Journal articles on the topic 'Egypt Foreign relations Middle East'
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1
Kural, Muzaffer, and Gökhan Erdem. "Saudi Arabia’s Foreign Policy Towards Turkey During and After Arab Uprising: A Defensive Realism Approach." Przegląd Strategiczny, no. 15 (February 15, 2023): 59–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/ps.2022.1.4.
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The Arab Uprisings in 2011 have led to redistribution of power in the Middle East. It has brought challenges and opportunities for regional powers such as Saudi Arabia and Turkey. While Turkey has perceived the developments as an opportunity to increase its influence in the region, it has created threat perceptions for Saudi Arabia’s hegemony in the Middle East. Especially, due to Turkey’s rising influence in Egypt and Syria it has been perceived as a second rival, after Iran, by Riyadh. This article argues that due to Turkey’s rising power in Egypt and Syria, Saudi Arabia’s foreign policy towards Turkey has been shifting by supporting local actors in Egypt and Syria in order to maintain the status quo. The paper aims to analyze shifts in Saudi Arabia’s foreign policy towards Turkey during and post-Arab uprisings in the Middle East in the framework of defensive realism through the regional level of analysis.
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Kelly, Elaine. "Performing Diplomatic Relations: Music and East German Foreign Policy in the Middle East during the Late 1960s." Journal of the American Musicological Society 72, no. 2 (2019): 493–540. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jams.2019.72.2.493.
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Music provided the German Democratic Republic (GDR) with a crucial international platform during the Cold War. Denied diplomatic recognition by most Western nations until the early 1970s, the state depended on artists to negotiate its image abroad and channeled considerable resources to this end. This article explores how the GDR tried to expedite diplomatic relations with Egypt, Syria, and Lebanon in the late 1960s through an intensive program of musical activity, which included attempts to send East German musical “experts” to Cairo and Damascus, and the organization of state-funded tours to the region by high-profile ensembles such as the Dresdner Philharmonie, the Rundfunk-Sinfonieorchester Leipzig, the Gewandhausorchester Leipzig, and the Deutsche Staatsoper. Examining variously the politics of cultural transfer that these activities entailed, the economics involved, and the power dynamics that played out in the relations between the GDR and Egypt, in particular, the article illuminates the way music diplomacy functioned between Cold War periphery states. Notably, cultural exchange between the GDR and the Arab nations was shaped as much by discourses of postcolonialism, anti-imperialism, and anti-Zionism as it was by any binary opposition of Marxist-Leninism and capitalist democracy.
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Bielicki, Pawel. "THE MIDDLE EAST IN YUGOSLAVIA’S FOREIGN POLICY STRATEGY IN THE 1970s." Istorija 20. veka 39, no. 2/2021 (August 1, 2021): 397–414. http://dx.doi.org/10.29362/ist20veka.2021.2.bie.397-414.
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The main purpose of this article is to present the most important conditions and variables characterizing the role of the Middle East in Yugoslavia’s foreign policy strategy in the 1970s, based on available literature and documentation. I also intend to analyze the conditions that contributed to intensifying Yugoslavia’s position in the region and led to a decrease in Yugoslavia’s importance in the Middle East in the second half of the decade. Firstly, I will describe Yugoslavia’s relations with the countries of the Middle East in 1970–1973, especially with Egypt, where Gamal Abdel Nasser, after his death, was succeeded by the country’s Vice President, Anwar Al-Sadat. It will also be important to shed light on the Yugoslav Government’s stance regarding the Middle East conflict from the point of view of the situation in Europe. Next, I will present the significance of the Yom Kippur War for Yugoslavia’s foreign policy and its implications for Belgrade’s relations with Cairo and Tel-Aviv. Moreover, it will be extremely important to explain why Yugoslavia’s importance in the Middle East gradually diminished as of the middle of the decade. In addition, I will address the issue of Yugoslav President Josip Broz-Tito’s position toward the Islamic Revolution in Iran and the fading of Yugoslavia’s interest in the region following Tito’s death and the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan. In the summary, I want to note that the period under analysis in Yugoslav-Middle Eastern relations was decisive for the country’s foreign policy and its internal situation, as Yugoslavia never again played a significant role in the Arab world.
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Al-Hamati, Mohammed Abduljalil. "Foreign economic relations between Russia and Egypt in the agricultural sphere: Problems and prospects of development[54]." RUDN Journal of Economics 30, no. 1 (March 30, 2022): 124–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-2329-2022-30-1-124-132.
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Nowadays Russia is actively developing economic cooperation with the African continent states. The article presents an analysis of trade and economic relations between Russia and Egypt. The Arab Republic of Egypt is a strategic partner of Russia in mutual trade in agricultural products and food in North Africa and the Middle East. The country is a major food importer and is a promising market for increasing the supply of agricultural products from Russia. The authors analyze: the dynamics of trade turnover in food products and agricultural raw materials between two countries; the commodity structure of exports and imports; Egypts place in Russian exports and imports of agricultural raw materials and food. The importance of the markets of the analyzed countries for mutual supplies is under authors consideration. The possibilities of development are analyzed and the problems and prospects of expanding investment cooperation between these countries in the field of agriculture are identified. The significance of the opening of the Russian Industrial Zone in Egypt for deepening trade and investment ties in the agro-industrial business is proved.
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Sapronova, M. A. "RUSSIAN-ARAB COOPERATION BEFORE AND AFTER THE "ARAB SPRING"." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 3(36) (June 28, 2014): 27–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2014-3-36-27-36.
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The article considers the main stages of the Russian- Arab economic cooperation since the beginning of the 1990s up to the present time and changing the «Middle Eastern vector» of Russian foreign policy. Analyzes the problems faced by Russia in the development of foreign policy doctrine in the region of the Arab East, becoming the successor of the Soviet Union; difficulty in building bilateral relations with Iraq, Syria, Libya, and Russia's role as a co-sponsor of the Middle East settlement. Next is considered the foreign policy in 2000 and the return of Russia to the «Greater Middle East», analyzes the problems impeding effective Russian- Arab cooperation. Special attention is paid to the strengthening of bilateral relations with the countries of the Arabian Peninsula, the implementation of joint projects in various fields and to establish a constructive dialogue with the new government of Iraq and the establishment of a sound legal framework of mutual relations. Another important direction of Russian foreign policy in the 2000s, becoming the establishment of relations with the Organization of the Islamic Conference. Simultaneously being established permanent contacts with groups «Hamas» and «Hezbollah». In the last part of the article explores the specificity of modern political, trade and economic cooperation after the events of the «Arab Spring» of 2011. Particular attention is paid to the position of Russia in relation to processes taking place in Tunisia, Egypt, Libya, Syria. The crisis in Syria has demonstrated a fundamentally different approaches to its solution by Russia and the West. Ultimately, the firm position of Russia on the Syrian issue secured her role as an important political player in the Middle East. In general, regional transformation in 2011, despite their negative consequences for the Russian-Arab economic cooperation and opened new opportunities to promote the Russian Federation for Arab markets.
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Mason, Robert. "Saudi-Iranian Relations and the Future of the Middle East." Bustan: The Middle East Book Review 12, no. 2 (December 1, 2021): 114–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/bustan.12.2.0114.
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ABSTRACT Mason explores Saudi-Iranian rivalry in the Middle East with particular reference to the growth in political contentions post-1979. He covers work by Ghattas who provides a more social perspective on the fallout from increased Saudi-Iranian rivalry from 1979, including sectarian violence from Egypt through to Pakistan, and a more policy-orientated appraisal and outline for conflict resolution between the parties provided by Fraihat. Taken together, they afford a comprehensive overview of the causes and effects of this “conflict.” For a political science scholar, it is Fraihat who tackles substantive conflict resolution issues of enduring concern: rebalancing the regional order, reforming conflict strategies, mediation, Track II diplomacy, and bottom up peace-building, which may hold the keys to shaping the next four decades in more peaceful ways than the previous four. Given the limited avenues of exploration in these areas, a partial GCC state backlash against the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) during the Obama administration, and the political consolidation underway in both states, one might despair of a breakthrough. The Biden administration represents an opportunity to at least contemplate de-escalation measures resulting from talks such as those underway in Iraq in 2021. Meanwhile, the policies of small states such as Oman and Qatar provide insights on pragmatic foreign policy behavior, some of which could be replicated by the key protagonists.
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Cavell, Janice. "Suez and After: Canada and British Policy in the Middle East, 1956–1960." Journal of the Canadian Historical Association 18, no. 1 (June 17, 2008): 157–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/018258ar.
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Abstract The Suez crisis is generally considered to be a decisive turning-point in Canada’s relations with Great Britain. Prime Minister Louis St. Laurent and Secretary of State for External Affairs Lester Pearson refused to support Britain’s military action in Egypt, choosing instead to work through the United Nations for a resolution of the conflict. It seemed that Canada was repudiating a subservient role and declaring its final independence from the mother country. However, the documentary record shows that Canadian politicians and diplomats were in fact eager to work for what they believed to be Britain’s good. In their view, Britain had temporarily lost sight of its own, and the western world’s, best interests. During the years immediately after Suez, support for British policies was a priority of Canadian diplomats, most notably Arnold Smith, Canada’s ambassador to Egypt from 1958 to 1960. Smith played an important role in the resumption of diplomatic relations between Britain and Egypt. Drawing on previously unused documents in the files of the Department of External Affairs, this paper outlines Canadian views of, and Canada’s relationship to, British policy in the Middle East during and after Suez. It demonstrates that a “colony to nation” framework is inadequate for the study of the Anglo-Canadian relationship in the years following World War II. Instead, the broader context of Cold War politics must be taken into consideration. The paper also shows that despite the surface differences between Liberal and Conservative foreign policy, there were strong elements of continuity between the St. Laurent and Diefenbaker governments.
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Pressman, Jeremy. "Power without Influence: The Bush Administration's Foreign Policy Failure in the Middle East." International Security 33, no. 4 (April 2009): 149–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/isec.2009.33.4.149.
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The administration of President George W. Bush was deeply involved in the Middle East, but its efforts did not advance U.S. national security. In the realms of counterterrorism, democracy promotion, and nonconventional proliferation, the Bush administration failed to achieve its objectives. Although the United States did not suffer a second direct attack after September 11, 2001, the terrorism situation worsened as many other countries came under attack and a new generation of terrorists trained in Iraq. Large regional powers such as Egypt and Saudi Arabia did not become more democratic, with no new leaders subject to popular mandate. The model used in Iraq of democratization by military force is risky, costly, and not replicable. Bush's policy exacerbated the problem of nuclear proliferation, expending tremendous resources on a nonexistent program in Iraq while bolstering Iran's geopolitical position. The administration failed because it relied too heavily on military force and too little on diplomacy, disregarded empiricism, and did not address long-standing policy contradictions. The case of the Bush administration makes clear that material power does not automatically translate into international influence.
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Özdamar, Özgür, and Sercan Canbolat. "Understanding New Middle Eastern Leadership: An Operational Code Approach." Political Research Quarterly 71, no. 1 (August 13, 2017): 19–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1065912917721744.
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Political Islam and Islamist organizations have broadly gained strength across the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) in the post-Cold War era. Following the Arab uprisings, the Muslim Brotherhood (MB), generally viewed as the world’s largest and most influential Islamist organization, has shaped the wider landscape of MENA politics. This study examines MB leadership by comparing M. Morsi of Egypt, R. Ghannouchi of Tunisia, and K. Meshaal of Gaza as examples of Islamist leaders to explain their political belief systems and predict their foreign-policy behavior. We use the operational code approach, a content-analysis software and statistical tests to conduct the study. Results show that the three leaders’ foreign policy beliefs are analogous to the averages of world leaders. Results also partially support the hypothesis that their foreign-policy propensities are similar to each other. We conclude that despite the conventional portrayal of MB leadership, these leaders use negotiation and cooperation to settle their differences in foreign affairs, and the best way to approach them is to engage in a Rousseauvian assurance game that emphasizes international social cooperation. Results also suggest important implications in terms of mainstream international relations theories.
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Seeberg, Peter. "The EU and Constitutionalism in Egypt: EU Foreign and Security Policy Challenges with a Special Focus on the Changing Political Setting in the MENA-region." European Foreign Affairs Review 18, Issue 3 (August 1, 2013): 411–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eerr2013025.
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The academic works on transition processes following the Arab revolts in the Middle East since the beginning of 2011 have so far mostly focused on the extraordinary character of the events which took place in Tunis, Cairo, Benghazi, etc. - attempting to explain the reasons for the in many ways surprising development in the region. This article analyses how strategic relations between the EU and Egypt are being challenged by constitutional changes in Egypt following the political development since early 2011. Initially the article describes European-Egyptian relations prior to the fall of President Hosni Mubarak by briefly going back to early contacts between the EEC and President Gamal Abdel Nasser and how more elaborate agreements developed up to recent times. Taking this historical point of departure the article characterizes the role of the EU in connection with the development since the start of the unrest in Egypt followed by an analysis of the European-Egyptian relationship over the last two years divided in three parts: Egypt and the ENP-UfM complex, the Muslim Brotherhood and the Egyptian political transformation process seen in a European perspective and finally the migration issue in the context of Egyptian-European relations. The article argues that the EU policies, which earlier have been dominated by a pragmatic approach towards the Mubarak regime, now have to be rethought considering an Egyptian polity, where the contours of a new constitutionalism are developing.
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Pavlyuk, Olesya. "The US policy toward the Islamic Republic of Iran during the Reagan administration." European Historical Studies, no. 4 (2016): 176–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2016.04.176-191.
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The foreign policy approaches and methods of establishing bilateral relations between Washington and Tehran and the actual implementation of the US “containment” policy towards Iran are analyzed in the article. The author argues that the Middle Eastern vector of US foreign policy was formed according to the three security challenges in the region and Iranian involvement in them: the Iran-Iraq War 1980-1988, the Israeli invasion of Lebanon in 1982 and the kidnapping of American hostages in Beirut 1982. Background and progress of Iran-Iraq war were the result of striking contradictions between regional and world leaders in the Middle East. In fact, since the early 1980s. this military confrontation substantially affect the US relationship with IRI. In this context, the key point was the blatant US support of the Iraq and its government. Reagan administration continued the foreign policy of J. Carter and considered the Soviet Union as the greatest threat to the Gulf region, including through military intervention in Afghanistan and its close ties with radical countries like Libya and Syria. In the Middle East, the White House has focused its efforts on negotiations on a peace treaty between Israel and Egypt in 1978. Before the revolution in 1979, Iran was crucial to US interests in the Middle East. First, as a frontline state with an extended 2000-km border with the Soviet Union, as well as a springboard for American intelligence. In addition, Iran was one of the few Muslim countries to recognize Israel, and exported oil to it. However, the after the Islamic revolution, Iran became the periphery to US priorities in the region.
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Jackson, Galen. "The Showdown That Wasn't: U.S.-Israeli Relations and American Domestic Politics, 1973–75." International Security 39, no. 4 (April 2015): 130–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/isec_a_00201.
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How influential are domestic politics on U.S. foreign affairs? With regard to Middle East policy, how important a role do ethnic lobbies, Congress, and public opinion play in influencing U.S. strategy? Answering these questions requires the use of archival records and other primary documents, which provide an undistorted view of U.S. policymakers' motivations. The Ford administration's 1975 reassessment of its approach to Arab-Israeli statecraft offers an excellent case for the examination of these issues in light of this type of historical evidence. President Gerald Ford and Secretary of State Henry Kissinger decided, in large part because of the looming 1976 presidential election, to avoid a confrontation with Israel in the spring and summer of 1975 by choosing to negotiate a second disengagement agreement between Egypt and Israel rather than a comprehensive settlement. Nevertheless, domestic constraints on the White House's freedom of action were not insurmountable and, had they had no other option, Ford and Kissinger would have been willing to engage in a showdown with Israel over the Middle East conflict's most fundamental aspects. The administration's concern that a major clash with Israel might stoke an outbreak of anti-Semitism in the United States likely contributed to its decision to back down.
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Can Donduran. "THE PERENNIAL DILEMMA OF US FOREIGN POLICY." Journal of International Studies 18 (October 16, 2022): 1–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.32890/jis2022.18.1.
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The endless struggle between two seemingly incompatible but occasionally convergent concepts, namely liberal values and national interests, has determined United States (US) foreign policy and its implementation throughout the nation’s history. Based on the neoclassical realist assumptions shored up by the methodological insights offered by the five-dimensional pre-theory of foreign policy, this article reveals a persistent dichotomy in US foreign policy through the analysis of Washington’s response to the Arab Spring uprisings in Egypt, Libya, and Syria. Throughout history, US foreign policy has had a pendular behavioral pattern, swinging across a policy spectrum ranging from moralpolitik to realpolitik. While the inherent values-interests dilemma lies at the root of the inveterate oscillation of US foreign policy, the interplay of international stimulus and societal factors stands out as the principal source of its ambivalence, if not inconsistency, in the face of the upheavals that swept across the Middle East.
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Knopek, Jacek. "Systemy parlamentarne wybranych państw arabskich i muzułmańskich w świetle notatki dla kierownictwa MSZ z 1972 r." Przegląd Politologiczny, no. 2 (June 19, 2018): 45–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/pp.2013.18.2.4.
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The paper discusses the parliamentary systems of selected Arab and Muslim countries in the Middle East and North Africa at the turn of the 1960s.The analysis concerns a document drawn up for executives in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in late 1972, with an attachment discussing the parliamentary systems of the countries of primary importance for the goals and interests of Poland. As concerns the Middle East, the parliamentary systems of Lebanon, Syria, Jordan, Iraq, Kuwait, Iran and North and South Yemen were described. In North Africa, the analysis encompassed the Maghreb region: Morocco, Algeria, Tunisia, and the Mashrek region: Egypt, Libya and Sudan.The paper concludes with a statement that the document was an accurate and faithful presentation of the parliamentary systems of representative states. Political relations in this region were developing dynamically at that time, military coups and coups d’état occurred, some states were leaning towards socialism, while maintaining their family or religious structures, while others were only just gaining their full sovereignty and independence. The situation of Israel continued to be complicated, as the state remained highly confrontational towards Arab countries. This last issue was the reason for Poland’s failing to achieve the strategic goals of its foreign policy in the Middle East and North Africa. Another Israeli-Arab war in October 1973 made Polish decision makers realize how fragile the foundations of states in the region were, preventing Poland from becoming fully involved in Arab and Muslim countries.
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Fabbrini, Sergio, and Amr Yossef. "Obama's wavering: US foreign policy on the Egyptian crisis, 2011–13." Contemporary Arab Affairs 8, no. 1 (January 1, 2015): 65–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17550912.2014.976404.
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The existing literature explains the wavering course of President Barack Obama's policy on the 2001–03 Egyptian crisis as attributed to either his personal characteristics (lack of an international experience, predisposition to sermonize rather than to strategize) or to the impact of the decline of the United States as a global superpower (inability to influence foreign actors and contexts). Although both explanations are worthy of consideration, this article seeks to demonstrate that they are insufficient when accounting for the uncertainties shown by the United States during the Egyptian crisis. Domestic factors, particularly the internally divided US political elite and a foreign policy team with different views, played a crucial intervening role in defining the features of US foreign policy. It was domestic politics that made the Obama administration ineffective in dealing with the new scenario that emerged in the Middle East and in Egypt in particular.
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Petriaiev, O. S. "STRATEGIC INTERESTS OF THE REPUBLIC OF TURKEY IN THE REGION OF THE MIDDLE EAST AND NORTH AFRICA." National Technical University of Ukraine Journal. Political science. Sociology. Law, no. 3(55) (December 21, 2022): 77–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.20535/2308-5053.2022.3(55).269555.
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The coming to power in the Republic of Turkey of Prime Minister and later President Recep Tayyip Erdogan led to a change in the ideological foundation of the state, the rejection of the ideology of Kemalism and the transition to the ideology of neo-Ottomanism with an active foreign policy in the Middle East and North Africa. The strengthening of Erdogan's power contributed to a change in Turkey's foreign policy and the development of external relations with the Islamic worlds and, first of all, with the Arab countries. The neo-Ottoman ideology has become a key element in Turkey's foreign policy strategy in the Arab region. Prerequisites for changing the foreign policy of the Republic of Turkey in the Middle East and North Africa are complex. After the political party Justice and Development came to power, it led to the desire for neo- Ottoman revanchism and the rejection of the "zero problems with neighbors" political vector. Also, through various reforms, the leader of Turkey, Recep Tayyip Erdogan, managed to neutralize the political opposition and the Turkish military, who historically were the external arbiters of Turkish political life. The strengthening of Erdogan's political position inside Turkey allowed him to change the external political course of his country. After the start of a series of revolutions in the Arab countries of the Middle East and North Africa, Turkey felt that it could regain in this region the lost political and economic positions that it had lost after the fall of the Ottoman Empire. After that, Turkey began to position itself as an important military, political and economic player in the region, competing with such countries as Israel, Egypt, Iran and Saudi Arabia. This vector of development of Turkey's foreign policy showed that the country no longer seeks to pursue a policy close to the interests of the United States and the European Union, and began to distance itself from the Western world, becoming the dominant political and military player in the Middle East, North Africa and other regions. This trend showed that the Republic of Turkey has already declared itself as a regional power that other political players need to reckon with.
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Mehdiyev, E. T. ""NEO-OTTOMANISM" IN THE REGIONAL POLICY OF TURKEY." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 2(47) (April 28, 2016): 32–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2016-2-47-32-39.
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The article is devoted to the ideology of Turkey's foreign policy. The term "neo-Ottomanism" is increasingly used in recent years in relation to the Turkish foreign policy. The concept of neo-Ottomanism, which ideology is the Prime Minister Davutoglu, implies a relationship of foreign policy of modern Turkey with the historical heritage of the Ottomans and its focus on return "last Ottoman", taking into account today's realities. The author examines this phenomenon in the context of the regional policy of Turkey in this period. The main directions of the strategy of neo are the Middle East, North Africa, Central Asia, the Caucasus, the Crimea, and the Balkans. Particular attention is paid to manifestations of neo-Ottomanism in the post-Soviet region and the Middle East, as well as "soft power" strategy in the Turkish neo-Ottomanism. Activities of Ankara in the regions belonging to the sphere of its geopolitical interests is carried out on political, economic, religious, cultural and educational levels. Rapprochement with the political and business circles of influence of countries in the region is aimed at the formation of pro-Turkish lobby. "Arab Spring" has given Turkey a historic opportunity to realize its neo-Ottoman ambitions and create a new order in the Middle East. Turkey's rapprochement with the Islamic world during the 'Arab Spring' demonstrated that Ankara supported in conjunction with the Western nations protest and opposition movements in Egypt, Libya and Tunisia, aims to demonstrate to the West the growth of its influence in the region. Mediation is used in regional conflicts Turkish leadership as an instrument of "soft power", with which Ankara aims to increase its international and regional credibility. The result of "neo-Ottoman" Turkey's policy in relations with Russia became a serious crisis in all spheres of cooperation. Strategic mistakes made by the head of the republic R. Erdogan in the settlement of the Syrian crisis, may lead to instability of the entire region. The author considers the possible directions of neo-Ottoman Turkey's policy in the studied regions in the near future.
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Pinfari, Marco. "EU Mediation in Egypt: The Limits of Reactive Conflict Management." International Negotiation 23, no. 2 (May 9, 2018): 199–217. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718069-23021157.
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AbstractThis article reviewsEU’s mediation attempts in Egypt between 2011 and 2013. After presenting the main challenges and opportunities ofEUmediation in the Middle East-North Africa (MENA) neighborhood,EUinterventions in Egypt are discussed in relation to the 25 January 2011 revolution, during the presidency of Mohammed Morsi, and after the 3 July 2013 coup d’état, focusing specifically on the choice of mediation styles and their timing. It is argued that three contextual conditions that are typical of the crises that erupt during failed democratic transitions – their fast pace, their eminently domestic nature and significant power asymmetries between the main parties involved – exacerbate the structural problems that theEUfaces when intervening in countries that are not current or potential candidates for accession. The analysis ofEUmediation styles during Egypt’s transition provides a critical perspective onEU’s foreign policy making after the Treaty of Lisbon.
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Tuhvatullin, Ayrat Halitovich, Vitaly Anatolievich Epshteyn, Pavel Vladimirovich Pichygin, and Alina Petrovna Sultanova. "Egyptian-Israeli Relations during the Government of Mohamed Morsi (2012-2013)." Cuestiones Políticas 39, no. 68 (March 7, 2021): 213–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.46398/cuestpol.3968.12.
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The article highlights the details of the foreign policy of the Arab Republic of Egypt and its impact on the regional security of the state of Israel in between 2012-2013. After the Islamists came to power, they began to dominate expectations that the political force led by Mohamed Morsi would initiate an active anti-Israel policy, however, with active anti-Semitic rhetoric, the "Muslim brotherhood" was able to maintain peaceful relations with Israel. The purpose of this study was to characterize the relationship between M. Morsi's government and the state of Israel during the period 2012 to 2013while revealing the impact of various factors on the preservation of peace in the region, especially in the face of the conflict situation that intensified in neigh boring countries such as Libya and Syria. The main approaches to the study of the problem under consideration were analytical method and content analysis. It is concluded that the article can also contribute to the study of the history of the Middle East within the framework of Arab-Israeli relations against the deterioration of the political situation and the strengthening of religious radicalism in the region.
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Turan, Şuayip. "The role of global actors on the failed transition to democracy in Egypt." Journal of Human Sciences 15, no. 4 (December 21, 2018): 2357. http://dx.doi.org/10.14687/jhs.v15i4.5598.
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The paper aims to roles of the global actors on the failed transition to democracy in Egypt. In this study, the negative political influence of powerful states on Egypt evaluated in terms of democracy. The current social inequality in the region continued to increase in the 2000s. Egypt's authoritarian leader were not able to establish the relations between state structures and citizens in the last decade. The global actors had crucial roles on the continuation the authoritarian regime in Egypt. They were easily able to get their demands from Hosni Mubarak. When the time was at the end of 2010, the popular uprising movements affected the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region deeply. Egypt was one of the most remarkable countries in the region where Hosni Mubarak ousted. The people in Egypt wanted to have a democratic rule in order to have solutions to the social inequality, favoritism, and corruption. Normally, the powerful global actors should have played positive role so as to enable democratic transition. The United States of America and the European Union needed a more proactive policy along with the acceptability of a democratic criteria. Unfortunately, external actors were silent in the following the process in the first place because they were caught unprepared for the Arab Spring and did not expect such a result. Later on, foreign powers supported the counter-revolution in Egypt when they saw that the things did not go as they would have liked. They expressed their support most clearly in the post-coup statements discussing military and financial issues.
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Dularidze, Tea. "Information Exchange and Relations between Ahhiyawa and the Hittite Empire." Studia Iuridica 80 (September 17, 2019): 89–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0013.4785.
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The majority of scholars identify the long-disputed term Ahhiyawa found in the Hittite texts as Achaea of the Homeric epics. According to the Hittite texts, Ahhiyawa and Hittite relations can be dated from the Middle Kingdom period. The term was first used in the records of Suppiluliuma I (1380-1346). Documents discussed (the records of Mursili II and Muwatalli II) demonstrate that Ahhiyawa was a powerful country. Its influence extended to Millawanda, which evidently reached the sea. Especially interesting is the “Tawagalawa letter” dated to the 13th century BC, in which the Hittite king makes excuses for his blunder committed at an early age. The Hittite king takes a diplomatic step towards the resolution of the conflict and starts negotiations with a party (Ahhiyawa) that could act as a mediator. We can infer from the letter that Ahhiyawa had its representatives in Millawanda, while its relations with the Land of the Hatti were managed through envoys. The powerful position of Ahhiyawa is also evident from Tudhaliya IV’s letter to the ruler of Amurru, where he refers to the kings of Egypt, Babylon, Assyria, and Ahhiyawa as to his equals. Thus, Ahhiyawa of the Hittite texts fully corresponds to Homeric Achaea. The invaders have three appellations in The Iliad: the Achaeans, the Danaans, and the Argives. The Achaeans can be found in Hittite documents, while the Danaans are mentioned in the Egyptian sources. Ahhiyawa is the land of the Achaeans, which laid the foundation for the development of the Hellenic civilization in the Aegean. It can be argued that the Greeks were actively involved in the foreign policy of the ancient Near East. The information conveyed by the Greek tradition is supported by the archeological finds confirming the rise of the Hellenes in the continental Greece from the 14th century BC. According to the tradition, the Mycenaeans went far beyond the Near East, reaching Colchis (The Argonaut legend).
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Dolanbay, Hadjer. "Modern world history:a look at world events 1975-1984." SCIENTIFIC WORK 61, no. 12 (December 25, 2020): 18–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.36719/2663-4619/61/18-23.
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In this study, the events that shaped the recent world history were evaluated together with their impact on the foreign political life of Turkey. In the study field, literature was scanned with document analysis. The data collected are presented in a meaningful whole, in a controversial manner. In these years, the oil crisis caused by the Arab-Israeli war has left the countries of the world, especially Turkey, in economic difficulties. In relations with the Middle East, the Camp David treaty, the Israel - Egypt treaty and, the Golan Heights issue are among the important events of the period. In Iran, the fall of the Shah's regime and, the establishment of the Islamic Republic in its place are among the events that continue to echo from that period to the present. The overthrow of the Shah in Iran, Soviet Russia's invasion of Afghanistan and finally the Iraq-Iran war were important events that occurred in the early 80s. Although all these events seem to be separate, they are related. After the mentioned events, many countries changed their politics and economic policies. Key words: Modern History, Camp David Treaty, Islamic Revolution in Iran, Iran-Iraq War
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Romanova, Natalia G., and Keemya V. Orlova. "PRESENTATION OF THE COLLECTIVE MONOGRAPH “COMINTERN AND THE EAST: TO THE 100TH ANNIVERSARY OF THE FOUNDATION OF THE COMINTERN” IN THE INSTITUTE OF ORIENTAL STUDIES, RAS." Journal of the Institute of Oriental Studies RAS, no. 1 (19) (2022): 245–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2618-7302-2022-1-245-251.
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The collective monograph “Comintern and the East: To the 100th Anniversary of the Foundation of the Comintern” focuses on the activities of the Comintern in the Eastern countries. Based on the newly discovered documents and materials from Russian and foreign archives, the collective of authors proposes to look at the events of the early 20th century from the perspective of the 21st century, and to expand the understanding of the place and role of the Communist International in the context of internal political, geopolitical, economic, national liberation processes as well as the main directions of its policy. Presented monograph is based on the talks of the international academic conference “The Comintern and the East: To the 100th Anniversary of the Foundation of the Comintern”, organized by the Institute of Oriental Studies of the Russian Academy of Sciences. The book consists of five sections. The first section opens with the studies on the relationship of the Comintern and the first Middle Eastern Communist Parties in Egypt, Palestine, Lebanon, Syria, and Iran. The second section researches the relationship of the Comintern with the countries of the Far East: Japan, China, and Korea. The third section analyzes the role of the Comintern in the history of Russian / Soviet-Mongolian relations in the 1920s — early 1930s. The fourth section extensively covers materials on the liberation movement in India, where M. N. Roy, Mahatma Gandhi, Jawaharlal Nehru and others played prominent roles. The fifth section contains studies about the relationship between the leaders of the Comintern and the Communist Party of Great Britain in 1920–1924.
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Skorospelov, Petr P. "“A Special Form of Making Foreign Policy by the Threat of War to Imperialists”. A Case Study of Military-Political Activity of Central Committee Presidium under N.S. Khrushchev, 1954–1964. Part 1." Vostok. Afro-aziatskie obshchestva: istoriia i sovremennost, no. 2 (2022): 9. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s086919080019661-4.
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Khrushchev’s foreign policy (1953–1964) that characterized by the strategy of “balancing on the edge” is usually recognized as erroneous. Immediately after Stalin’s death, his successors initially feared a nuclear attack from the United States, which their own Air Force and Air Defense were unable to repel or to retaliate. Therefore, in 1954–1955, the Soviet leader attempted to create a buffer zone of neutral states along the perimeter of the USSR’s borders: he stopped the Korean War, proposed the mutual withdrawal of troops from Europe, etc. After the 1955 Geneva Conference, Khrushchev began to act more courageously, because he saw that the U.S. were afraid of the USSR too and didn’t want to attack it first. Trying to use the opportunities of the European colonial empires’ disintegration, the USSR provided to the newly independent states in Asia and Africa a large-scale economic, military, technical, and political support, and first of all, to Egypt and Indonesia, which controlled the Suez Canal and the Strait of Malacca – key areas on the sea route from Europe to the Far East. The negotiations between Mao Tse Tung and Khrushchev in 1957–1958 reveals their intention to shake up the military blocs created by the Americans near the borders of the socialist camp (NATO, SEATO, the Baghdad Pact). The Soviet leader initiated a series of political crises as interconnected stages of geopolitical offensive against the US position: the Suez (1956), the Syrian (1957), the Middle East (1958), the 2nd Berlin (1958), the Caribbean (1962), etc., which brought the USSR to the brink of war.
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Da Silva, Leonardo Luiz Silveira. "O papel das estratégias norte-americanas para as rupturas paradigmáticas na orientação da Política Externa jordaniana na segunda metade do século XX/The role of U.S. strategies for the paradigmatic changes in Jordanian foreign policy." Brazilian Journal of International Relations 5, no. 1 (May 1, 2016): 186–216. http://dx.doi.org/10.36311/2237-7743.2016.v5n1.09.p186.
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Resumo: A descolonização do Oriente Médio que originou novos Estados na região da Bacia do rio Jordão, coincide temporalmente com um novo arranjo da ordem mundial que se reorganizava no período pós-Segunda Guerra Mundial. A trajetória da política externa da Jordânia na segunda metade do século XX é extremamente didática para entendermos os efeitos das relações de poder entre as nações em âmbito regional e global para a mudança de comportamento dos Estados que praticavam políticas anti-hegemônicas. Nesta trajetória destaca-se a intensa disputa pelos escassos recursos hídricos regionais, à medida que o recurso é fundamental para o desenvolvimento das atividades econômicas e para a própria soberania do Estado. Na já distante década de 1950, poucos anos após o conflito da Guerra de Independência que opôs Israel e os Estados árabes vizinhos, a Jordânia passou a adotar uma postura intransigente em relação à aproximação com Israel, apesar dos esforços dos Estados Unidos para promover a estabilidade regional. Com o acordo de paz entre Egito e Israel, mediado pelos Estados Unidos e costurado na virada das décadas de 1970 e 1980, o tabu da oposição sistemática a Israel foi rompido. Desta forma, este artigo tem como objetivo apresentar as mudanças na política externa da Jordânia na segunda metade do século XX, associando estas mudanças às novas estratégias norte-americanas para região, permitindo a compreensão das novas formas de imperialismo que dominam o cenário do Oriente Médio desde a década de 1970.Palavras-Chave: Jordânia, Estados Unidos, Israel, políticas anti-hegemônicas. Abstract: The decolonization of the Middle East that originated in the new states of the Jordan Basin region coincides temporally with a new arrangement of the world order, which is rearranged in the post - World War II period. The trajectory of the Jordanian foreign policy in the second half of the twentieth century is extremely didactic to understand the effects of power relations between nations on a regional and global level to the changing behavior of States which practiced anti - hegemonic politics. On this path there is the intense competition for scarce regional water resources, as the feature is essential for the development of economic activities and the very sovereignty of the state. In the distant 1950s, a few years after the conflict of the War of Independence which opposed Israel and neighboring Arab states, Jordan adopted an uncompromising stance towards rapprochement with Israel, despite U.S. efforts to promote peace in the region. With the peace agreement between Egypt and Israel, brokered by the United States and sewn at the turn of the 1970s and 1980s, the pattern of systematic opposition to Israel was broken. This paper aims to present the changes in Jordan's foreign policy in the second half of the twentieth century, linking these changes to the new US strategy for the region, allowing the understanding of new forms of imperialism which dominate the Middle East scenario since the decade 1970.Keywords: Jordan, United States, Israel, anti - hegemonic politics.
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Szymczak, Pat Davis. "Africa Set To Fuel Asian Growth and Its Own Brighter Future." Journal of Petroleum Technology 73, no. 05 (May 1, 2021): 28–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.2118/0521-0028-jpt.
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Africa is on track to becoming the world’s most populous region by 2023 as growth in the continent’s population surpasses that of China and India; between 2020 and 2040, one in every two births will be African, according to the International Energy Agency (IEA). The problem—and the opportunity—is that three-quarters of those new global citizens living in sub-Saharan Africa will live without access to electricity and other energy-driven staples of the modern world. “More than half a billion people [will be] added to Africa’s urban population by 2040, much higher than the growth seen in China’s urban population in the two decades of China’s economic and energy boom,” IEA noted in its Africa Energy Outlook 2019. “Growing urban populations mean rapid growth in energy demand for industrial production, cooling, and mobility,” IEA analysts wrote. “The projected growth in oil demand is higher than that of China and second only to that of India as the size of the car fleet more than doubles (the bulk of which have low fuel efficiency) and liquefied petroleum gas (LPG) is increasingly used for clean cooking.” With regards to gas, Africa is on track to becoming the third-largest region to feed the growth in global gas demand over the next 20 years, the IEA said (Fig. 1). Africa accounted for 8.8% of the world’s oil production in 2019, according to the BP Statistical Review of World Energy 2020. Nigeria was Africa’s top oil producer at 2.2%; Algeria was next at 1.6%; then Angola, 1.5%; and Libya, 1.3%. BP economists calculated Africa contributed 6.0% to the world’s natural gas production in 2019. They ranked Algeria as the continent’s top gas producer at a global share of 2.2% followed by Egypt, 1.6%, and Nigeria, 1.2%. Africa’s hydrocarbon-producing nations have always depended on fossil fuel and mineral exports for the foreign exchange that feeds their economies. But as the continent’s population grows and its demographics become younger and more urban, Africa is revealing itself as a “barefoot shoemaker”—wealthy to the extreme in fossil fuels and renewables, but with three-quarters of its sub-Saharan population living without electricity. Africa’s R/P (reserves-to-production) ratio is about half that of the Middle East and a quarter of first-place South America. But it is worth asking if South America’s high R/P is not due to years of high-profile exploration, while Africa—with a west-coastal geology similar to South America’s east coast—is simply underexplored. The World Bank has declared 32 of the continent’s 48 nations to be in an energy crisis considering that their gross domestic product (GDP) growth is outpacing power generation by a factor of three to four times. Investment is vital to turning this situation around, and the most attractive investment opportunities pre-pandemic were found in Nigeria, Mozambique, Egypt, Mauritania, and Equatorial Guinea, according to the organizers of Africa Oil Week (AOW), an exploration and production (E&P) investment conference held annually for 27 years.
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Pamuk, Şevket. "Anatolia and Egypt during the Nineteenth Century: A Comparison of Foreign Trade and Foreign Investment." New Perspectives on Turkey 7 (1992): 37–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.15184/s0896634600000480.
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For the economies of the Middle East, the nineteenth century was a period of rapid integration into the world economy. Some of the forces behind this process came from Europe. In the aftermath of the Industrial Revolution, Great Britain and later the Continental economies began to turn towards areas beyond Europe in order to establish markets for their manufactures and also secure inexpensive sources of foodstuffs and raw materials. As a result, European commercial penetration into the Middle East gained new momentum in the 1820s after the end of the Napoleonic Wars. Later, starting around mid-century, commercial penetration began to be accompanied by European investments in the Middle East in the forms of lending to governments and direct investment in railways, ports, banks, trading companies, and even agricultural land. A large part of this investment served to increase the export orientation of the Middle Eastern economies.
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Kosach, G., and E. Melkumyan. "Middle East in Russian Foreign Policy." World Economy and International Relations, no. 9 (2002): 38–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2002-9-38-47.
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Dolgier, Evdokiya, Marina Fidirko, Moroz Igor, and Smoliakova Iryna. "STUDY OF THE PHYSICAL STATE OF THE STUDENTS FROM MIDDLE EAST COUNTRIES." Science and Education 2020, no. 1 (May 2020): 75–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.24195/2414-4665-2020-1-11.
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The article analyzes the problem of the modern ideas about the physiological mechanisms, which support the health of foreign students in the organism-environment system in the conditions of study in institutions of higher education of Ukraine. The aim is to give a comparative characteristics of student's physical state from Middle East countries. The male fourth-year students from Egypt and Israel have participated in the study. The authors carried out the analysis of special scientific and methodical literature, parameters of physical development and indicators of cardiovascular and autonomic nervous systems, physical work capacity of the foreign students. The study has showed the predominance of morphofunctional indicators of Israelis in comparison with students from Egypt in indicators of life index, strength index of wrist and posture dynamometry, chest excursion. It is probable that most of students from Egypt (36,4%) had overweight than students from Israel (8,3%). According to the Kerdoe’s Vegetative Index, ortho- and clinostatic tests, which characterize the influence of sympathetic or parasympathetic divisions of autonomic regulation, the probable (p ≤ 0,05) differences between the groups of subjects have been obtained, that allows to state that foreign students have the imbalance in the autonomic regulation of body, so, to some extent, students in Israel have a tendency towards predominance of parasympathicotonic influences, while students from Egypt have a tendency towards predominance of sympathicotonic effects. The study of cardiovascular system types of physical activity and physical work capacity shows that most of the foreign students had a normotensive type of reaction to physical exertion, high and above average level of physical work capacity. According to the conducted study, a negative impact of the environment on the mechanisms of autonomic support of the cardiovascular system was revealed, that requires some attention and timely adequate correction in order to prevent disorders of the nervous activity and the adaptive capacities of the students’ body in the analyzed groups.
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Kryzhko, Lidiya Anatol'evna, Evgeniy Vladimirovich Kryzhko, and Petr Igorevich Pashkovsky. "Egypt in U.S. policy in the Middle East in the early 1950s." Конфликтология / nota bene, no. 2 (February 2022): 40–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0617.2022.2.38065.
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The author considers the problem of the role of Egypt in the US policy in the Middle East in the early 1950s. It is shown that a new political circumstances in the regions of the Middle and Near East forced the United States to act as a competitor to Great Britain. The United States understood the importance of gradually ousting Great Britain from the region, trying to prevent the increase of Soviet influence there using various methods. At the same time, the implementation of US's plan to form a controlled military-political bloc of Middle Eastern states in 1950-1953 proved to be untenable for various reasons. The decisive role in this regard was played by the position held by Egypt. A special contribution of the authors to the study of the topic is the focus on the project "Middle East Command", as the first failed plan of the military bloc of Western countries in the region. It was revealed that the US stake on Egypt as a conductor of its interests turned out to be unjustified. The US administration objectively saw in the anti-British movement, which was gaining momentum in Egypt during this period, an opportunity to strengthen its influence. However, with the approval of G. A. Nasser in power in Egypt, a new foreign policy strategy was being developed, which was based on efforts to raise the patriotism of the Arab countries and unite the Arabs in the fight against the colonial past. Also, US's efforts to achieve coexistence of Egypt and Israel in a single policy not brought the desired results. In the context of the unresolved Palestinian issue and the aggravation of the Arab-Israeli confrontation in Egypt's foreign policy, tendencies towards rapprochement with the Arab countries in the form of a number of military-political alliances were gaining momentum.
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ZHU, Zhiqun. "China–Middle East Relations: New Developments, New Challenges." East Asian Policy 12, no. 04 (October 2020): 90–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793930520000331.
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The Middle East is a key region in China’s diplomacy due to its role as the largest supplier of oil to China and its strategic location. China is one of the few foreign powers that have maintained good relations with all countries in the region. However, as the intensifying US–China strategic rivalry spreads to the region, China’s relations with Middle Eastern countries are facing serious challenges.
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Kirasirova, Masha. "Russia’s Foreign Policy in the Middle East." Mediterranean Politics 25, no. 2 (November 27, 2018): 263–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13629395.2018.1549687.
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Savory, Roger M. "Review: Islam / Middle East: Islam in Foreign Policy." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 41, no. 2 (June 1986): 457–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002070208604100209.
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Martins, Bruno Oliveira. "Testing EU Foreign Policy in the Middle East." International Spectator 45, no. 4 (December 2010): 110–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03932729.2010.527113.
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Landau, Jacob M. "Some Soviet works on foreign relations in the Middle East." Middle Eastern Studies 24, no. 1 (January 1988): 118–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00263208808700733.
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Zinin, Y. "Russian-Egyptian Relations: Past and Present." Journal of International Analytics, no. 3 (September 28, 2016): 37–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2587-8476-2016-0-3-37-44.
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The article treats a history and present state of Russian-Egyptian relations in different spheres and aspects: politics, economy, commerce, military-technical cooperation, tourism and so on. The author is examining the consequences of “the arab spring” in Egypt and in the Middle East region and what is their impact on development of these relations. The article covers the last steps undertaken by the leadership of both countries in order to boost mutual ties and cooperation. The trends and perspectives of the Russian- Egyptian relations in the light of the present events in the Middle East are considered.
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Kaunert, Christian, Sarah Léonard, Lars Berger, and Gaynor Johnson. "Introduction: rethinking Western foreign policy and the Middle East." Cambridge Review of International Affairs 27, no. 3 (July 3, 2014): 495–502. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09557571.2014.944342.
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Dannreuther, Roland. "Identity and Foreign Policy in the Middle East." Contemporary Political Theory 2, no. 1 (March 2003): 127–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/palgrave.cpt.9300045.
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DUGINETS, Ganna, and Hossain Zonfali OMRAN. "UKRAINE’S TRADE RELATIONS WITH THE MIDDLE EAST AND NORTH AFRICA." Vol 21, No 4 (2022), Vol 21, No 4 (2022) (December 1, 2022): 474–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.35774/jee2022.04.474.
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Ukraine’s foreign trade is being restructured and geographically diversified. The countries of the Middle East and North Africa play a key role in these processes in their capacity as trade partners. Consistent revenues from export are especially important for Ukraine’s recovery post-war, so the development of its foreign trade should entail a change in the approach to the Middle East and North Africa, namely a shift away from «casting a wide net» towards more targeted identification of emerging markets and concentrated efforts to deepen trade ties with these select countries. The research outcomes substantiate a comprehensive scientific and methodological approach to assessing the effectiveness of trade cooperation between countries. The proposed approach uses economic and mathematical modelling based on cluster analysis of existing cooperation features to benchmark the conditions of trade cooperation. Based on obtained results, it also allows for a continuous monitoring and assessment of the efficiency of implemented measures geared towards developing trade relations with the countries of the region.
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Komakha, Anna Alekseevna, Mikhail Aleksandrovich Ivashkin, and Mikhail Vladimirovich Kotov. "The relations between France and the Middle East states during the presidency of Emmanuel Macron in the context of settlement of regional crises." Конфликтология / nota bene, no. 1 (January 2022): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0617.2022.1.37130.
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This article analyzes the relations between France and the Middle East states through the prism of foreign policy course of Emmanuel Macron, who was elected as the president of France on May 14, 2017. The Middle East vector of foreign policy is traditional for the Republic, and therefore is one of the foreign policy priorities for the current leader. The author aim to determine the essence and key peculiarities of the Middle East course of E. Macron. For achieving the set goal it is necessary to outline the priority foreign policy vectors of the president and range of countries in the region that are subject to the measures of his chosen course; analyze in which states and to what extent the leader of the Republic continues the policy of his predecessors who were in power since the early XXI century; and changes in the relations between France and certain Middle East states. The conclusion is made on the presence of particular factors that hinder the conduct of smart policy in the region, which would meet the interests of all Middle Eastern actors. Disaccord of the French leader with his international partners regarding the Middle East regulation significantly complicates the implementation of smart foreign relative to the Arab world. E. Macron is currently paying scrupulous attention to the policy of European integration, which raises a number of unresolved issues regarding the Middle East. This alongside the domestic political issues undermines the authority of the current French leader.
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Wildeman, Jeremy. "The Middle East in Canadian foreign policy and national identity formation." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 76, no. 3 (September 2021): 359–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00207020211049326.
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While often overlooked, the Middle East has been a pivotal geographical and discursive space in Canadian foreign policy and national identity formation. The region was the birthplace of Canada’s liberal internationalist foreign policy identity, Pearsonianism, and the national myths associated with it. The Middle East also appears to be where Pearsonianism was later superseded by a more realist foreign policy approach, centred on key bilateral relationships with Western countries and a shared sense of Western civilisation. For reasons tied to identity formation and how Canadians perceive their place in the world, the Middle East is therefore a deeply contested space in the domestic arena and a site of deep divisions today. With the support of three contemporary case studies—Israel and Palestine, Saudi Arabia, and Iran—this paper explores how Canada’s ties to the Middle East have shaped and continue to shape Canada’s foreign policy, national identity, and place in the world.
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Ustiashvili,, Samin. "Iran-US relations; The Middle East issues." International Journal of Scientific Research and Management 9, no. 10 (October 21, 2021): 780–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.18535/ijsrm/v9i10.sh02.
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Iran-US relations have historically been of particular importance to both sides. The ups and downs of this relationship and its causes and factors have always been considered by international relations researchers and thinkers, including the two countries' experts. This article aims to examine Israel's role in perpetuating the strained relations between Iran and the United States. The continuing turmoil and the severance of official relations between Iran and the United States, given the historical background of relations between the two countries, the existence of shared regional interests, along with the opportunities to repair and improve relations, raises the question of international relations researchers why relations between the two countries are still strained as Iran enters the fourth decade of its revolution. What are the leading causes and factors of the continuation of the strained relations between the two countries? In response to various hypotheses, the author cites a drastic change in the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran towards Israel - compared to the pre-revolutionary period - the main factor in the continuation of hostility between the two countries and Iran's opposition to Israel. Therefore, considering the opposition to the Middle East peace process as the main factor of the current situation, it has tried to confirm the mentioned hypothesis by presenting evidence and analyzing documents. This article has been written with a genealogical (historical-analytical) approach and has a review nature. To attain the specifications of this research, a descriptive methodology will be used. The advantages presented by this method include enabling the collection of a significant amount of data at once. The scientific findings of this study indicate the undeniable effect of the Israeli variable on Iran-US relations.
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M.M, Murtalibova. "Specificity of Turkey’s Security Relations with Neighboring Countries." International Journal of Social Science Research and Review 5, no. 12 (December 5, 2022): 569–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.47814/ijssrr.v5i12.865.
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The article analyzes the historical dynamics of cooperation and differences in conceptual understanding of approaches of Turkey’s international security and terrorism cooperation with the European Union and the United States in countermeasures. In the 2000s in spite of successful cooperation in the fight against international terrorism, these disagreements did not allow Turkey to fully unite to the system of international security in the Middle East, which is being built by the West. With the largest army in the Middle East and the second largest in the NATO bloc, a dynamic economy and a significant foreign policy weight (not to mention the ambitious leaders in charge), Turkey is playing an increasing role in regional and world politics. In recent years, Turkey’s foreign policy has undergone repeated, sometimes drastic changes, and its relations with a number of countries, from hostility to cooperation and vice versa, have always been the focus of the governments of the Middle East regional countries and NATO allies.
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Mady, Abdel-Fattah. "American foreign policy and peace in the Middle East." Contemporary Arab Affairs 3, no. 3 (July 1, 2010): 271–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17550912.2010.493739.
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The purpose of this study is to answer the following question: ‘Does US foreign policy undermine peace efforts in the Occupied Palestinian Territories?’ Careful observations of US foreign policy during the Oslo Process reveal that the United States has indeed undermined peace efforts in the Occupied Palestinian Territories. The American position substantially departed from United Nations Resolutions 242 and 338, which the Palestinians were promised would serve as the basis for negotiations. Although the American–Israeli alliance underwent periodic adjustments, American foreign policy has, over the last decade, helped to create a framework in the Middle East wherein only Israeli needs have legitimacy. During the Oslo Process, the United States and Israel have tried to impose Israel's plans on the Palestinians, ignoring United Nations resolutions and the international community. The evidence reveals that US foreign policy was based on double standards and unfair terms. Further, the seeming link between the aid provided by the United States to Israel and the latter's aggressive policies toward the Palestinians makes it appear as though Washington is ‘rewarding’ such policies, that is, as if Washington is enabling Israel to deny Palestinians’ legitimate rights, violate United Nations resolutions and principles of international law, keep its military occupation forces, and expand Jewish settlements in the Occupied Palestinian Territories.
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Zikriya, Naushad Khan, and Asif Salim. "Middle East Dilemma: Pakistan’s Role as Mediator for Conflict Resolution." Liberal Arts and Social Sciences International Journal (LASSIJ) 3, no. 1 (December 31, 2019): 9–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.47264/idea.lassij/3.1.2.
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The development of International relations together with forces like globalization and technology has brought the world closer to each other. Friendly ties and relations with states create massive challenges during times of conflict. The focus of the paper is on the crisis evolving in the Middle East region and the role of Pakistan in solving those crisis considering relations with its closest allies, political and financial circumstances, and its foreign policy principles. A qualitative research approach with desk analysis technique has been applied to analyse the role of Pakistan as a mediator for the conflict resolution among Middle Eastern countries. The research highlights how the disputes created great problems for Pakistan but it is still striving to resolve conflicts among Middle Eastern countries because maintaining peace and prosperity in the Muslim world has always been a top priority of Pakistan’s foreign policy.
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Hoh, Anchi, and Brannon Wheeler. "East by Mid East: Studies in Cultural, Historical and Strategic Connectivities." Comparative Islamic Studies 7, no. 1-2 (September 20, 2012): 1–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/cis.v7i1-2.1.
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This volume provides a multi-disciplinary and trans-regional approach to the historical roots and continued development of ties between the Middle East and Asia, from Muslim-Confucian relations to nuclear technology exchange between China and Saudi Arabia. The papers are contributed by specialists who live, research, and have spent considerable time in the Middle East and Asia including institutions in Japan, Israel, China and Hong Kong, Saudi Arabia, Taiwan, Kuwait, Philippines, Australia, Malaysia, North Africa, Indonesia, Lebanon and Syria, India and Kashmir, Egypt, and Korea. The contributors include academics, policy makers and consultants, leaders in international business, law professionals, and military.
The goal of this edited volume is to reach out to the research, diplomatic, and commercial communities. The subjects are addressed to attract individuals and groups from academia, think-tanks, NGOs, members of Congress, the US government, the private sector, and those involved in the policy-making, strategic planning, and public diplomacy in the fields of transnational studies, across-cultural comparison, international relations, energy security, global Islamism, Islamic fundamentalism, and terrorism.
The chapters in this volume are broadly divided into three main areas: (I) Cultural and Historical Connections (II) Transnational Allegiances and Local Culture in Asia, and (III) Strategic Relations between Asia and the Middle East.
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Pavlov, Nikolay, and Karina Khderi. "German Foreign Policy in Middle East in XXI Century." Contemporary Europe, no. 5 (October 1, 2018): 37–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/soveurope520183748.
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Juneau, Thomas. "A realist foreign policy for Canada in the Middle East." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 72, no. 3 (August 24, 2017): 401–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020702017725045.
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Shved, V. O. "The Islamic world in the foreign policy of the European Union in modern conditions." Ukrainian Religious Studies, no. 37 (December 6, 2005): 51–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.32420/2006.37.1703.
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A characteristic feature of the EU's current foreign policy course is its stepping up its policy towards relations with Islamic countries, especially the Middle East and Middle East, and enhancing its role in addressing key issues in the region. To date, the region has been identified in the Council of Europe and European Commission documents as a "key foreign policy priority"
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Khoma, Nataliya, and Yevhenija Voznyuk. "EVOLUTION FROM THE CONCEPT “ZERO PROBLEMS WITH NEIGHBORS” TO THE PRACTICE “ZERO NEIGHBORS WITHOUT PROBLEMS”: THE ROLE OF NEO-OTTOMANISM." Міжнародні відносини, суспільні комунікації та регіональні студії, no. 2 (8) (November 26, 2020): 46–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.29038/2524-2679-2020-02-46-56.
Full textAbstract:
The peculiarities of Turkey’s foreign policy in the Middle East in 2002-2020 are studied. Turkey’s intentions to establish itself as an influential Eurasian state, which claims leadership in the Middle East, as well as in the Balkans, the Caucasus and Central Asia, were noted. The authors indicate the concept and foreign policy doctrine of “Zero Problems with Neighbors” as the ideological basis for Turkey’s transition from a peripheral to a central role in international politics. It is emphasized that the doctrine of “Zero problems with neighbors” has become a revision of traditional Kemalist values in Turkey’s foreign policy. The authors of the article evaluate the practical implementation of the doctrine as an unsuccessful attempt to become a regional leader in the Middle East. It was emphasized that at the beginning of the implementation of the concept of “Zero problems with neighbors” the only goal of the Turkish government was really to establish good neighborly relations, but after the beginning of the “Arab Spring” foreign policy strategy was revised. It was noted that in the last decade the Turkish government has reoriented to a more pragmatic foreign policy direction; it is determined by the main purpose of protecting its national interests; the result was partial Turkey isolation. The article expresses author’s vision that Turkey in its foreign policy has obviously moved from the concept of “Zero problems with neighbors” to the practice of “zero friends”. It is proved that: 1) Turkey’s relations with the Middle East (except Qatar) are quite tense; 2) although there is a partnership with many countries in the Middle East, it is often based on pragmatic mutual interest of countries, and cooperation often does not go beyond trade and economic relations.