Journal articles on the topic 'Egyptians – Warfare'

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1

Fiizha, Berliana Fatihatuz, Mohammad Robby M, and Rizky Apria Bakti. "Dinamika Perkembangan Kebudayaan di Persia dan Mesir Kuno." SINDANG: Jurnal Pendidikan Sejarah dan Kajian Sejarah 2, no. 2 (June 29, 2020): 159–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.31540/sindang.v2i2.789.

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The ancient persians and egyptians were known as the originators and beginnings of modern civilization today in the world, from these two civilizations close to the great rivers. Early in its civilization, Persia developed through warfare and conquest of other areas without war powers and fertile areas the expansion of territory was the only way to make progress. The education of the era was still one of harsh military education and extremely high discipline, because the persians were the main military force to conquer the land rather than technological or scientific advancement. The ancient egyptians are enjoyed a greater cultural and educational culture than the persians because military forces of both land and sea are rather popular. The ancient egyptians were extremely wealthy, supported by natural resources, because they lived along the Nile's regular flood course and caused the region around the river to become fertile and suitable for cultivation.
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Shahin, Mohamed Hossam A., Larisa H. Cavallari, Minoli A. Perera, Sherief I. Khalifa, Anne Misher, Taimour Langaee, Shitalben Patel, et al. "VKORC1 Asp36Tyr geographic distribution and its impact on warfarin dose requirements in Egyptians." Thrombosis and Haemostasis 109, no. 06 (2013): 1045–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1160/th12-10-0789.

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SummaryThe VKORC1 Asp36Tyr single nucleotide polymorphism (SNP) is one of the most promising predictors of high warfarin dose, but data on its population prevalence is incomplete. We determined the frequency of this SNP in participants from seven countries on four continents and investigated its effect on warfarin dose requirement. One thousand samples were analysed to define the population prevalence of this SNP. Those samples included individuals from Egypt, Ghana, Sudan, Kenya, Saudi Arabia, Peru and African Americans from the United States. A total of 206 Egyptian samples were then used to investigate the effect of this SNP on warfarin dose requirements. This SNP was most frequent among Kenyans and Sudanese, with a minor allele frequency (MAF) of 6% followed by Saudi Arabians and Egyptians with a MAF of 3% and 2.5%, respectively. It was not detected in West Africans, based on our data from Ghana, and a large cohort of African Americans. Egyptian carriers of the VKORC1 Tyr36 showed higher warfarin dose requirement (57.1 ± 29.4 mg/week) than those with the Asp36Asp genotype (35.8 ± 16.6 mg/week; p=0.03). In linear regression analysis, this SNP had the greatest effect size among the genetic factors (16.6 mg/week increase in dose per allele), and improved the warfarin dose variability explained in Egyptians (model R2 from 31% to 36.5%). The warfarin resistant VKORC1 Asp36Tyr appears to be confined to north-eastern Africa and nearby Middle-Eastern populations, but in those populations where it is present, it has a significant influence on warfarin dose requirement and the percent of warfarin dose variability that can be explained.
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Selim, Tarek E., Hanan A. Azzam, Hayam R. Ghoneim, Ahmed A. Mohamed, Hossam El Wakeel, and Helmy M. Abu Bakr. "Pharmacogenetic Warfarin Dosing Algorithms: Validity in Egyptian Patients." Acta Haematologica 139, no. 4 (2018): 255–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1159/000486889.

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Background/Aims: Data from previous reports, addressing the significance of genotype-guided dosing of warfarin in Egyptian patients, are infrequent and controversial. This study is aimed at demonstrating the validity of genetic dosing algorithms in Egyptian patients on warfarin therapy. Methods: A total of 100 Egyptian patients on a stable maintenance daily dose of warfarin were enrolled. The predicted warfarin dose for each patient was calculated using the warfarin dosing table, the Gage and the International Warfarin Pharmacogenetics Consortium (IWPC) clinical algorithms and the Gage and the IWPC genetic algorithms and compared to the actual dose. The accuracy of warfarin dosing algorithms was assessed by using the linear regression analysis. Results: The most accurate model in predicting the ideal dose was the Gage genetic algorithm by R2 of 50.4% and the IWPC genetic algorithm by R2 of 42.3%, followed by the warfarin dosing table by R2 of 19.1%, and the Gage clinical algorithm by R2 of 18.9% and the least accurate was the IWPC clinical algorithm by R2 of 9.4%. Conclusions: The Gage ­genetic warfarin dosing algorithm is the best model that could be implemented in Egyptian patients starting warfarin therapy.
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4

Teeter, Emily. "Egyptian Warfare and Weapons. Ian ShawEgyptian Shabtis. Harry M. Stewart." Journal of Near Eastern Studies 57, no. 4 (October 1998): 299–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/468658.

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Zohir, Naguib, Reham Afifi, Asmaa Ahmed, Zinab Aly, Mehry Elsobekey, Heba Kareem, and Rehab Helmy. "Role of CYP2C9, VKORC1 and Calumenin Genotypes in Monitoring Warfarin Therapy: An Egyptian Study." Open Access Macedonian Journal of Medical Sciences 1, no. 1 (December 15, 2013): 76–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.3889/oamjms.2013.015.

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Background: Oral anticoagulant therapy is conditioned by environmental and genetic factors.Objectives: To verify the effect of the calumenin, cytochrome P-450 variants and VKORC1 genetic polymorphisms on the response to warfarin therapy and warfarin dose adjustment.Patients and Methods: We selected fifty warfarin treated patients with dose adjusted at INR value between 2 and 3. PCR-RFLP is used for of calumenin gene polymorphism. Insitu Hybridization was used for identification of VKORC1 promoter and CYP2C9 variants polymorphisms.Results: The warfarin dose in the patients with Calumenin and CYP2C9 genetic polymorphism was lower than the wild type gene. The warfarin dose in the patients with VKORC1 variants was statistically lower compared to that of the wild-type. The presence of combined CYP2C9 genetic variants and VKORC1 polymorphism was associated with lower warfarin dose than that the wild types.Conclusion: Calumenin (CALU) might be a new genetic factor involved in the pharmacogenetics of anticoagulant therapy.
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6

Marcinkowski, Christoph. "Paul Moses: The Saint and the Sultan: The Crusades, Islam, and Francis of Assisi’s Mission of Peace." ICR Journal 1, no. 3 (April 15, 2010): 539–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.52282/icr.v1i3.738.

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This book by Pulitzer Prize-winning New York journalist Paul Moses retells the story of a meeting that took place in the summer of 1219 during the Fifth Crusade (1213-21) between Saint Francis of Assisi - one of the best-loved saints of Catholic Christianity - and the Ayyubid Sultan al-Malik al-Kamil (r. 1218-38) in the Egyptian city of Damietta at the mouth of the Nile. In a dangerous and daring move by crossing enemy lines to advocate peace, St Francis and Malik al-Kamil shared a brief dialogue about war, peace and faith in the One God. The conversation inspired St Francis to return home with a bold challenge to his fellow Christians: to live peacefully with the Muslims despite the war between their religious leaders and to stop warfare of any kind.
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Wissa, Myriam. "The Conscription of Egyptian Christian Sailors in Medieval Muslim Naval Warfare: Taking the long view." Journal of the Middle East and Africa 8, no. 4 (October 2, 2017): 397–406. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/21520844.2017.1410763.

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Azzam, Hanan, Hossam Elwakeel, Ibrahim Awad, Reham El-Farahaty, Abdel-Hady El-Gilany, and Solafa El-Sharawy. "VKORC1 and CYP2C9 genotypes in Egyptian patients with warfarin resistance." Blood Coagulation & Fibrinolysis 27, no. 2 (March 2016): 121–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1097/mbc.0000000000000168.

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Shahin, Mohamed Hossam A., Sherief I. Khalifa, Yan Gong, Lamiaa N. Hammad, Mohamed T. H. Sallam, Mostafa El Shafey, Shawky S. Ali, Mohamed-Eslam F. Mohamed, Taimour Langaee, and Julie A. Johnson. "Genetic and nongenetic factors associated with warfarin doserequirements in Egyptian patients." Pharmacogenetics and Genomics 21, no. 3 (March 2011): 130–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1097/fpc.0b013e3283436b86.

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Bazan, Naglaa Samir, Nirmeen Ahmed Sabry, Amal Rizk, Sherif Mokhtar, and Osama Badary. "Validation of pharmacogenetic algorithms and warfarin dosing table in Egyptian patients." International Journal of Clinical Pharmacy 34, no. 6 (July 27, 2012): 837–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11096-012-9678-3.

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11

Kassem, Amira B., Asmaa M. Farrag, Dina Shafea, and Osama Mohamed Ibrahim. "Pharmacist-Managed Anticoagulation Services for Warfarin Management in Tertiary Hospitals: The Egyptian Experience." Journal of Clinical and Nursing Research 6, no. 3 (April 12, 2022): 24–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.26689/jcnr.v6i3.3844.

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Background: Warfarin is widely regarded as the main anticoagulant in lowering the risk of thromboembolism. This study used indicators to compare pharmacist-managed anticoagulation services, using a well-prepared protocol, with physician-managed anticoagulation services. Methods: A retrospective prospective pilot study was conducted to compare patient outcomes before and after transitioning patients to pharmacist-managed anticoagulation services, comparing the proportion of those with therapeutic international normalized ratio (INR), subtherapeutic INR, and supratherapeutic INR, as well as their bleeding occurrences as indicators of assuring quality care. Results: A significant improvement in anticoagulation management was noted in the transition to pharmacist-managed anticoagulation services. The proportion of those with subtherapeutic INR decreased from 61.8% to 11.8% (p < 0.001), those with supratherapeutic INR decreased from 20.6% to 2.9% (p < 0.001), those with therapeutic INR increased from 17.6% to 85.3% (p < 0.001), and the occurrence of bleeding decreased from 11.8% to 0.0%, without significant difference in warfarin doses (median from 4 before the transition to 5 after); in addition, the time to reach therapeutic INR decreased from 12-24 weeks to 2-8 weeks after transitioning to pharmacist-managed anticoagulation services. Conclusion: Pharmacist-managed anticoagulation services are considered safer and more effective than physician-managed anticoagulation services alone in terms of patients’ adherence and satisfaction, which provide an excellent opportunity for quality assurance care.
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Anđelković, Branislav. "The Molding Power of Ideology: Political Transformations of Predynastic Egypt." Issues in Ethnology and Anthropology 9, no. 3 (February 26, 2016): 713. http://dx.doi.org/10.21301/eap.v9i3.9.

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Ideological “patterns of continuity”, archaeologically perceivable as early as Naqada I, that constitute the most distinctive hallmarks of nascent Egyptian civilization, are, to a great extent, defined by the concept of Divine Ruler, as a charismatic amalgam of sacral authority, ideological values, economic and military power. Divine Kingship, “presiding over everything”, seems to be a key ideological issue in the rapid political transformation of Predynastic Egypt. A cyclic “sense of order” promulgated by annual Nile flooding, and underlying conceptualized “cosmological relations”, joined with the might of a victorious ruler and his brandished mace, molded the Naqadian social tissue of relationships, obligations and behavior, that in their turn justified warfare to obtain any valued resource, enhanced territorial expansion, and eventually enabled full political consolidation. A complex, multi-layered social construct of display-oriented and power-concerned relations and set of values clearly distinguished Naqada culture practices and traditions – both in Upper and from Naqada IIC onwards Lower Egypt – from the Delta communities with their vanishing lifestyle. The constant expansion of Naqada culture and its collective identity irreversibly transformed the political landscape of Predynastic Egypt.
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13

Bedewy, Ahmed M. L., Salah Showeta, Mostafa Hasan Mostafa, and Lamia Saeed Kandil. "The Influence of CYP2C9 and VKORC1 Gene Polymorphisms on the Response to Warfarin in Egyptians." Indian Journal of Hematology and Blood Transfusion 34, no. 2 (September 27, 2016): 328–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12288-016-0725-4.

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Hassouna, Amira, Engy Hefnawy, Sahar El Shafie, and Maged Zein ElDin. "Cytochrome-P450 2C9 Polymorphisms: Contribution to Warfarin Sensitivity and Prevalence in Egyptian Population." Bulletin of Egyptian Society for Physiological Sciences 26, no. 2 (December 1, 2006): 177–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.21608/besps.2006.37542.

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15

Shamma, Samir Nabhan, Faten Farouk, and Hassan Azzazy. "Understanding Preanalytical Factors Affecting INR Results in Egyptian Patients on Maintenance Warfarin Therapy." American Journal of Clinical Pathology 150, suppl_1 (September 21, 2018): S64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ajcp/aqy092.157.

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16

Boyce, Mary. "Priests, cattle and men." Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 50, no. 3 (October 1987): 508–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0041977x00039483.

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It is about three-quarters of a century since themaryannu(maryanni) of Mitanni and its dependencies, appearing in Hittite and Egyptian records of the second millennium B.C., were first discussed in connexion with the IndoIranians. In 1910 H. Winckler interpreted the word as a title belonging to Aryan infiltrators from the north, who had come to form an aristocracy among the Hurrians; and he recorded the suggestion by F. C. Andreas connecting it with Vedicmárya‘ young man, man, hero ’. Subsequently W. F. Albright presented a carefully documented case for considering themaryannuto be primarily ‘chariot-warriors’, arguing that from about 1700 to 1200 B.C. ‘chariots played the same role in warfare that cavalry did later, and the chariot-warriors occupied the same social position that was held by the⃛ feudal knights of the Middle Ages’. He further pointed out, with regard to Vedicmárya, that a semantic development from ‘young man’ to ‘warrior’ is widely attested. Thereafter R. T. O'Callaghan adduced yet more evidence from Egyptian and cuneiform sources to confirm that ‘from the mid-fifteenth century to the midtwelfth century B.C., and from the Mitanni kingdom down through Palestine beyond Ascalon, the termmaryannuis to be understood primarily as a noble who is a chariot-warrior’. The area was one where Indo-Aryan names occur at about the same period; and in the fourteenth-century Kikkuli treatise from Boghaz-köy, on the training of chariot-horses, Indo-Aryan technical terms appear. There were solid grounds therefore for thinking that Indo-Aryans, bringing with them horses from the Asian steppes, had played a leading part in developing chariotry in the Near East at that time, and that it was this which enabled a group of them to become locally dominant there.
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Hamadeh, IS, MH Shahin, SM Lima, F. Oliveira, L. Wilson, SI Khalifa, TY Langaee, RM Cooper‐DeHoff, LH Cavallari, and JA Johnson. "Impact of GGCX, STX1B and FPGS Polymorphisms on Warfarin Dose Requirements in European‐Americans and Egyptians." Clinical and Translational Science 9, no. 1 (January 19, 2016): 36–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/cts.12385.

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Zohir, Naguib. "Role of CYP2C9, VKORC1 and Calumenin Genotypes in Monitoring Warfarin Therapy: An Egyptian Study." Macedonian Journal of Medical Sciences 6, no. 4 (December 15, 2013): 414–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.3889/mjms.1857-5773.2013.0336.

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Bedewy, Ahmed M. L., Salah A. Sheweita, Mostafa Hasan Mostafa, and Lamia Saeed Kandil. "Correction to: The Influence of CYP2C9 and VKORC1 Gene Polymorphisms on the Response to Warfarin in Egyptians." Indian Journal of Hematology and Blood Transfusion 34, no. 2 (March 19, 2018): 337. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12288-018-0946-9.

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Moreno García, Juan Carlos. "Elusive “Libyans”: Identities, Lifestyles and Mobile Populations in NE Africa (late 4th–early 2nd millennium BCE)." Journal of Egyptian History 11, no. 1-2 (October 8, 2018): 147–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18741665-12340046.

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Abstract The term “Libyan” encompasses, in fact, a variety of peoples and lifestyles living not only in the regions west of the Nile Valley, but also inside Egypt itself, particularly in Middle Egypt and the Western Delta. This situation is reminiscent of the use of other “ethnic” labels, such as “Nubian,” heavily connoted with notions such as ethnic homogeneity, separation of populations across borders, and opposed lifestyles. In fact, economic complementarity and collaboration explain why Nubians and Libyans crossed the borders of Egypt and settled in the land of the pharaohs, to the point that their presence was especially relevant in some periods and regions during the late 3rd and early 2nd millennium BCE. Pastoralism was just but one of their economic pillars, as trading activities, gathering, supply of desert goods (including resins, minerals, and vegetal oils) and hunting also played an important role, at least for some groups or specialized segments of a particular social group. While Egyptian sources emphasize conflict and marked identities, particularly when considering “rights of use” over a given area, collaboration was also crucial and beneficial for both parts. Finally, the increasing evidence about trade routes used by Libyans points to alternative networks of circulation of goods that help explain episodes of warfare between Egypt and Libyan populations for their control.
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Ekladious, Sherif M. M., Marianne Samir M. Issac, Sahar Abd El-Atty Sharaf, and Hazem S. Abou-Youssef. "Validation of a Proposed Warfarin Dosing Algorithm Based on the Genetic Make-Up of Egyptian Patients." Molecular Diagnosis & Therapy 17, no. 6 (July 10, 2013): 381–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s40291-013-0046-3.

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Elsisi, Gihan H., Randa Eldessouki, Zoltan Kalo, Mohamed M. Elmazar, Ahmed S. Taha, Basma F. Awad, and Manal H. El-Hamamsy. "Cost-Effectiveness of the Combined Use of Warfarin and Low-Dose Aspirin versus Warfarin Alone in Egyptian Patients with Aortic Valve Replacements: A Markov Model." Value in Health Regional Issues 4 (September 2014): 24–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.vhri.2014.06.004.

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Kamal El-Din, Mennat-Allah, Marwa Salah Farhan, Randa Ibrahim El Shiha, Rania Mohammed Helmy El-Kaffas, and Somaia Mohammed Mousa. "Frequency of CYP2C9 and VKORC1 Gene Polymorphisms and Their Influence on Warfarin Dose in Egyptian Pediatric Patients." Pediatric Drugs 16, no. 4 (May 6, 2014): 337–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s40272-014-0073-5.

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Bazan, N. S., N. A. Sabry, A. Rizk, S. Mokhtar, and O. A. Badary. "Factors affecting warfarin dose requirements and quality of anticoagulation in adult Egyptian patients: role of gene polymorphism." Irish Journal of Medical Science 183, no. 2 (June 27, 2013): 161–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11845-013-0978-y.

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Dobanovacki, Dusanka, Ljiljana Milovanovic, Andjelka Slavkovic, Milanka Tatic, Skeledzija Miskovic, Svetlana Skoric-Jokic, and Marija Pecanac. "Surgery before common era (B.C.E.)." Archive of Oncology 20, no. 1-2 (2012): 28–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/aoo1202028d.

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Based on skeleton examination, cave-paintings and mummies the study of prehistoric medicine tells that the surgical experience dated with skull trepanning, male circumcision and warfare wound healing. In prehistoric tribes, medicine was a mixture of magic, herbal remedy, and superstitious beliefs practiced by witch doctors. The practice of surgery was first recorded in clay tablets discovered in ancient rests of Mesopotamia, translation of which has nowadays been published in Diagnoses in Assyrian and Babylonian Medicine. Some simple surgical procedures were performed like puncture and drainage, scraping and wound treatment. The liability of physicians who performed surgery was noted in a collection of legal decisions made by Hammurabi about the principles of relationship between doctors and patients. Other ancient cultures had also had surgical knowledge including India, China and countries in the Middle East. The part of ancient Indian ayurvedic system of medicine devoted to surgery Sushruta Samhita is a systematized experience of ancient surgical practice, recorded by Sushruta in 500 B.C.E. Ancient Indian surgeons were highly skilled and familiar with a lot of surgical procedures and had pioneered plastic surgery. In the ancient Egyptian Empire medicine and surgery developed mostly in temples: priests were also doctors or surgeons, well specialized and educated. The Edwin Smith Papyrus, the world?s oldest surviving surgical text, was written in the 17th century B.C.E., probably based on material from a thousand years earlier. This papyrus is actually a textbook on trauma surgery, and describes anatomical observation and examination, diagnosis, treatment, and prognosis of numerous injuries in detail. Excavated mummies reveal some of the surgical procedures performed in the ancient Egypt: excision of the tumors, puncture and drainage pus abscesses, dentistry, amputation and even skull trepanation, always followed by magic and spiritual procedures. Various types of instruments were innovated, in the beginning made of stone and bronze, later of iron. Under the Egyptian influence, surgery was developed in ancient Greece and in Roman Empire. Prosperity of surgery was mostly due to practice in treating numerous battlefield injuries. Records from the pre-Hippocrates period are poor, but after him, according to many writings, medicine and surgery became a science, medical schools were formed all over the Mediterranean, and surgeons were well-trained professionals. Ancient surgery closed a chapter when Roman Empire declined, standing-by up to the 18th century when restoration of the whole medicine began.
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Ghozlan, Manal F., Dina A. Foad, Yasser W. Darwish, and Abeer A. Saad. "Impact of CYP2C9 and VKORC1 genetic polymorphisms upon warfarin dose requirements in Egyptian patients with acute coronary syndrome." Blood Coagulation & Fibrinolysis 26, no. 5 (July 2015): 499–504. http://dx.doi.org/10.1097/mbc.0000000000000272.

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Cherry, Peter. "“I’d rather my brother was a bomber than a homo”: British Muslim masculinities and homonationalism in Sally El Hosaini’s My Brother the Devil." Journal of Commonwealth Literature 53, no. 2 (January 28, 2017): 270–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021989416683761.

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Images of young British Muslim men engaging in terrorist activity or gang warfare proliferate in contemporary media. Such distortions frame Muslim males as a homogeneous and threatening presence within Britain; men who, despite living in the UK, are prone to a pathological form of masculinity supposedly inculcated by their religio-cultural background. In Terrorist Assemblages, Jasbir K. Puar develops the framework of “homonationalism” to examine the relationship between hostilities towards Muslims and growing acceptance of LGBT subjectivities in Euro-America. Puar argues that popular discourses stereotype diverse ethno-cultural groups under a distinct racialized, religiously-defined “Muslim” grouping. These Muslim “others”, recognized through racial and sartorial profiling, are assigned viewpoints that place them in opposition to the purportedly “enlightened” West. Puar shows how this dualism has been continually reproduced in cultural production, propagating the view that to be Muslim is to be axiomatically homophobic. This article assesses the extent to which homonationalism is replicated in the British film My Brother the Devil (dir. Sally El Hosaini, 2012). Set on a housing estate in Hackney, it depicts two London-born brothers of Egyptian heritage, Rash and Mo, as elder brother Rash leaves his “gangster” lifestyle after falling in love with photographer Sayid. My Brother the Devil invokes moral panics about young British Muslim men, as well as the increased visibility of homosexuality in recent UK media and cultural output, to probe connections between masculinity, sexuality, race, and class. However, this article posits that My Brother the Devil inadvertently upholds homonationalist binaries. By analysing the film, this paper contends that what Puar terms a “Muslim or gay binary” should be considered in a British context to address how certain “liberal” Muslim subjectivities are incorporated within imaginings of Britishness, at the exclusion of Muslim subjectivities that do not fit these prescriptions.
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Steenbergen, Jo Van, and Stijn Van Nieuwenhuyse. "Truth and Politics in Late Medieval Arabic Historiography: the Formation of Sultan Barsbāy’s State (1422‒1438) and the Narratives of the Amir Qurqumās al-Shaʿbānī (d. 1438)." Der Islam 95, no. 1 (March 22, 2018): 147–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/islam-2018-0006.

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Abstract: Throughout al-Ashraf Barsbāy’s reign as sultan of Mamluk Egypt and Syria (1422‒1438), one of the main performers and representatives of his expanding authority and power was the amir Qurqumās al-Shaʿbānī (d. 1438). Defeated in the power struggle that followed sultan Barsbāy’s death, Qurqumās’ career ended dramatically in his execution by order of the new sultan, al-Ẓāhir Jaqmaq (r. 1438‒1453). Whereas this amir’s rich case received substantial attention from the era’s leading Egyptian historiographers, it has so far hardly attracted any interest in modern scholarship. This article aims to remedy this, but not simply in order to pursue some detailed reconstruction of Qurqumās’ life story. It rather wishes to explore this story as a case study towards a better understanding of how extant historiographical narratives that mattered so much to Qurqumās’ contemporaries may be read in analytically more meaningful ways than traditional approaches have so far allowed for. The article therefore proposes and explores a two-tiered ‒ social and cultural ‒ method of reading contemporary historical texts as politically engaged narrative claims to historical truth. It is demonstrated how across a diverse set of narrative texts the high-profile career of the amir Qurqumās al-Shaʿbānī appears as functionally constructed around the messy relational realities of the administration of sultan Barsbāy’s justice and the performance of his warfare in Egypt, Syria, the Ḥijāz and Eastern Anatolia. It is furthermore argued that in the historiographical record of these messy realities Qurqumās’ career is made to appear through the semantics of justice and sovereignty as an agent of the legitimate and truthful political order of the formation of sultan Barsbāy’s state, but only for as long as that state existed.
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EL DIN, M. S., D. G. AMIN, S. B. RAGAB, E. E. ASHOUR, M. H. MOHAMED, and A. M. MOHAMED. "Frequency of VKORC1 (C1173T) and CYP2C9 genetic polymorphisms in Egyptians and their influence on warfarin maintenance dose: proposal for a new dosing regimen." International Journal of Laboratory Hematology 34, no. 5 (April 26, 2012): 517–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1751-553x.2012.01426.x.

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Takeda, Kazuki, Kosuke Manago, Ayuko Morita, Yusuke K. Kawai, Nobuaki Yasuo, Masakazu Sekijima, Yoshinori Ikenaka, et al. "Toxicokinetic analysis of the anticoagulant rodenticides warfarin & diphacinone in Egyptian fruit bats (Rousettus aegyptiacus) as a comparative sensitivity assessment for Bonin fruit bats (Pteropus pselaphon)." Ecotoxicology and Environmental Safety 243 (September 2022): 113971. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.ecoenv.2022.113971.

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Issac, Marianne Samir Makboul, Maggie S. El-Nahid, and Marian Youssry Wissa. "Is There a Role for MDR1, EPHX1 and Protein Z Gene Variants in Modulation of Warfarin Dosage? A Study on a Cohort of the Egyptian Population." Molecular Diagnosis & Therapy 18, no. 1 (October 3, 2013): 73–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s40291-013-0055-2.

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BREWER, DOUGLAS J. "REFERENCE WORKS ON THE ANCIENT NORTHEAST Historical Dictionary of Ancient Egyptian Warfare. By ROBERT G. MORKOT. Lanham MD: Scarecrow Press, 2004. Pp. ix+315. £46 (ISBN 0-8108-4862-7). Historical Dictionary of Ancient and Medieval Nubia. By RICHARD A. LOBBAN, JR. Lanham MD: Scarecrow Press, 2004. Pp. ix+511. £84 (ISBN 0-8108-4784-1)." Journal of African History 46, no. 2 (July 2005): 328–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853705220819.

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33

Cohen, Ariel. "Power or Ideology." American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences 22, no. 3 (July 1, 2005): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajiss.v22i3.463.

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The DebateQuestion 1: Various commentators have frequently invoked the importance of moderate Muslims and the role that they can play in fighting extremism in the Muslim world. But it is not clear who is a moderate Muslim. The recent cancellation of Tariq Ramadan’s visa to the United States, the raids on several American Muslim organizations, and the near marginalization of mainstream American Muslims in North America pose the following question: If moderate Muslims are critical to an American victory in the war on terror, then why does the American government frequently take steps that undermine moderate Muslims? Perhaps there is a lack of clarity about who the moderate Muslims are. In your view, who are these moderate Muslims and what are their beliefs and politics? AC: I would like to say from the outset that I am neither a Muslim nor a sociologist. Therefore, my remarks should be taken as those of an interested and sympathetic outsider. I do not believe at all that the American government “undermines” moderate Muslims. The problem is more complicated. Many American officials abhor engagement in religion or the politics of religion. They believe that the American Constitution separates religion and state and does not allow them to make distinctions when it comes to different interpretations of Islam. For some of them, Salafiya Islam is as good as Sufi Islam. Others do not have a sufficient knowledge base to sort out the moderates from the radicals, identify the retrograde fundamentalists, or recognize modernizers who want political Islam to dominate. This is wrong. Radical ideologies have to do more with politics and warfare than religion, and, in some extreme cases, should not enjoy the constitutional protections of freedom of religion or free speech. There is a difference between propagating a faith and disseminating hatred, violence, or murder. The latter is an abuse and exploitation of faith for political ends, and should be treated as such. For example, the racist Aryan Nation churches were prosecuted and bankrupted by American NGOs and the American government. One of the problems is that the American government allows radical Muslims who support terrorism to operate with impunity in the United States and around the world, and does very little to support moderate Muslims, especially in the conflict zones. To me, moderate Muslims are those who do not view the “greater jihad” either as a pillar of faith or as a predominant dimension thereof. A moderate is one who is searching for a dialogue and a compromise with people who adhere to other interpretations of the Qur’an, and with those who are not Muslim. Amoderate Sunni, for example, will not support terror attacks on Shi`ahs or Sufis, or on Christians, Jews, or Hindus. Moderate Muslims respect the right of individuals to disagree, to worship Allah the way they chose, or not to worship – and even not to believe. Amoderate Muslim is one who is willing to bring his or her brother or sister to faith by love and logic, not by mortal threats or force of arms. Amoderate Muslim decries suicide bombings and terrorist “operations,” and abhors those clerics who indoctrinate toward, bless, and support such atrocities. The list of moderate Muslims is too long to give all or even a part of it here. Shaykh Muhammad Hisham Kabbani (chairman of the Islamic Supreme Council of America) and Sheikh Abdul Hadi Palazzi (secretarygeneral of the Rome-based Italian Muslim Association) come to mind. Ayatollah Ali Sistani may be a moderate, but I need to read more of his teachings. As the Wahhabi attacks against the Shi`ah escalate, Shi`i clerics and leaders are beginning to speak up. Examples include Sheikh Agha Jafri, a Westchester-based Pakistani Shi`ah who heads an organization called the Society for Humanity and Islam in America, and Tashbih Sayyed, a California-based Pakistani who serves as president of the Council for Democracy and Tolerance. I admire the bravery of Amina Wadud, a female professor of Islamic studies at Virginia Commonwealth University who led a mixed-gender Friday Islamic prayer service, according to Mona Eltahawy’s op-ed piece in The Washington Post on Friday, March 18, 2005 (“A Prayer Toward Equality”). Another brave woman is the co-founder of the Progressive Muslim Union of America, Sarah Eltantawi. And the whole world is proud of the achievements of Judge Shirin Ebadi, the Iranian human rights lawyer who was awarded the Nobel peace prize in 2003. There is a problem with the first question, however. It contains several assumptions that are debatable, to say the least, if not outright false. First, it assumes that Tariq Ramadan is a “moderate.” Nevertheless, there is a near-consensus that Ramadan, while calling for ijtihad, is a supporter of the Egyptian Ikhwan al-Muslimin [the Muslim Brotherhood] and comes from that tradition [he is the grandson of its founder, Hasan al-Banna]. He also expressed support for Yusuf al-Qaradawi (and all he stands for) on a BBC TVprogram, and is viewed as an anti-Semite. He also rationalizes the murder of children, though apparently that does not preclude the European Social Forum from inviting him to be a member. He and Hasan al-Turabi, the founder of the Islamic state in Sudan, have exchanged compliments. There are numerous reports in the media, quoting intelligence sources and ex-terrorists, that Ramadan associates with the most radical circles, including terrorists. In its decision to ban Ramadan, the United States Department of Homeland Security was guided by a number of issues, some of them reported in the media and others classified. This is sufficient for me to believe that Ramadan may be a security risk who, in the post-9/11 environment, could reasonably be banned from entering the United States.1 Second, the raids on “American Muslim organizations” are, in fact, a part of law enforcement operations. Some of these steps have had to do with investigations of terrorist activities, such as the alleged Libyan conspiracy to assassinate Crown Prince Abdullah of Saudi Arabia. Others focused on American Islamist organizations that were funding the terrorist activities of groups on the State Department’s terrorism watch list, such as Hamas. To say that these criminal investigations are targeting moderate Islam is like saying that investigating pedophile priests undermines freedom of religion in the United States. Finally, American Muslims are hardly marginalized. They enjoy unencumbered religious life and support numerous non-governmental organizations that often take positions highly critical of domestic and foreign policy – something that is often not the case in their countries of origin. There is no job discrimination – some senior Bush Administration officials, such as Elias A. Zerhouni, head of the National Institutes of Health (NIH), are Muslims. American presidents have congratulated Muslims on religious holidays and often invite Muslim clergymen to important state functions, such as the funeral of former president Ronald Reagan.
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34

Cohen, Ariel. "Power or Ideology." American Journal of Islam and Society 22, no. 3 (July 1, 2005): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v22i3.463.

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Abstract:
The DebateQuestion 1: Various commentators have frequently invoked the importance of moderate Muslims and the role that they can play in fighting extremism in the Muslim world. But it is not clear who is a moderate Muslim. The recent cancellation of Tariq Ramadan’s visa to the United States, the raids on several American Muslim organizations, and the near marginalization of mainstream American Muslims in North America pose the following question: If moderate Muslims are critical to an American victory in the war on terror, then why does the American government frequently take steps that undermine moderate Muslims? Perhaps there is a lack of clarity about who the moderate Muslims are. In your view, who are these moderate Muslims and what are their beliefs and politics? AC: I would like to say from the outset that I am neither a Muslim nor a sociologist. Therefore, my remarks should be taken as those of an interested and sympathetic outsider. I do not believe at all that the American government “undermines” moderate Muslims. The problem is more complicated. Many American officials abhor engagement in religion or the politics of religion. They believe that the American Constitution separates religion and state and does not allow them to make distinctions when it comes to different interpretations of Islam. For some of them, Salafiya Islam is as good as Sufi Islam. Others do not have a sufficient knowledge base to sort out the moderates from the radicals, identify the retrograde fundamentalists, or recognize modernizers who want political Islam to dominate. This is wrong. Radical ideologies have to do more with politics and warfare than religion, and, in some extreme cases, should not enjoy the constitutional protections of freedom of religion or free speech. There is a difference between propagating a faith and disseminating hatred, violence, or murder. The latter is an abuse and exploitation of faith for political ends, and should be treated as such. For example, the racist Aryan Nation churches were prosecuted and bankrupted by American NGOs and the American government. One of the problems is that the American government allows radical Muslims who support terrorism to operate with impunity in the United States and around the world, and does very little to support moderate Muslims, especially in the conflict zones. To me, moderate Muslims are those who do not view the “greater jihad” either as a pillar of faith or as a predominant dimension thereof. A moderate is one who is searching for a dialogue and a compromise with people who adhere to other interpretations of the Qur’an, and with those who are not Muslim. Amoderate Sunni, for example, will not support terror attacks on Shi`ahs or Sufis, or on Christians, Jews, or Hindus. Moderate Muslims respect the right of individuals to disagree, to worship Allah the way they chose, or not to worship – and even not to believe. Amoderate Muslim is one who is willing to bring his or her brother or sister to faith by love and logic, not by mortal threats or force of arms. Amoderate Muslim decries suicide bombings and terrorist “operations,” and abhors those clerics who indoctrinate toward, bless, and support such atrocities. The list of moderate Muslims is too long to give all or even a part of it here. Shaykh Muhammad Hisham Kabbani (chairman of the Islamic Supreme Council of America) and Sheikh Abdul Hadi Palazzi (secretarygeneral of the Rome-based Italian Muslim Association) come to mind. Ayatollah Ali Sistani may be a moderate, but I need to read more of his teachings. As the Wahhabi attacks against the Shi`ah escalate, Shi`i clerics and leaders are beginning to speak up. Examples include Sheikh Agha Jafri, a Westchester-based Pakistani Shi`ah who heads an organization called the Society for Humanity and Islam in America, and Tashbih Sayyed, a California-based Pakistani who serves as president of the Council for Democracy and Tolerance. I admire the bravery of Amina Wadud, a female professor of Islamic studies at Virginia Commonwealth University who led a mixed-gender Friday Islamic prayer service, according to Mona Eltahawy’s op-ed piece in The Washington Post on Friday, March 18, 2005 (“A Prayer Toward Equality”). Another brave woman is the co-founder of the Progressive Muslim Union of America, Sarah Eltantawi. And the whole world is proud of the achievements of Judge Shirin Ebadi, the Iranian human rights lawyer who was awarded the Nobel peace prize in 2003. There is a problem with the first question, however. It contains several assumptions that are debatable, to say the least, if not outright false. First, it assumes that Tariq Ramadan is a “moderate.” Nevertheless, there is a near-consensus that Ramadan, while calling for ijtihad, is a supporter of the Egyptian Ikhwan al-Muslimin [the Muslim Brotherhood] and comes from that tradition [he is the grandson of its founder, Hasan al-Banna]. He also expressed support for Yusuf al-Qaradawi (and all he stands for) on a BBC TVprogram, and is viewed as an anti-Semite. He also rationalizes the murder of children, though apparently that does not preclude the European Social Forum from inviting him to be a member. He and Hasan al-Turabi, the founder of the Islamic state in Sudan, have exchanged compliments. There are numerous reports in the media, quoting intelligence sources and ex-terrorists, that Ramadan associates with the most radical circles, including terrorists. In its decision to ban Ramadan, the United States Department of Homeland Security was guided by a number of issues, some of them reported in the media and others classified. This is sufficient for me to believe that Ramadan may be a security risk who, in the post-9/11 environment, could reasonably be banned from entering the United States.1 Second, the raids on “American Muslim organizations” are, in fact, a part of law enforcement operations. Some of these steps have had to do with investigations of terrorist activities, such as the alleged Libyan conspiracy to assassinate Crown Prince Abdullah of Saudi Arabia. Others focused on American Islamist organizations that were funding the terrorist activities of groups on the State Department’s terrorism watch list, such as Hamas. To say that these criminal investigations are targeting moderate Islam is like saying that investigating pedophile priests undermines freedom of religion in the United States. Finally, American Muslims are hardly marginalized. They enjoy unencumbered religious life and support numerous non-governmental organizations that often take positions highly critical of domestic and foreign policy – something that is often not the case in their countries of origin. There is no job discrimination – some senior Bush Administration officials, such as Elias A. Zerhouni, head of the National Institutes of Health (NIH), are Muslims. American presidents have congratulated Muslims on religious holidays and often invite Muslim clergymen to important state functions, such as the funeral of former president Ronald Reagan.
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35

Caldwell, Nick. "Games R US - and Most of the Western World as Well." M/C Journal 1, no. 5 (December 1, 1998). http://dx.doi.org/10.5204/mcj.1734.

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Postmodern theory, quite rightly I think, warns us against the grand narratives of modernism; the stories that purport to show history as a progression to a present or future enlightened state. Such narratives are problematic because they produce the idea that history is somehow inevitable and fixed and perfectly knowable. I want to apply this notion of the grand narrative to a highly specific case study -- a certain genre of computer strategy games: the 'god' game, which utilises the grand narrative as a innate structuring principle. The god game is a sub-genre of the strategy game -- a genre that grew out of an analogue hobby: warfare simulations and board games. When transferred to the computer, the genre took with it many of its built-in restrictions -- "playing fields" composed of hex grids, elaborate tables charting vital statistics, and a "turn-based" playing regime. The advantages of the computer were that it could automate a machine opponent for the human player to compete against -- and it also automated the various dice rolls and charts that made the games tedious to the uninitiated. Most of these warfare simulations limited their subject matter to specific historical settings -- great battles and so on --, but the transfer to the digital medium enabled more ambitious aims. Simply put, to chart and direct the course of human history. The two first and still most famous attempts to do this were Sim City and Populous. The former put the player in the role of mayor and town planner, and charged them to build and maintain a city. The latter conferred on the player Godhood -- and placed them in charge of a small band of worshippers who had to be looked after by changing the landscape and calling down volcanoes and earthquakes on rival tribes. These games look primitive today, but they developed and refined the conceptual and visual vocabulary (particularly the "gods-eye-view" -- the sense of viewing and manipulating the events on screen from a great distance that paradoxically imparted perfect detail) that virtually all their successors would utilise. It was a game (portentously) called Civilization that would first marry the god game elements and the strategic warfare elements with a codified and modular map of human history. In it the player was directed to lead a tribe (the English, the French, the Egyptians etc) throughout human history, researching new technologies, exploring, fighting, conquering, until the space age. The final goal, the telos, was to construct a spaceship that could successfully transport the player's chosen tribe to the Alpha Centauri solar system. The choice of tribe affected a few initial starting conditions -- principally the number of beginning technologies. But other than that it assumed no overriding cultural differences or imperatives and imposed on all an ahistorically westernised path of conquest and colonialism. Historical changes and events were rendered into discrete, abstracted symbols -- monuments to build and place in a player's city. And these symbols were resolutely western -- Shakespeare's Globe, Darwin's voyage on the Beagle, the Manhattan project. I don't think it is too much to suggest that computer games such as this are highly effective tools of the hegemonic apparatus, through their seductive encoding of specific historio-political models through an entertaining front end. The time is ripe to begin to develop more sophisticated and resistant reading strategies to respond to these most beguiling of games. Citation reference for this article MLA style: Nick Caldwell. "Games R US -- and Most of the Western World as Well: The Hegemony of the Strategic Computer Game." M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 1.5 (1998). [your date of access] <http://www.uq.edu.au/mc/9812/strat.php>. Chicago style: Nick Caldwell, "Games R US -- and Most of the Western World as Well: The Hegemony of the Strategic Computer Game," M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 1, no. 5 (1998), <http://www.uq.edu.au/mc/9812/strat.php> ([your date of access]). APA style: Nick Caldwell. (1998) Games r US -- and most of the western world as well: the hegemony of the strategic computer game. M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 1(5). <http://www.uq.edu.au/mc/9812/strat.php> ([your date of access]).
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36

"Historical dictionary of ancient Egyptian warfare." Choice Reviews Online 41, no. 09 (May 1, 2004): 41–5050. http://dx.doi.org/10.5860/choice.41-5050.

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37

Wernick, Nicholas. "Slings in the Ancient Near East with Reference to the Egyptian Material." Zeitschrift für Ägyptische Sprache und Altertumskunde 96, no. 1 (January 1, 2014). http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/zaes-2014-0008.

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SummaryA survey of the sling’s composition, ammo and capabilities has not been completed despite this weapon has been known to have been used in ancient warfare contexts in the ancient Near East. By utilizing the three extant examples from the pharaonic period in Egypt, the reader will gain a better understanding of the weapon’s construction and usage. In addition, a brief analysis of the variety of sling-shot artefacts will be performed, including the torpedo-shaped shot from the fortress of Buhen. After an examination of the physical remains, the capabilities of the range of this weapon will be assessed.
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38

Quinn, Simon. "British Military Orientalism: Cross-cultural Contact with the Mamluks during the Egyptian Campaign, 1801." War in History, November 7, 2019, 096834451983730. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0968344519837303.

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This article explores how a distinctive ‘military’ orientalism developed in response to the exposure of British soldiers to an unprecedented level of cross-cultural contact with the Mamluks, a military caste of warriors, during the campaign in Egypt in 1801. It offers a contribution towards the current understanding of ‘military’ orientalism, a term coined by Patrick Porter to describe how ‘Western’ militaries have viewed ‘Eastern’ modes of warfare. While Porter’s analysis concentrates on the twentieth and twenty-first centuries, this article returns the focus to what Edward Said identified as the foundational moment in European orientalism: the French occupation of Egypt, 1798–1801.
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39

Batran, Radwa Ahmed, Nagwa Ali Sabri, Ihab Ali, and Sarah Farid Fahmy. "Cost-Effectiveness of the Pharmacist-Managed Warfarin Therapy vs. Standard Care for Patients With Mechanical Mitral Valve Prostheses: An Egyptian Healthcare Perspective." Frontiers in Cardiovascular Medicine 9 (July 13, 2022). http://dx.doi.org/10.3389/fcvm.2022.889197.

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BackgroundDespite warfarin therapy had been used for decades for patients with mechanical mitral valve prostheses (MMVPs), serious and life-threatening complications are still reported worldwide with a significant economic burden. This study is aimed at assessing the clinical and the cost-effectiveness of adopting pharmacist-managed warfarin therapy (PMWT) services for optimizing warfarin treatment in Egypt.MethodsA prospective randomized trial in which 59 patients with MMVPs were randomly assigned to receive the PMWT services or the standard care and followed up for 1 year. The primary outcome was percentage time in the therapeutic range (TTR). For the cost-effectiveness analysis, a Markov cohort process model with nine mutually exclusive health states was developed from a medical provider’s perspective. A lifetime horizon was applied. All costs and outcomes were discounted at 3.5% annually.ResultsThe study results revealed a significantly higher median TTR in the intervention group as compared to the control group; 96.8% [interquartile range (IQR) 77.9–100%] vs. 73.1% (52.7–95.1%), respectively, p = 0.008. A significant association between standard care and poor anticoagulation control (p = 0.021) was demonstrated by the multivariate regression analysis. For the cost-effectiveness analysis, the total cumulative quality-adjusted life-years (QALYs) and total costs per patient were 21.53 and 10.43; 436.38 and 1,242.25 United States dollar (USD) in the intervention and the control groups, respectively, with an incremental cost-effectiveness ratio (ICER) of −72.5796 for the intervention group.ConclusionThe PMWT strategy was proven to provide a significantly better anticoagulation control and to be a cost-saving approach in Egyptian patients with MMVPs. Nevertheless, the dominance of this strategy is sustained by maintaining the therapeutic International Normalized Ratio (INR) control within the recommended range. Our findings will benefit Egyptian policy-makers who may seek novel health strategies for better resource allocation.Clinical Trial Registration[ClinicalTrials.gov], identifier [NCT04409613].
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40

Nel, Marius. "Wêreld- en tydsbeskouing in antieke kulture." HTS Teologiese Studies / Theological Studies 59, no. 4 (November 2, 2003). http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/hts.v59i4.699.

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View of the world and time in ancient culturesThree important cultures that dominated the Ancient Near East in the three millennia BCE are investigated to delineate their world views, as well as their views of time and eternity. The aim of the article is to describe the view of the world and time in ancient cultures. The Egyptian, Mesopotamian and Vedic Indian cultures and theologies largely have the same view of the world, namely that it is an ordered unity that would keep on existing as it is known for all ages and time to come. Among these cultures there is no expectation of a world that would be made perfect, or become immutable in its perfection. They did not fantasize about a world without chaos. Chaos is the one factor that exists through all ages alongside order. Chaos is known to human beings in their daily existence in the form of warfare, drought and floods, with resultant famine. These conditions were typical of those times in areas where, with the exception of the fertile valleys alongside rivers, desert conditions otherwise prevailed and are interpreted theologically in terms of a combat between order and chaos, or between gods and demons.
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41

Moreland, Hannah. "The (Not-So) Ancient Practice of Anatomical Trophy Taking: An Emphasis on Penile Dismemberment." International Journal of Urologic History, July 1, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.53101/ijuh71218.

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Objectives Since the first known hieroglyphics showing the war trophy taking of the penis, the capacity of anatomical amputation has always been a nightmarish aspect of wars. War trophies were a prodigious aspect of war in preliterate societies and ancient Greece. Herodotus wrote that Scythian warriors would present to their king the heads of enemies to claim their share of plunder. We performed a literature search to identify instances of war-associated phallotomy in its historical perspective. Methods A review of the literature from primary military and secondary sources was undertaken to assess the aspects of warfare specific to trophy taken, its origins, and impact. Results Egyptian warriors were famed for collecting as many enemy phalluses as possible in the battle of Khesef-Tamahu. There is some evidence that they spared those enemies who were circumcised. Anthropological studies point to the practice of phallotomy in some indigenous peoples of the Americas. There are biblical accounts of phallotomy that specify foreskin status which themselves were also used for royal presentation. Phallotomy also appears to have been documented in African, Arabian, and Meospotomian cultures but continued in some form into the Second World War. Conclusions The barbarity of war may be eclipsed by additional atrocities inflicted by victor over the defeated with the collection of anatomical relics. Such war ‘trophies’ included the penis as an ultimate attempt to humiliate the vanquished
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42

Thakur, Jai Deep, Elizabeth Wild, Richard Menger, Matthew Hefner, Nimer Adeeb, Piyush Kalakoti, and Anil Nanda. "George Chance and Frank Holdsworth: Understanding Spinal Instability and the Evolution of Modern Spine Injury Classification Systems." Neurosurgery, April 16, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/neuros/nyaa081.

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Abstract The concept of spinal cord injury has existed since the earliest human civilizations, with the earliest documented cases dating back to 3000 BC under the Egyptian Empire. Howevr, an understanding of this field developed slowly, with real advancements not emerging until the 20th century. Technological advancements including the dawn of modern warfare producing mass human casualties instigated revolutionary advancement in the field of spine injury and its management. Spine surgeons today encounter “Chance” and “Holdsworth” fractures commonly; however, neurosurgical literature has not explored the history of these physicians and their groundbreaking contributions to the modern understanding of spine injury. A literature search using a historical database, Cochrane, Google Scholar, and PubMed was performed. As needed, hospitals and native universities were contacted to add their original contributions to the literature. George Quentin Chance, a Manchester-based British physician, is well known to many as an eminent radiologist of his time who described the eponymous fracture in 1948. Sir Frank Wild Holdsworth (1904-1969), a renowned British orthopedic surgeon who laid a solid foundation for rehabilitation of spinal injuries under the aegis of the Miners' Welfare Commission, described in detail the management of thoraco-lumbar junctional rotational fracture. The work of these 2 men laid the foundation for today's understanding of spinal instability, which is central to modern spine injury classification and management algorithms. This historical vignette will explore the academic legacies of Sir Frank Wild Holdsworth and George Quentin Chance, and the evolution of spinal instability and spine injury classification systems that ensued from their work.
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