Journal articles: 'Eighteenth century India'

1

Kerr, Ian J. "The Eighteenth Century in India." History: Reviews of New Books 31, no. 4 (January 2003): 174. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.2003.10527533.

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Stein, Burton. "Eighteenth Century India: Another view." Studies in History 5, no. 1 (February 1989): 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/025764308900500101.

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Pandey, Uma Shanker. "French Academic Forays in the Eighteenth-Century North India." Indian Historical Review 46, no. 2 (December 2019): 195–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0376983619889515.

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French adventurers’ academic forays in the 18th century in India has so far received little scholarly attention. Except some stray remarks and mentioning, it has not been taken up systematically. The present article is an exercise to show that some of the French military adventurers had been touched and impressed by Indian culture and civilization. They, therefore, carried out passionate explorations of Indian books and manuscripts, not only to understand India better but also to acquaint the Occident more. in the process, some them emerged as great collectors. they were pioneers also, in the sense that they were forerunners to the British Indologists who appeared on Indian academic horizon in the last quarter of the 18th century. Anquetil Duperron, Polier, and Gentil were among the the great collectors of books and manuscripts during the time.

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Stephen, S. Jeyaseela. "History of Christianity in India: Eighteenth Century." Indian Historical Review 28, no. 1-2 (January 2001): 211–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/037698360102800224.

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SCHWARTZBERG, JOSEPH E. "An Eighteenth-Century Cosmographic Globe from India." Cartographica: The International Journal for Geographic Information and Geovisualization 30, no. 1 (October 1993): 75–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/lng5-8827-4001-3850.

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TRAVERS, ROBERT. "Indian Petitioning and Colonial State-Formation in Eighteenth-Century Bengal." Modern Asian Studies 53, no. 1 (January 2019): 89–122. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x17000841.

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AbstractThis article explores the role of Indian petitioning in the process of consolidating British power after the East India Company's military conquest of Bengal in the late eighteenth century. The presentation of written petitions (often termed‘arziin Persian) was a pervasive form of state-subject interaction in early modern South Asia that carried over, in modified forms, into the colonial era. The article examines the varied uses of petitioning as a technology of colonial state-formation that worked to establish the East India Company's headquarters in Calcutta as the political capital of Bengal and the Company as a sovereign source of authority and justice. It also shows how petitioning became a site of anxiety for both colonial rulers and Indian subjects, as British officials struggled to respond to a mass of Indian ‘complaints’ and to satisfy the expectations and norms of justice expressed by petitioners. It suggests that British rulers tried to defuse the perceived political threat of Indian petitioning by redirecting petitioners into the newly regulated spaces of an emergent colonial judiciary.

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Chowdhury, Ahsan. "The Sahib in Late Eighteenth-Century Mughal India." Lumen: Selected Proceedings from the Canadian Society for Eighteenth-Century Studies 32 (2013): 109. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1015487ar.

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Morgan, Kenneth. "Bristol West India Merchants in the Eighteenth Century." Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 3 (1993): 185. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3679141.

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Frith, Nicola. "India and Europe in the Global Eighteenth Century." French Studies 69, no. 3 (June 30, 2015): 395.1–396. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/fs/knv084.

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Parthasarathi, Prasannan. "Money and Ritual in Eighteenth-Century South India." Medieval History Journal 19, no. 1 (April 2016): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0971945816631383.

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Gupta, Sanjukta Das. "The Eighteenth Century in India: Debates in Indian History and Society." Indian Historical Review 31, no. 1-2 (January 2004): 257–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/037698360403100218.

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12

Bhattacharya, Bhaswati. "A Note on the Shipbuilding in Bengal in the Late Eighteenth Century." Itinerario 19, no. 3 (November 1995): 167–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300021380.

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Both overseas trade and shipbuilding in India are of great antiquity. But even for the early modern period, maritime commerce is relatively better documented than the shipbuilding industry. When the Portuguese and later the North Europeans entered the intra-Asian trade, many of the ships they employed in order to supplement their shipping in Asia were obtained from the Indian dockyards. Detailed evidence with regard to shipbuilding, however, is very rare. It has been pointed out that the Portuguese in the sixteenth century were more particular than their North-European counter-parts in the following centuries in providing information on seafaring and shipbuilding. Shipbuilding on the west coast has been discussed more than that on the eastern coast of India, particularly the coast of Bengal. Though Bengal had a long tradition of shipbuilding, direct evidence of shipbuilding in the region is rare. Many changes were brought about in the history of India and the Indian Ocean trade of the eighteenth century, especially after the 1750s. When the English became the largest carriers of Bengal's trade with other parts of Asia, this had an impact on the shipbuilding in Bengal. It was in their interest that the British in Bengal had their ships built in that province.

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13

Marshall, P. J. "British Society in India under the East India Company." Modern Asian Studies 31, no. 1 (February 1997): 89–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00016942.

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The British in India have always fascinated their fellow countrymen. From the eighteenth century until the demise of the Raj innumerable publications described the way of life of white people in India for the delectation of a public at home. Post-colonial Britain evidently still retains a voracious appetite for anecdotes of the Raj and accounts of themores of what is often represented as a bizarre Anglo-Indian world. Beneath the welter of apparent triviality, historians are, however, finding issues of real significance.

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BRAY, JOHN. "The Oeconomy of Human Life: An ‘Ancient Bramin’ In Eighteenth-Century Tibet." Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society 19, no. 4 (September 9, 2009): 439–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1356186309990058.

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AbstractThe Oeconomy of Human Life purports to be an English translation of an ancient Indian text found by a Chinese scholar in Lhasa. Almost certainly written by Robert Dodsley (1704–1764), the book became an eighteenth-century bestseller. This article discusses its place in the varied lineage of western images of Asia, beginning with Alexander the Great's encounter with a group of ‘naked philosophers’ in India. It argues that the key features of the Oeconomy are representative of the Enlightenment period, with at best tenuous links to Tibet, India and China. However, it also belongs to a much broader literary tradition with deep roots and unexpected contemporary resonances.

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15

Fisher, Michael H., and Stewart Gordon. "Marathas, Marauders, and State Formation in Eighteenth-Century India." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 26, no. 3 (1996): 561. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/206094.

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Conlon, Frank F., and Stewart Gordon. "Marathas, Marauders, and State Formation in Eighteenth-Century India." Journal of the American Oriental Society 116, no. 1 (January 1996): 168. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/606416.

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Gordon, Stewart. "Hindus, Muslims, and the other in eighteenth-century India." International Journal of Hindu Studies 3, no. 3 (December 1999): 221–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11407-999-0010-3.

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Dalal, Urvashi. "Femininity, State and Cultural Space in Eighteenth-century India." Medieval History Journal 18, no. 1 (April 2015): 120–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0971945814565730.

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19

Bryant, G. J. "Asymmetric Warfare: The British Experience in Eighteenth-Century India." Journal of Military History 68, no. 2 (2004): 431–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jmh.2004.0019.

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20

Colley, Linda. "The Politics of Eighteenth-Century British History." Journal of British Studies 25, no. 4 (October 1986): 359–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/385871.

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Britain's “long” eighteenth century, which began with one aristocratic revolution in 1688 and ended with another in 1832, was a pageant of success. The nation's art and architecture reached their elegant and original best. Its capital became the center of print culture, finance, fashion, and commercial creativity, the largest and most vibrant city in the Western world. The British constitution became a topic for eulogy, as much by the unenlightened and illiterate at home as by the Enlightenment literati abroad. The armed forces, fiscal system, and bureaucracy of the British state grew in efficacy and range, bringing victory in all but one of a succession of major wars. Legitimized by achievement and buttressed by massive economic and political power, Britain's landed elite kept at bay every domestic revolution except the industrial one, which only enriched it more. The American Revolution, of course, was not averted; but while this crisis embarrassed the British Empire, it did not destroy it. Even before 1776, the conquest of Canada had reduced the thirteen colonies' strategic significance, just as their profitability to the mother country had been outstripped by its Indian possessions; their final loss was made up, and more than made up, with relentless and almost contemptuous speed. Between 1780 and 1820 some 150 million men and women in India, Africa, the West Indies, Java, and the China coast succumbed to British naval power and trading imperatives.

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Raza, S. Jabir. "Persian lexicography in India: A historical survey." Studies in People's History 5, no. 2 (November 29, 2018): 207–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2348448918809728.

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Persian, as a literary language, arrived in India in the eleventh century, and as its use extended, dictionaries began to be compiled from that century onwards. From simple glossaries, often explaining Persian words through their Indic equivalents, they attained a high academic standard with Injø’s Farhang-i-Jahāngīrī where there was an elaborate effort to trace etymologies and establish senses by quoting verses containing the words. It was around the middle of the eighteenth century in Delhi that dictionary-making reached its golden age with Ārzø’s outstanding linguistic researches and Bahār’s Bahār-i-‘Ajam, an authoritative comprehensive dictionary organised on historical principles.

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Oak, Mandar, and Anand V. Swamy. "Myopia or strategic behavior? Indian regimes and the East India Company in late eighteenth century India." Explorations in Economic History 49, no. 3 (July 2012): 352–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.eeh.2012.03.002.

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23

Wagner, Michael. "The Russia Company in the Eighteenth Century." Russian History 41, no. 3 (July 21, 2014): 393–422. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763316-04103006.

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Although there has been a revival of historiographical interest in eighteenth-century British trading companies, the Russia Company continues to be misunderstood and unappreciated. Far from being a relic of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, the Russia Company was one of the outstanding success stories of eighteenth-century British commerce. By the middle of the century, the imports of the Russia Company into Britain rivalled those of the East India Company. Furthermore, the Russia Company worked closely with the British government to further Britain’s strategic interests in the volatile Baltic region. Part of the reason for the lack of appreciation of the eighteenth-century Russia Company is that the organization of the company and the political influence of its key managers are not well understood. This article describes the organization of the Russia Company, discusses its overall economic and political significance in the eighteenth century, and illuminates its operations using the experience of some leading company members.

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FARUQUI, MUNIS D. "At Empire's End: The Nizam, Hyderabad and Eighteenth-Century India." Modern Asian Studies 43, no. 1 (January 2009): 5–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x07003290.

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AbstractNizam-ul-Mulk (d. 1748) was a Mughal nobleman who founded the post-Mughal successor state of Hyderabad. Engaging the Nizam's long and varied career, this essay re-evaluates the Nizam's decision to abandon the Mughal imperial system. In so doing, it highlights the ways in which the Nizam's story contrasts with that of founders of other post-Mughal successor states. This essay also seeks to explore Hyderabad's early history, the unique challenges faced by the new state, and the inventive ways in which it sought to overcome them. Ultimately, this essay aims to broaden and complicate our understanding of India's political history in the late-seventeenth and early-eighteenth century.

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25

Brock, Aske. "Commanders of Dutch East India Ships in the Eighteenth Century." Mariner's Mirror 100, no. 4 (October 2, 2014): 470–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00253359.2014.954837.

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26

Fowler, Caroline. "Translating images from India to Amsterdam in the eighteenth century." Zeitschrift für Kunstgeschichte 83, no. 1 (March 24, 2020): 33–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/zkg-2020-1002.

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AbstractThis article examines the physical interface of print and its role in translating beliefs not informed by a western theology of the imprint. A close reading of Jean Frédéric Bernard and Bernard Picart’s Cérémonies et coutumes religieuses (1723– 1743), with a focus on the section on religious practices in India, demonstrates the limitations of western typography and engraving in translating cultures formed outside of a material and physical history of the printed word and image.

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Marshall, P. J. "Reappraisal: The rise of British power in Eighteenth‐century India." South Asia: Journal of South Asian Studies 19, no. 1 (June 1996): 71–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00856409608723256.

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28

Cooper, Randolf G. S. "Culture, Combat, and Colonialism in Eighteenth- and Nineteenth-Century India." International History Review 27, no. 3 (September 2005): 534–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07075332.2005.9641071.

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Basu, Sukanta, Rupika Chawla, and A. S. Bisht. "Conservation of Eighteenth- and Nineteenth-Century European Paintings in India." Studies in Conservation 35, sup2 (January 1990): 2. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/sic.1990.35.supplement-2.2.

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30

Pullapilly, Cyriac K. "History of Christianity in India, Vol. III: Eighteenth Century (review)." Catholic Historical Review 88, no. 4 (2002): 818–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cat.2003.0046.

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31

Jacobs, Jaap. "Commanders of Dutch East India ships in the eighteenth century." Business History 54, no. 4 (July 2012): 647–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00076791.2011.646667.

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32

Subrahmanyam, Sanjay. "Commerce and State Power in Eighteenth-Century India: Some Reflections." South Asia Research 8, no. 2 (November 1988): 97–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/026272808800800201.

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33

Prakash, Om. "Opium monopoly in India and Indonesia in the eighteenth century." Indian Economic & Social History Review 24, no. 1 (March 1987): 63–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001946468702400103.

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34

Bhattacharyya, Ananda. "Dasanami Sannyasis: Polity and Economy in the Eighteenth-Century India." Studies in History 30, no. 2 (August 2014): 151–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0257643014534369.

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Datla, Kavita Saraswathi. "The Origins of Indirect Rule in India: Hyderabad and the British Imperial Order." Law and History Review 33, no. 2 (April 1, 2015): 321–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0738248015000115.

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The main problem with the orthodox account of modern world politics is that it describes only one of these patterns of international order: the one that was dedicated to the pursuit of peaceful coexistence between equal and mutually independent sovereigns, which developed within the Westphalian system and the European society of states....Orthodox theorists have paid far too little attention to the other pattern of international order, which evolved during roughly the same period of time, but beyond rather than within Europe; not through relations between Europeans, but through relations between Europeans and non-Europeans. Instead of being based on a states-system, this pattern of order was based on colonial and imperial systems, and its characteristic practice was not the reciprocal recognition of sovereign independence between states, but rather the division of sovereignty across territorial borders and the enforcement of individuals' rights to their persons and property. The American Revolution and the “revolution” in Bengal posed new political questions for domestic British politics and inaugurated a new era for the British empire. As the British committed themselves to the administration of a vast population of non-Europeans in the Indian province of Bengal, and estimations of financial windfalls were presented to stockholders and politicians, the center of the British Empire came slowly to shift toward the East. The evolution of a system of indirect rule in India as it related to larger political questions being posed in Britain, partly because of its protracted and diverse nature, has not received the same attention. Attention to Indian states, in the scholarship on eighteenth century South Asia, has closely followed the expanding colonial frontier, focusing on those states that most engaged British military attention: Bengal, Mysore, and the Marathas. And yet, the eighteenth century should also command our attention as a crucial moment of transition from an earlier Indian Ocean world trading system, in which European powers inserted themselves as one sovereign authority among many, to that of being supreme political authorities of territories that they did not govern directly. India's native states, or “country powers,” as the British referred to them in the eighteenth century, underwrote the expansion of the East India Company in the East. The tribute paid by these states became an important financial resource at the company's disposal, as it attempted to balance its books in the late eighteenth century. Additionally, the troops maintained to protect these states were significant in Britain's late eighteenth century military calculations. These states, in other words, were absolutely central to the forging of the British imperial order, and generative of the very practices that came to characterize colonial expansion and governance.

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36

Subramony, Dr R. "Role of Sufi Saints in North –Western India." IJOHMN (International Journal online of Humanities) 5, no. 1 (February 14, 2019): 24. http://dx.doi.org/10.24113/ijohmn.v5i1.113.

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The eighteenth century in Indian History is characterized as an epoch of political anarchy and social chaos that spread unchecked in the wake of the collapse of the Mughal empire. But disintegration of the imperial center and its administrative institutions did not produce any profound effect on the pre-existing pluralistic socio-cultural structure, which was distinguished by widespread Hindu-Muslim unity and culture syncretism in northern India.

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37

Washbrook, David. "India in the early modern world economy: modes of production, reproduction and exchange." Journal of Global History 2, no. 1 (May 2007): 87–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1740022807002057.

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India played a leading role in the growth of the early modern world economy. Yet its historiography has been dominated by forebodings of the colonial conquest and decline, which were to overtake it at the end of the eighteenth century. This essay seeks to explore the strengths rather than weaknesses of the Indian economy between the sixteenth and eighteenth centuries when the goods which it produced were in heavy demand in Asia, Africa, Europe and the Americas. However, it also points to ways in which specific features of India’s commercial development created vulnerabilities to conquest from overseas, which would be exploited later on.

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38

Wright, C. J. "An Eastern Perspective: the Society of Antiquaries and Indian Antiquities in the 1780s." Antiquaries Journal 91 (May 31, 2011): 195–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003581511000060.

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AbstractThough Britain was the predominant European power in India from the middle of the eighteenth century, British scholars at first lagged behind their European contemporaries in the study of Indian antiquities. There were, quite simply, no British counterparts to such celebrated figures as Abraham Hyacinthe Anquetil-Duperron and Carsten Niebuhr. This paper investigates the efforts made by the Society of Antiquaries of London to remedy this situation, as demonstrated in particular by the publication of two early eighteenth-century accounts of the cave temples at Kanheri and Elephanta near Bombay in volume 7 (1785) of the Society's journal, Archaeologia. It argues that the impetus for the Society's efforts was provided by its Director, Richard Gough, who had family reasons for an interest in India and the East, but that the Society's role was largely superseded when Sir William Jones founded the Asiatick Society of Bengal.

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39

SAHAI, NANDITA PRASAD. "Crafts and Statecraft in Eighteenth Century Jodhpur." Modern Asian Studies 41, no. 4 (January 11, 2007): 683–722. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x0600237x.

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This essay argues that too much of scholarship on state formation in late pre-colonial India has displayed an elitist bias and focused exclusively on the activities and concerns of upper-caste ruling groups alone. Building upon recent trends that have brought into view the roles of a greater diversity of groups, this article explores the agentive role of the crafts and artisan communities in the state formation of Jodhpur during the eighteenth century. This was a period when the Rathor rulers of Jodhpur were unable to rely on the external support of the Mughal Empire and felt compelled to forge alliances with new groups who, perhaps, were previously marginal to political processes in the region. This, of course, did not dissolve the difficult and often exploitative conditions under which artisans worked, and though their agency was more reactive than creative, it did serve to define and limit the levels of state appropriations in revenues and labour.

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ROY, TIRTHANKAR. "Economic History of Early Modern India:A response." Modern Asian Studies 49, no. 5 (June 4, 2015): 1657–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x14000602.

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The review article onEconomic History of Early Modern India(Routledge, London, 2013;Economic Historyfrom now on) by Shami Ghosh is both a review of the book and a series of arguments about how eighteenth-century Indian history should be interpreted. These arguments suggest a few hypotheses about the pattern of economic change in this time (1707–1818), which are presented as an alternative to what the book thinks it is possible to claim, given the current state of knowledge. In pursuing the second objective, which is to seek fresh interpretation, Ghosh recommends reconnecting Indian regions with global economic history more firmly than is in evidence in the book. Overall, the article subjects the book to a close reading, and outlines a research programme that will surely help further the discourse on the eighteenth century.

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Chaudhury, Sushil. "Trade, Bullion and Conquest Bengal in the Mid-eighteenth Century." Itinerario 15, no. 2 (July 1991): 21–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300006367.

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The British conquest of Bengal at Plassey, in June 1757, was one of the most significant developments in the eighteenth century. Plassey indeed laid the foundation of the British empire in India. Bengal was the springboard from which the British spread in different directions and ultimately conquered other parts of India. Hence it is imperative to examine closely the background of and the circumstances leading to the conquest. As I have already analysed some aspects of the question elsewhere, in this paper I shall confine myself to the more crucial ones, especially those raised in recent writings and which, strangely enough, tend to perpetuate the traditional explanation of the British conquest of Bengal.

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Irschick, Eugene F. "Order and Disorder in Colonial South India." Modern Asian Studies 23, no. 3 (July 1989): 459–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00009513.

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Recently, we have come to see that the perceptions which we had of the decay and destruction of India in the eighteenth century were more than anything else a product of British writing which sought consciously or unconsciously to magnify and color the changes which took place in the eighteenth century to enhance the magnitude of their own ‘achievements’ from then onwards. ‘achievements’ from then onwards. Secondly, we have come to see the interaction of British desires for political security on the one hand and a steady income from land and other taxes as producing a situation first of depression in the first half of the nineteenth century and later of gradual underdevelopment at the end of the nineteenth and the beginning of the twentieth. It is therefore possible now to understand the unwillingness of the British administration in India to engage in any large-scale developmental activity which would upset the political balance which the British had established early in their relationship with landed and mercantile groups in the area. In this essay, I should like to address the connection between British support for landed groups in the agrarian area outside of Madras on the one hand and the colonial ‘discovery’ and reinforcement of traditions on the other, to understand both the nature of colonial control strategies and the genesis of Indian revivalism.

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White, David L. "From Crisis to Community Definition: The Dynamics of Eighteenth-Century Parsi Philanthropy." Modern Asian Studies 25, no. 2 (May 1991): 303–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00010696.

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India's Parsis as a group have long been noted for their entrepreneurial talent. Parsis have played an important role in the growth of Indian industry in the nineteenth century, pioneering cotton textile industries in western India. Parsis were first described by early European visitors like J. Ovington as the principal weavers of Gujarat who worked primarily in ‘silks and stuffs’. In the late seventeenth century, Parsis began to participate in trade as ‘a large number of Parsi merchants began to operate in Swally and some of them like Asa Vora bought pinnaces (small coastal ships) to transport their goods to Basra and other ports in the area.’

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44

NADRI, GHULAM A. "Sailors,Zielverkopers, and the Dutch East India Company: The maritime labour market in eighteenth-century Surat." Modern Asian Studies 49, no. 2 (September 9, 2014): 336–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x13000449.

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AbstractIn the second half of the eighteenth century, the Dutch East India Company (VOC) employed hundreds of Indian sailors in Surat in western India to man its ships plying the Asian waters. TheMoorse zeevarenden(Muslim sailors) performed a variety of tasks on board ships and in the port of Batavia, and made it possible for the Company to carry out its commercial ventures across the Indian Ocean. The relationship between the two, however, was rather complex and even contentious. Based on Dutch sources, this article investigates the political-economic contexts of this relationship, examines the structure and organization of the maritime labour market in Surat, and illuminates the role and significance ofzielverkopers(labour contractors) and of the local administration. The analysis of the social, economic, and familial aspects of the market and labour relations in Surat sheds light on pre-capitalist forms of labour recruitment and the institutional dynamics of the Indian labour market.

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Bate, Bernard. "Shifting subjects: elocutionary revolution and democracy in eighteenth-century America and twentieth-century India." Language & Communication 24, no. 4 (October 2004): 339–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.langcom.2004.01.002.

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46

Bhattacharya, Swagata. "The Influence of Indian Philosophy on French Romanticism." International Journal of English and Comparative Literary Studies 2, no. 4 (July 20, 2021): 14–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.47631/ijecls.v2i4.246.

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France’s connection to India dates back to the seventeenth century when the French came to establish trading relations with India and neighboring countries. Even in the heydays of Enlightenment, France, the champion and cradle of Reason and Rationality in Europe, was looking for an alternative and philosophers like Rousseau, Diderot and Voltaire looked towards India as a source of inspiration. That tradition was continued by the French Romantics who were even more influenced and inspired by Indian philosophy and wanted to change the course of French literature with the help of it. This paper aims to explore literary transactions between India and France culminating in the movement called Romanticism in French literature. The paper shall trace the trajectory of how Indian philosophy and thought traveled to Europe in the form of texts and influenced the works of the French from Voltaire in the eighteenth century to Jules Bois in the twentieth. The central argument of this diachronic study, based on the theory of influence, is to prove how significant the role of India and her literary/religious texts have been in the context of the Romantic Movement in French literature in the nineteenth century.

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Dudney, Arthur. "Sabk-e Hendi and the Crisis of Authority in Eighteenth-Century Indo-Persian Poetics." Journal of Persianate Studies 9, no. 1 (June 8, 2016): 60–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18747167-12341294.

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Modern debates over the merits of the so-called Indian Style (Sabk-e Hendi) in Persian literature, which was dominant from the late sixteenth to early nineteenth centuries, have been based on problematic assumptions about how literary style is tied to place. Scholars have often therefore interpreted the Persian literary criticism of the first half of the eighteenth century as a contest between Indians who praised Persian texts written in India and Iranians who asserted their privilege as native speakers to denigrate them. A more nuanced reading suggests that the debates mainly addressed stylistic temporality, namely the value of the writing styles of the “Ancients” (motaqaddemin) versus the innovative style of the “Moderns” (motaʾakhkherin). In the thought of the Indian critic Serāj al-Din ʿAli Khān Ārzu (d. 1756), there is clear evidence of a perceived rupture in literary culture that we can call a “crisis of authority.” Ārzu was concerned because Persian poetry had been judged according to “sanad” or precedent, but poets—both Indian and Iranian—were composing in a relatively new style (tāza-guʾi, literally “fresh speech”) that routinely went beyond the available precedents. All poets who know Persian well, he argued, including Indians, are allowed to innovate. While there was obvious rivalry between Persian-knowing Indians and the many Central Asians and Iranians settled in India, the contemporary terms of the debate have little in common with the later nationalism-tinged framing familiar to us.

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SOUZA, GEORGE BRYAN. "Opium and the Company: Maritime Trade and Imperial Finances on Java, 1684–1796." Modern Asian Studies 43, no. 1 (January 2009): 113–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x0700337x.

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AbstractWhile trade in opium was of limited financial significance in the eighteenth century to the larger accounts of the Dutch East India Company as a whole, this article shows its critical importance to the Company's comptoir accounts at Batavia. The article examines the VOC's commercial operations at Batavia in the eighteenth century and places opium trade and opium revenues within that larger context. It examines how the trade in Bengal opium through Batavia changed over time, based on a statistical analysis of the Company's accounts. These results show that opium dwarfed all other individual or groups of commodities that were available to the Company to sell profitably on Java and in the Indonesian Archipelago over the long eighteenth century.

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Fisher, Michael H. "Representations of India, the English East India Company, and Self by an Eighteenth-Century Indian Emigrant to Britain." Modern Asian Studies 32, no. 4 (October 1998): 891–911. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x9800314x.

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By writing about the late eighteenth-century revolution which led to the East India Company rule, members of a largely Muslim pre-colonial administrative elite in eastern India sought take control over their own history. They explained the society and ancien régime of India, as well as themselves, to the new British rulers for whom they worked. In so doing, they strove to inform and guide the new British colonial authorities into employing them in the new administration as well as into valuing the cultural mores and bureaucratic experience which they embodied. They also wrote introspectively for the own class, trying to understand the causes of the revolution that had displaced their own traditional rulers and themselves with rule by Europeans and administrations staffed increasingly by Indians with backgrounds different from their own.

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Barendse, R. J. "History, Law and Orientalism under Portuguese Colonialism in Eighteenth-Century India." Itinerario 26, no. 1 (March 2002): 33–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300004939.

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The common narrative of the Portuguese state in India from the sixteenth to the eighteenth century is, following contemporaries like Manuel Godinho, that of the four ages of man. The development of the Estado da Índia runs from its birth during the discoveries, via its youth, the ‘golden age’ (ranging from roughly 1500 to 1520) through its maturity or, to stick with the age metaphors, its ‘silver age’ from c. 1520 to 1570 to senility, or ‘age of decline’. The decline is a long one though: now generally considered to start in 1570 and covering the following two centuries. And one may well wonder whether ‘decadênria’ is truly the appropriate way to approach such a long period.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Eighteenth century India'

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