest but most densely populated country of Central America, experienced one of Latin America's bloodiest civil wars, accompanied by widespread human rights violations. State repression was especially brutal against opposition groups such as peasant associations, unions, students, and religious people. Twenty-five church people were murdered and many religious workers were persecuted, expelled, or tortured. Several U.S. missionaries were among those murdered or expelled victims. Although the number of religious victims is relatively small in comparison to the tens of thousands of people who were killed in the three civil wars of El Salvador, Nicaragua, and Guatemala, the murders of religious personnel had a profound impact on the religious community in Central America, and particularly in El Salvador. This impact also reached religious groups in the United States. Given the traditional alliance between the Catholic Church and the political and economic elites throughout most of Salvadoran history, the murders of religious leaders by government or government-linked forces symbolized a remarkable shift.

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12

Coutin, Susan Bibler. "Falling Outside: Excavating the History of Central American Asylum Seekers." Law & Social Inquiry 36, no. 03 (2011): 569–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-4469.2011.01243.x.

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This article takes a retrospective look at legal advocacy on behalf of Central American asylum seekers, which has been influential in the development of US asylum law and in the creation of an infrastructure to address immigrants' needs. The article considers three time periods when Central Americans have been deemed to fall outside of the category of refugee: (1) the 1980s, when US administrations argued that Central Americans were economic immigrants; (2) the 1990s, when civil wars in El Salvador and Guatemala came to an end; and (3) the 2000s, when some Salvadoran youths in removal proceedings have argued that they faced persecution as perceived or actual gang members. This retrospective analysis highlights the ways in which law can be creatively reinterpreted by legal actors, as well as how legal innovations carry forward traces of prior historical moments.

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13

Racine, Karen. "Alberto Masferrer and the Vital Minimum: The Life and Thought of a Salvadoran Journalist, 1868-1932." Americas 54, no. 2 (October 1997): 209–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1007742.

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The events of Alberto Masferrer's life and the parallel evolution of his social thought reveal much about the broader forces which shaped El Salvador and Central America during his generation. His lifetime brackets the consolidation of the Salvadoran state and the formation of modern social groups. Alberto Masferrer was born in 1868, the age of the Liberal presidents' ascendence throughout Central America; he died in 1932 as Depression-era dictators assumed power throughout that same region. In fact, 1932 is a watershed year in Central American history. With Agustín Farabundo Martí's failed Communist uprising in El Salvador and the murder of Augusto Cesar Sandino in Nicaragua, the early 1930s brought a decisive end to the possibility for Masferrer's idealized type of elite-led reform and instead turned opponents toward ideologically-motivated popular revolt. Alberto Masferrer, like most intellectuals, struggled with ideas and power. He realized that the liberal reforms of the late nineteenth century Presidents not only had failed to improve the material and moral condition of the majority of his countrymen, but actually had degraded them. Though Masferrer's admiring biographer Matilde Elena López observed that “[t]he reality of man exploited by an unjust society is the central idea of his life,” it remains no easy task to categorize the cranky journalist's thought for, indeed, he does not fit neatly into any single ideology. Masferrer the humanist gave primary importance to the betterment of social and economic conditions for those living on the material plane, while Masferrer as a Christian stressed the otherworldly values of humility, hard work, patience and charity. Masferrer the communist called for a return to the ejidal landholding system of the traditional Indian communities and a guaranteed standard of living for all Salvadorans, but Masferrer the corporatist recognized the existence of a natural state of hierarchy and felt that harmony would prevail if each remained true to his pre-ordained vocation. Masferrer the aesthetic arielista venerated language and culture, but Masferrer the criollista could not be restrained to the world of pure art and consistently returned to earth to criticize uneven social conditions. Masferrer the hispano-falangist idealized a strong and vigorous nation, yet Masferrer the pacifist abhorred violence and aggressiveness.

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14

Ladutke, Lawrence M. "Understanding Terrorism Charges against Protesters in the Context of Salvadoran History." Latin American Perspectives 35, no. 6 (November 2008): 137–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094582x08325946.

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15

Abrego, Leisy J. "On silences: Salvadoran refugees then and now." Latino Studies 15, no. 1 (March 29, 2017): 73–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/s41276-017-0044-4.

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16

Binford, Leigh. "Solidarity under Siege: The Salvadoran Labor Movement, 1970–1990." Hispanic American Historical Review 100, no. 4 (November 1, 2020): 743–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-8647307.

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17

Rodríguez, Ana Patricia. "“Departamento 15”: Cultural Narratives of Salvadoran Transnational Migration." Latino Studies 3, no. 1 (April 2005): 19–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/palgrave.lst.8600120.

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18

Argueta, Manlio. "Corporal Martínez." Index on Censorship 15, no. 10 (November 1986): 13–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03064228608534174.

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19

Matheson, Catherine. "War of words." Index on Censorship 15, no. 8 (September 1986): 31–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03064228608534146.

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20

Alegría, Claribel. "Clash of cultures." Index on Censorship 15, no. 8 (September 1986): 28–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03064228608534145.

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21

Offutt, Stephen. "Entangled: Evangelicals and Gangs in El Salvador." Social Forces 99, no. 1 (December 12, 2019): 424–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/sf/soz147.

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Abstract ow are the two most ubiquitous community-based organizations in poor Salvadoran neighborhoods—gangs and evangelical churches—connected? Most studies concur with the Brenneman/Wolseth thesis, which states that evangelical churches uniquely provide people with a pathway out of gangs. This article argues that such dynamics are a relatively small subset of a broad range of interactions between evangelicals and gangs. Data from the Religion, Global Poverty, and International Development study, collected in a mid-sized Salvadoran city from 2014 to 2018, show that: (1) family networks link evangelicals and gangs; (2) evangelicals and gangs share community governance; (3) gangs infiltrate congregations; and (4) evangelical ideas and networks penetrate gang life. These findings indicate that the widely accepted “haven” perspective of evangelicals in Latin America is insufficient to explain current empirical complexities. An “entanglement” framework is thus introduced, which may be relevant to evangelicals’ relationships to contemporary Latin American society more broadly.

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22

Wagenheim, Olga Jimenez, and Renny Golden. "The Hour of the Poor, the Hour of Women: Salvadoran Women Speak." Hispanic American Historical Review 72, no. 4 (November 1992): 601. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2516670.

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23

Wagenheim, Olga Jiménez. "The Hour of the Poor, the Hour of Women: Salvadoran Women Speak." Hispanic American Historical Review 72, no. 4 (November 1, 1992): 601–2. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-72.4.601a.

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24

Harms, Patricia. "Salvadoran Activism - El alborotador de Centroamérica: El Salvador frente al imperio. By Héctor Lindo Fuentes. San Salvador: Universidad Centroamericana “José Simeón Cañas,” 2019. Pp. 308. $15.00 paper." Americas 78, no. 2 (April 2021): 348–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/tam.2021.23.

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25

Sliwinski, Alicia. "The Value of Promising Spaces: Hope and Everyday Utopia in a Salvadoran Town." History and Anthropology 27, no. 4 (July 15, 2016): 430–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02757206.2016.1207638.

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26

Gould, Jeffrey. "The cost of solidarity: the salvadoran labor movement in Puerto el Triunfo and Greater San Salvador in 1979 and 1980." Diálogos Revista Electrónica 16 (November 24, 2015): 101. http://dx.doi.org/10.15517/dre.v0i0.22000.

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This essay analysis the labor movement in Puerto Triunfo and Greater San Salvador in 1979 and 1980. The common ideological bond linking both the port labor movement and the San Salvador movement was a rudimentary syndicalism that had no formal expression either locally or nationally. The evidence presented in this essay suggests that the local and national movements in late 1970s Salvador reflected some of the attitude, technique, and strategy but not necessarily the hope of classic syndicalism. Yet, those ideological forms remained as inchoate expressions. Moreover, the syndicalists of El Salvador labored under authoritarian and increasingly terroristic conditions unimaginable to the founders of the tradition. The arrests, tortures, and assassinations not only provoked militant responses but also imposed the necessity for semi clandestine action that made the full implementation of rank and file democracy —a sine qua non for syndicalism— extremely difficult to achieve. The disjunctions between the syndicalist ethos and formal ideological expressions in the port and in the capital had several consequences. First they led to misunderstandings and alienation between the different groups. But at the same time, these various dialectical interplays between formal and informal discourse, between rank and file and leadership, and between the port and the metropole all played significant roles inthe militant rise and expansion of the labor movement. The essay will trace this broader transformation while presenting a detailed examination of the political and social changes in Puerto El Triunfo, a quite distinct history that nevertheless reflected, influenced and paralleled the labor movement as a whole. I will make use of the concept of “desencuentro”.

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27

Briggs, Laura. "Missing Mila, Finding Family: An International Adoption in the Shadow of the Salvadoran Civil War." Hispanic American Historical Review 93, no. 1 (February 1, 2013): 151–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-1903003.

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28

Ching, Erik. "Labor in El Salvador - Solidarity Under Siege: The Salvadoran Labor Movement, 1970–1990. By Jeffrey L. Gould. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2019. Pp. 262. $29.99 paper." Americas 77, no. 3 (July 2020): 500–501. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/tam.2020.63.

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29

Konefal, Betsy. "Solidarity under Siege: The Salvadoran Labor Movement, 1970–1990 by Jeffrey L. Gould." Labor 18, no. 1 (March 1, 2021): 111–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/15476715-8767459.

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30

Durrance, Richard Jesse, Tofura Ullah, Zulekha Atif, William Frumkin, and Kaushik Doshi. "Chagas Cardiomyopathy Presenting as Symptomatic Bradycardia: An Underappreciated Emerging Public Health Problem in the United States." Case Reports in Cardiology 2017 (2017): 1–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.1155/2017/5728742.

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Chagas cardiomyopathy (CCM) is traditionally considered a disease restricted to areas of endemicity. However, an estimated 300,000 people living in the United States today have CCM, of which its majority is undiagnosed. We present a case of CCM acquired in an endemic area and detected in its early stage. A 42-year-old El Salvadoran woman presented with recurrent chest pain and syncopal episodes. Significant family history includes a sister in El Salvador who also began suffering similar episodes. Physical exam and ancillary studies were only remarkable for sinus bradycardia. The patient was diagnosed with symptomatic sinus bradycardia and a pacemaker was placed. During her hospital course, Chagas serology was ordered given the epidemiological context from which she came. With no other identifiable cause, CCM was the suspected etiology. This case highlights the underrecognized presence of Chagas in the United States and the economic and public health importance of its consideration in the etiological differential diagnosis of electrocardiographic changes among Latin American immigrants. While the United States is not considered an endemic area for Chagas disease, the influx of Latin American immigrants has created a new challenge to identify at-risk populations, diagnose suspected cases, and provide adequate treatment for this disease.

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31

Gould, Jeffrey L., and Aldo Lauria-Santiago. "“They Call Us Thieves and Steal Our Wage”: Toward a Reinterpretation of the Salvadoran Rural Mobilization, 1929–1931." Hispanic American Historical Review 84, no. 2 (May 1, 2004): 191–237. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-84-2-191.

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32

Wickham-Crowley, Timothy P., Jose Angel Moroni Bracamonte, and David E. Spencer. "Strategy and Tactics of the Salvadoran FMLN Guerrillas: Last Battle of the Cold War, Blueprint for Future Conflicts." Hispanic American Historical Review 76, no. 2 (May 1996): 369. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2517184.

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33

Wickham-Crowley, Timothy P. "Strategy and Tactics of the Salvadoran FMLN Guerrillas: Last Battle of the Cold War, Blueprint for Future Conflicts." Hispanic American Historical Review 76, no. 2 (May 1, 1996): 369–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-76.2.369.

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34

Lyon-Johnson, Kelli. "Acts of War, Acts of Memory: “Dead-Body Politics” In US Latina Novels of the Salvadoran Civil War." Latino Studies 3, no. 2 (July 2005): 205–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/palgrave.lst.8600140.

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35

Anner, Mark. "Forging New Labor Activism in Global Commodity Chains in Latin America." International Labor and Working-Class History 72, no. 1 (2007): 18–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s014754790700052x.

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AbstractInternational industrial restructuring has fomented a decline in unionization in Latin America and has forced labor organizations to pursue new forms of activism. Due to the segmentation of the production process and the dispersion of the locations of production sites, the coordination of collective action has become more difficult. At the same time, labor law reforms have failed to respond to the challenges presented by market-oriented industrial reforms. As a result, labor activists are resorting to new or modified forms of labor organizing, ranging from domestic cross-class collaboration to international alliances and sporadic campaigns with labor and nongovernmental organizations. The sources of this variation in new labor actions can be found not only in contemporary political and economic contexts, but also in labor histories and ideational influences. An exploration of labor actions in the Salvadoran export apparel sector and the Brazilian automobile industry illustrates these processes.

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36

Lippert, R. "Fragmented Ties: Salvadoran Immigrant Networks in America. By Cecilia Menjivar. University of California Press, 2000. 301 pp. Cloth, $48.00; paper, $19.95." Social Forces 79, no. 4 (June 1, 2001): 1540–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/sof.2001.0047.

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37

Carranza, Isolda E. "Low-Narrativity Narratives and Argumentation." Narrative Inquiry 8, no. 2 (January 1, 1998): 287–317. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/ni.8.2.04car.

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Two types of conversational narratives are examined in a corpus of interviews with Salvadoran immigrants who live in Washington, D.C. On the one hand, narrative sequences of counterfactual or hypothetical events position the virtual as opposed to or in comparison with the actual and, in doing so, they convey the narrator's commentary and perspective. On the other hand, narrative sequences of repeated or habitual events create the effect of a static, self-contained picture of the past and can be used to present experience as generalized and common. Both types of sequences are characterized as resources for argumentation. It is shown how recourse to irreality takes place to back a claim and how looking at the past from the past makes the storyteller's perspective relatively immune to challenge. The sociohistorical conditions of the events recounted in the data provide the basis for the view of the immigration and integration experiences presented in this paper. (Discourse Analysis, Linguistic Anthropology)

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38

Stoll, D. "Gangsters Without Borders: An Ethnography of a Salvadoran Street Gang By T.W. Ward Oxford University Press. 2013. 230 pages. $19.95 paper * Homies and Hermanos: Gods and Gangs in Central America By Robert Brenneman Oxford University Press. 2012. 294 pages. $24.95 paper." Social Forces 91, no. 4 (March 12, 2013): 1549–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/sf/sot017.

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39

Ita, Yolocamba. "The Rebellion and the Song." Index on Censorship 14, no. 2 (April 1985): 46–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03064228508533874.

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An interview with a musical group from the other El Salvador — the people in armed revolt Yolocamba I'ta are a group of young musicians from the other El Salvador: that part of the people in armed revolt against the government of President José Napoleon Duarte, just as they have been against his predecessors. The forces of these FDR-FMLN guerrillas claim to have established control over one-third of El Salvadorean territory, where they have established ‘Guazapa’, ‘liberated zones’ in which they attempt to put into practice their ideas for a new society. Yolocamba's music, as they explain in this interview, carried out in December 1984, is dedicated to bringing the message of this struggle to audiences throughout the world.

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40

Geiger, Susan. "Women's Words: The Feminist Practice of Oral History. Sherna Berger Gluck , Daphne PataiThe Hour of the Poor, the Hour of Women: Salvadoran Women Speak. Renny GoldenI Could Speak until Tomorrow: Oriki, Women and the Past in a Yoruba Town. Karin Barber." Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Society 19, no. 2 (January 1994): 499–503. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/494895.

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41

Loidi, Javier. "Passion and work. A brief history of the life of Salvador Rivas-Martinez to commemorate his 70th birthday." Phytocoenologia 37, no. 3-4 (December 1, 2007): 331–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1127/0340-269x/2007/0037-0331.

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42

Avery, Molly. "Promoting a ‘Pinochetazo’: The Chilean Dictatorship's Foreign Policy in El Salvador during the Carter Years, 1977–81." Journal of Latin American Studies 52, no. 4 (October 5, 2020): 759–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x20000966.

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AbstractThis article takes existing histories of Chilean transnational anti-communist activity in the 1970s beyond Operation Condor (the Latin American military states’ covert transnational anti-communist intelligence and operations system) by asking how the Pinochet dictatorship responded to two key changes in the international system towards the end of that decade: the Carter presidency and introduction of the human rights policy, and the shift of the epicentre of the Cold War in Latin America to Central America. It shows how both Salvadoreans and Chileans understood the Pinochet dictatorship as a distinct model of anti-communist governance, applicable far beyond Chile's own borders. This study of Chilean foreign policy in El Salvador contributes to new histories of the Latin American Extreme Right and to new understandings of the inter-American system and the international history of the conflicts in Central America in the late 1970s and the 1980s.

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Lowenthal, Abraham F., Max G. Manwaring, and Court Prisk. "El Salvador at War: An Oral History." Foreign Affairs 68, no. 3 (1989): 174. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20044051.

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Lara, Mauricio A. "The San Salvador Earthquake of October 10, 1986—History of Construction Practices in San Salvador." Earthquake Spectra 3, no. 3 (August 1987): 491–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1193/1.1585443.

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Construction practice in San Salvador, as in the rest of El Salvador, had remained practically unchanged since the time of Spanish colonization up to around 1942. From then on, building practices from many other countries have been introduced, and they have exerted a major influence. The last four decades can be divided into five stages or periods induced by events such as earthquakes in El Salvador and neighboring countries, as well as the incorporation of foreign codes in lieu of a local one and the introduction of new techniques, such as soil mechanics and microseismic investigation. The incorporation of practices based on foreign codes contributed significantly to the improvement of construction practice but occasionally led to misinterpretations, e.g. in the evaluation of seismic actions. At present, a number of studies and records are available that can be used as a basis for the elaboration of an earthquake resistant design code.

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Thompson, E. P. "Homage to Salvador Allende." History Workshop Journal 34, no. 1 (1992): 177–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hwj/34.1.177.

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GONZÁLEZ-MURCIA, SAÚL, FRANCISCO SAMUEL ÁLVAREZ-CALDERÓN, RAQUEL ALVARADO-LARIOS, CINDY MARLENE MARÍN-MARTÍNEZ, and ARTURO ANGULO. "The ichthyology collection at the Natural History Museum of El Salvador (MUHNES): Species checklist and new country records." Zootaxa 4559, no. 2 (February 20, 2019): 281. http://dx.doi.org/10.11646/zootaxa.4559.2.4.

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The ichthyology collection at the Natural History Museum of El Salvador (MUHNES) was established in 1970. Herein, we provide the first quantitative and qualitative description of the collection; and the first public record of the specimens and taxa therein represented. The MUHNES fish collection is the largest and most important of El Salvador, hosting 3791 specimens in 1005 lots representing 26 orders, 75 families, 159 genera and 248 species from both marine and freshwater environments, including larval, juvenile and mainly adult specimens. MUHNES specimens include 39% of the 587 species reported in the official national checklist of fishes of El Salvador, and support the inclusion of 47 additional species for a new total of 634. Furthermore, MUHNES specimens support (1) the occurrence of Cathorops fuerthii along the coast of El Salvador, extending its distribution from northern Costa Rica; (2) the occurrence of Atherinella starksi in El Salvador, reducing a gap for records between Nicaragua and México and (3) the extension in the distribution range of Profundulus kreiseri to Morazán, El Salvador. This study represents an advance on the understanding of diversity and distribution of the national ichthyofauna.

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Wolf, Sonja. "A Populist President Tests El Salvador’s Democracy." Current History 120, no. 823 (February 1, 2021): 64–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2021.120.823.64.

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In June 2019, Nayib Bukele, a former mayor affiliated with the former guerrilla movement FMLN, became president of El Salvador at the head of a new party allied with a splinter faction of the right-wing ARENA party. Capitalizing on the corruption scandals that tainted the two major parties, the youthful businessman rode to victory on an anti-sleaze platform. He has made Twitter his government’s main communications platform, using symbolic politics to achieve high public approval ratings. But the president spurns openness and transparency in government, is hostile to the media, and openly defies the legislature and the judiciary, putting democracy at risk.

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Chavarría Rodríguez, Fátima Larisa. "Risk factors related to childbirth in El Salvador." ALERTA Revista Científica del Instituto Nacional de Salud 2, no. 2 (July 31, 2019): 144–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.5377/alerta.v2i2.7922.

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Introduction. Preterm birth is a public health problem, considered a high risk factor for morbidity, disability and neonatal mortality. Objective. Characterize risk factors related to preterm birth in El Salvador. Methodology. Analytical cross-sectional study of risk factors related to preterm birth, in women who received childbirth care in the national public health system, during 2017. Data was obtained from the Perinatal Information System. 44 891 cases were analyzed. Qualitative variables were analyzed through absolute values and frequencies, and the quantitative variables, through absolute values, frequency and central tendency measures, using the Statistical Package for the Social Science (SPSS) version 24 program. The analysis of relation of variables, was performed with the Epidat version 3.1 program, through the calculation of prevalence ratios (PR) and the calculation of Odds Ratio (OR), both analysis with a 95% confidence interval and a value of p <0.05. Results. 9.5% of the deliveries attended were preterm. The risk analysis through the calculation of prevalence ratios showed that women with a multiple pregnancy were 14 times more likely to have a preterm birth. Preterm birth was 4.7 times more frequent in women with a clinical history of diabetes mellitus and 2.4 times more frequent, with a history of high blood pressure. Conclusions. Women who have a multiple pregnancy and pregnant women with a clinical history of chronic diseases, and an obstetric history of preeclampsia, are more likely to have a preterm birth. Likewise, obesity and inadequate age for pregnancy, mainly women over 35 years, are also related to preterm birth.

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Ching, Eric. "In Search of the Party: The Communist Party, the Comintern, and the Peasant Rebellion of 1932 in El Salvador." Americas 55, no. 2 (October 1998): 204–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1008053.

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ABSTRACTThe rebellion of 1932 in El Salvador is commonly described in the context of communism and the leadship role of the Communist Party of El Salvador (PCS). Relying on previously unavailable archive materials from Russia and El Salvador, the present article demonstrates that the PCS played a limited role in the rebellion. Factional infighting and a strategy that collided with social realities in western El Salvador combined to inhibit PCS influence among western peasants. The evidence suggests that Indian communities were at the forefront of the rebellion, as an extention of their long history of political mobilization.

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McCreery, D. "JOSE ANTONIO FERNANDEZ MOLINA. Pintando el mundo de azul: El auge anilero y el mercado centroamericano, 1750-1810. El Salvador: Biblioteca de Historia Salvadorena. 2003. Pp. 367." American Historical Review 112, no. 3 (June 1, 2007): 904–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/ahr.112.3.904.

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