Relevant bibliographies by topics / Egypt Foreign relations Middle East

Academic literature on the topic 'Egypt Foreign relations Middle East'

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Published: 10 December 2022
Last updated: 20 February 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Egypt Foreign relations Middle East"

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Kural, Muzaffer, and Gökhan Erdem. "Saudi Arabia’s Foreign Policy Towards Turkey During and After Arab Uprising: A Defensive Realism Approach." Przegląd Strategiczny, no. 15 (February 15, 2023): 59–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/ps.2022.1.4.

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The Arab Uprisings in 2011 have led to redistribution of power in the Middle East. It has brought challenges and opportunities for regional powers such as Saudi Arabia and Turkey. While Turkey has perceived the developments as an opportunity to increase its influence in the region, it has created threat perceptions for Saudi Arabia’s hegemony in the Middle East. Especially, due to Turkey’s rising influence in Egypt and Syria it has been perceived as a second rival, after Iran, by Riyadh. This article argues that due to Turkey’s rising power in Egypt and Syria, Saudi Arabia’s foreign policy towards Turkey has been shifting by supporting local actors in Egypt and Syria in order to maintain the status quo. The paper aims to analyze shifts in Saudi Arabia’s foreign policy towards Turkey during and post-Arab uprisings in the Middle East in the framework of defensive realism through the regional level of analysis.
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Kelly, Elaine. "Performing Diplomatic Relations: Music and East German Foreign Policy in the Middle East during the Late 1960s." Journal of the American Musicological Society 72, no. 2 (2019): 493–540. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jams.2019.72.2.493.

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Music provided the German Democratic Republic (GDR) with a crucial international platform during the Cold War. Denied diplomatic recognition by most Western nations until the early 1970s, the state depended on artists to negotiate its image abroad and channeled considerable resources to this end. This article explores how the GDR tried to expedite diplomatic relations with Egypt, Syria, and Lebanon in the late 1960s through an intensive program of musical activity, which included attempts to send East German musical “experts” to Cairo and Damascus, and the organization of state-funded tours to the region by high-profile ensembles such as the Dresdner Philharmonie, the Rundfunk-Sinfonieorchester Leipzig, the Gewandhausorchester Leipzig, and the Deutsche Staatsoper. Examining variously the politics of cultural transfer that these activities entailed, the economics involved, and the power dynamics that played out in the relations between the GDR and Egypt, in particular, the article illuminates the way music diplomacy functioned between Cold War periphery states. Notably, cultural exchange between the GDR and the Arab nations was shaped as much by discourses of postcolonialism, anti-imperialism, and anti-Zionism as it was by any binary opposition of Marxist-Leninism and capitalist democracy.
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Bielicki, Pawel. "THE MIDDLE EAST IN YUGOSLAVIA’S FOREIGN POLICY STRATEGY IN THE 1970s." Istorija 20. veka 39, no. 2/2021 (August 1, 2021): 397–414. http://dx.doi.org/10.29362/ist20veka.2021.2.bie.397-414.

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The main purpose of this article is to present the most important conditions and variables characterizing the role of the Middle East in Yugoslavia’s foreign policy strategy in the 1970s, based on available literature and documentation. I also intend to analyze the conditions that contributed to intensifying Yugoslavia’s position in the region and led to a decrease in Yugoslavia’s importance in the Middle East in the second half of the decade. Firstly, I will describe Yugoslavia’s relations with the countries of the Middle East in 1970–1973, especially with Egypt, where Gamal Abdel Nasser, after his death, was succeeded by the country’s Vice President, Anwar Al-Sadat. It will also be important to shed light on the Yugoslav Government’s stance regarding the Middle East conflict from the point of view of the situation in Europe. Next, I will present the significance of the Yom Kippur War for Yugoslavia’s foreign policy and its implications for Belgrade’s relations with Cairo and Tel-Aviv. Moreover, it will be extremely important to explain why Yugoslavia’s importance in the Middle East gradually diminished as of the middle of the decade. In addition, I will address the issue of Yugoslav President Josip Broz-Tito’s position toward the Islamic Revolution in Iran and the fading of Yugoslavia’s interest in the region following Tito’s death and the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan. In the summary, I want to note that the period under analysis in Yugoslav-Middle Eastern relations was decisive for the country’s foreign policy and its internal situation, as Yugoslavia never again played a significant role in the Arab world.
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Al-Hamati, Mohammed Abduljalil. "Foreign economic relations between Russia and Egypt in the agricultural sphere: Problems and prospects of development[54]." RUDN Journal of Economics 30, no. 1 (March 30, 2022): 124–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-2329-2022-30-1-124-132.

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Nowadays Russia is actively developing economic cooperation with the African continent states. The article presents an analysis of trade and economic relations between Russia and Egypt. The Arab Republic of Egypt is a strategic partner of Russia in mutual trade in agricultural products and food in North Africa and the Middle East. The country is a major food importer and is a promising market for increasing the supply of agricultural products from Russia. The authors analyze: the dynamics of trade turnover in food products and agricultural raw materials between two countries; the commodity structure of exports and imports; Egypts place in Russian exports and imports of agricultural raw materials and food. The importance of the markets of the analyzed countries for mutual supplies is under authors consideration. The possibilities of development are analyzed and the problems and prospects of expanding investment cooperation between these countries in the field of agriculture are identified. The significance of the opening of the Russian Industrial Zone in Egypt for deepening trade and investment ties in the agro-industrial business is proved.
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Sapronova, M. A. "RUSSIAN-ARAB COOPERATION BEFORE AND AFTER THE "ARAB SPRING"." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 3(36) (June 28, 2014): 27–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2014-3-36-27-36.

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The article considers the main stages of the Russian- Arab economic cooperation since the beginning of the 1990s up to the present time and changing the «Middle Eastern vector» of Russian foreign policy. Analyzes the problems faced by Russia in the development of foreign policy doctrine in the region of the Arab East, becoming the successor of the Soviet Union; difficulty in building bilateral relations with Iraq, Syria, Libya, and Russia's role as a co-sponsor of the Middle East settlement. Next is considered the foreign policy in 2000 and the return of Russia to the «Greater Middle East», analyzes the problems impeding effective Russian- Arab cooperation. Special attention is paid to the strengthening of bilateral relations with the countries of the Arabian Peninsula, the implementation of joint projects in various fields and to establish a constructive dialogue with the new government of Iraq and the establishment of a sound legal framework of mutual relations. Another important direction of Russian foreign policy in the 2000s, becoming the establishment of relations with the Organization of the Islamic Conference. Simultaneously being established permanent contacts with groups «Hamas» and «Hezbollah». In the last part of the article explores the specificity of modern political, trade and economic cooperation after the events of the «Arab Spring» of 2011. Particular attention is paid to the position of Russia in relation to processes taking place in Tunisia, Egypt, Libya, Syria. The crisis in Syria has demonstrated a fundamentally different approaches to its solution by Russia and the West. Ultimately, the firm position of Russia on the Syrian issue secured her role as an important political player in the Middle East. In general, regional transformation in 2011, despite their negative consequences for the Russian-Arab economic cooperation and opened new opportunities to promote the Russian Federation for Arab markets.
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Mason, Robert. "Saudi-Iranian Relations and the Future of the Middle East." Bustan: The Middle East Book Review 12, no. 2 (December 1, 2021): 114–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/bustan.12.2.0114.

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ABSTRACT Mason explores Saudi-Iranian rivalry in the Middle East with particular reference to the growth in political contentions post-1979. He covers work by Ghattas who provides a more social perspective on the fallout from increased Saudi-Iranian rivalry from 1979, including sectarian violence from Egypt through to Pakistan, and a more policy-orientated appraisal and outline for conflict resolution between the parties provided by Fraihat. Taken together, they afford a comprehensive overview of the causes and effects of this “conflict.” For a political science scholar, it is Fraihat who tackles substantive conflict resolution issues of enduring concern: rebalancing the regional order, reforming conflict strategies, mediation, Track II diplomacy, and bottom up peace-building, which may hold the keys to shaping the next four decades in more peaceful ways than the previous four. Given the limited avenues of exploration in these areas, a partial GCC state backlash against the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) during the Obama administration, and the political consolidation underway in both states, one might despair of a breakthrough. The Biden administration represents an opportunity to at least contemplate de-escalation measures resulting from talks such as those underway in Iraq in 2021. Meanwhile, the policies of small states such as Oman and Qatar provide insights on pragmatic foreign policy behavior, some of which could be replicated by the key protagonists.
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Cavell, Janice. "Suez and After: Canada and British Policy in the Middle East, 1956–1960." Journal of the Canadian Historical Association 18, no. 1 (June 17, 2008): 157–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/018258ar.

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Abstract The Suez crisis is generally considered to be a decisive turning-point in Canada’s relations with Great Britain. Prime Minister Louis St. Laurent and Secretary of State for External Affairs Lester Pearson refused to support Britain’s military action in Egypt, choosing instead to work through the United Nations for a resolution of the conflict. It seemed that Canada was repudiating a subservient role and declaring its final independence from the mother country. However, the documentary record shows that Canadian politicians and diplomats were in fact eager to work for what they believed to be Britain’s good. In their view, Britain had temporarily lost sight of its own, and the western world’s, best interests. During the years immediately after Suez, support for British policies was a priority of Canadian diplomats, most notably Arnold Smith, Canada’s ambassador to Egypt from 1958 to 1960. Smith played an important role in the resumption of diplomatic relations between Britain and Egypt. Drawing on previously unused documents in the files of the Department of External Affairs, this paper outlines Canadian views of, and Canada’s relationship to, British policy in the Middle East during and after Suez. It demonstrates that a “colony to nation” framework is inadequate for the study of the Anglo-Canadian relationship in the years following World War II. Instead, the broader context of Cold War politics must be taken into consideration. The paper also shows that despite the surface differences between Liberal and Conservative foreign policy, there were strong elements of continuity between the St. Laurent and Diefenbaker governments.
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Pressman, Jeremy. "Power without Influence: The Bush Administration's Foreign Policy Failure in the Middle East." International Security 33, no. 4 (April 2009): 149–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/isec.2009.33.4.149.

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The administration of President George W. Bush was deeply involved in the Middle East, but its efforts did not advance U.S. national security. In the realms of counterterrorism, democracy promotion, and nonconventional proliferation, the Bush administration failed to achieve its objectives. Although the United States did not suffer a second direct attack after September 11, 2001, the terrorism situation worsened as many other countries came under attack and a new generation of terrorists trained in Iraq. Large regional powers such as Egypt and Saudi Arabia did not become more democratic, with no new leaders subject to popular mandate. The model used in Iraq of democratization by military force is risky, costly, and not replicable. Bush's policy exacerbated the problem of nuclear proliferation, expending tremendous resources on a nonexistent program in Iraq while bolstering Iran's geopolitical position. The administration failed because it relied too heavily on military force and too little on diplomacy, disregarded empiricism, and did not address long-standing policy contradictions. The case of the Bush administration makes clear that material power does not automatically translate into international influence.
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Özdamar, Özgür, and Sercan Canbolat. "Understanding New Middle Eastern Leadership: An Operational Code Approach." Political Research Quarterly 71, no. 1 (August 13, 2017): 19–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1065912917721744.

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Political Islam and Islamist organizations have broadly gained strength across the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) in the post-Cold War era. Following the Arab uprisings, the Muslim Brotherhood (MB), generally viewed as the world’s largest and most influential Islamist organization, has shaped the wider landscape of MENA politics. This study examines MB leadership by comparing M. Morsi of Egypt, R. Ghannouchi of Tunisia, and K. Meshaal of Gaza as examples of Islamist leaders to explain their political belief systems and predict their foreign-policy behavior. We use the operational code approach, a content-analysis software and statistical tests to conduct the study. Results show that the three leaders’ foreign policy beliefs are analogous to the averages of world leaders. Results also partially support the hypothesis that their foreign-policy propensities are similar to each other. We conclude that despite the conventional portrayal of MB leadership, these leaders use negotiation and cooperation to settle their differences in foreign affairs, and the best way to approach them is to engage in a Rousseauvian assurance game that emphasizes international social cooperation. Results also suggest important implications in terms of mainstream international relations theories.
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Seeberg, Peter. "The EU and Constitutionalism in Egypt: EU Foreign and Security Policy Challenges with a Special Focus on the Changing Political Setting in the MENA-region." European Foreign Affairs Review 18, Issue 3 (August 1, 2013): 411–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eerr2013025.

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The academic works on transition processes following the Arab revolts in the Middle East since the beginning of 2011 have so far mostly focused on the extraordinary character of the events which took place in Tunis, Cairo, Benghazi, etc. - attempting to explain the reasons for the in many ways surprising development in the region. This article analyses how strategic relations between the EU and Egypt are being challenged by constitutional changes in Egypt following the political development since early 2011. Initially the article describes European-Egyptian relations prior to the fall of President Hosni Mubarak by briefly going back to early contacts between the EEC and President Gamal Abdel Nasser and how more elaborate agreements developed up to recent times. Taking this historical point of departure the article characterizes the role of the EU in connection with the development since the start of the unrest in Egypt followed by an analysis of the European-Egyptian relationship over the last two years divided in three parts: Egypt and the ENP-UfM complex, the Muslim Brotherhood and the Egyptian political transformation process seen in a European perspective and finally the migration issue in the context of Egyptian-European relations. The article argues that the EU policies, which earlier have been dominated by a pragmatic approach towards the Mubarak regime, now have to be rethought considering an Egyptian polity, where the contours of a new constitutionalism are developing.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Egypt Foreign relations Middle East"

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Aka, Philip Chukwuma. "Soviet Cultural Diplomacy in the Middle East: a Case Study of USSR'S Cultural Relations with Egypt and Syria, 1955-1971." Thesis, North Texas State University, 1987. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc500642/.

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This study examines the nature and patterns of Soviet cultural activities in Egypt and Syria, the motivations behind those activities, and the contribution of the Soviet cultural effort toward the attainment of overall Soviet Middle East policies. Chapter I provides background information on Soviet-Arab relations, and in Chapter II Soviet objectives in the Middle East are examined. Chapter III identifies the important components of the Soviet cultural instrument in Egypt and Syria. Chapter IV assesses the contribution made by the cultural tool toward the attainment of Soviet objectives in Egypt and Syria. Finally, Chapter V demonstrates that the Soviet cultural enterprise exerted little impact on overall Soviet policy in the Middle East.
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Rezk, Dina. "Anglo-American political and intelligence assessments of Egypt and the Middle East from 1957-1977." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.608033.

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Sowada, Karin N. "Egypt in the Eastern Mediterranean during the Old Kingdom : a re-appraisal of the archaeological evidence." Phd thesis, School of Archaeology, Classics and Ancient History, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/4127.

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Kassem, Madjdy. "The foreign policy of Anwar Sadat : continuity and change, 1970-1981." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2013. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:399e0973-167a-4747-937a-9cc3e83236f9.

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This thesis aims to examine both continuity and change in Egyptian foreign policy between 1970 and 1981. The overarching question of this work is: Why and how did President Sadat affect changes in foreign policy? More specifically, the thesis examines the evolution of Egyptian foreign policy in three concentric circles: the Superpowers, the Arab world, and Israel. The broader aim of the thesis is to provide a detailed study of Egyptian foreign policy in this period, which witnessed a multitude of watershed events. The topic is important because Egypt is a leading state in the Arab world, a core actor in the Arab-Israeli conflict, and a strategic ally of the superpowers during the Cold War. The thesis offers a detailed chronological account of Egyptian foreign policy during the 1970s. It advances a revisionist interpretation of the early Sadat years, arguing that there was much greater continuity with the foreign policy of Gamal Abdel-Nasser than is commonly believed. The account ends in 1981, with the assassination of Anwar Sadat and the succession of Hosni Mubarak. It is argued that Sadat not only managed to reverse Nasser’s radical path in foreign policy, but that he also succeeded in institutionalising his most significant policy changes: peace with Israel and the removal of Egypt from the Arab-Israeli conflict. The methodology of the thesis is principally empirical and qualitative in nature. The thesis is based on extensive archival research, recently declassified official documents, memoirs of policymakers in English and Arabic, and oral histories in the form of interviews and transcripts of discussions with former Egyptian policymakers.
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Sasley, Brent E. "Individuals and the significance of affect : foreign policy variation in the Middle East." Thesis, McGill University, 2006. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=102843.

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This dissertation seeks to expand our understanding of variation in foreign policy. Although we have a series of large, extant literatures dealing with the sources of foreign policy, there has been less attention paid over the last decade to understanding why states change their behavior. At the same time, the thesis argues that foreign policy change is best understood as a result of the role of individual decision-makers and the role that emotion plays in their foreign policy calculations.
Foreign policy depends on the decisions made by individual leaders. The type of individual thus determines the specific policy. Here individuals are categorized as ideological or adaptable. Ideological individuals are more rigid in their belief structures, are more likely to select policies that fit with their extant understandings of the world and the position of their state in it, and more likely to rely on the emotional or affective appeal an object or issue holds for them. Adaptable leaders are more flexible, not tied to specific ideologies or reliant on emotion to guide their thinking, and thus more likely to choose or learn ideas that best respond to changing environmental conditions. At the same time, how a state's decision-making institutions are structured tells us how likely it is that an individual's own predilections matter. In polities where decision-making is centralized (e.g., in the office of the prime minister), individuals have greater leeway to put their ideas (whether based on their ideological outlooks or shifting environmental circumstances) into practice, while in de-centralized polities other actors constrain the leader from autonomous decision-making. In such cases, it is likely that an individual's ideas will conform to those of the constraining actors. Finally, the role of ideas is taken into consideration, as the dominant national ideas about foreign policy regarding a specific issue-area help us better understand the context in which individuals make (or change) foreign policy.
This model is tested against alternate explanations---systemic imperatives, Constructivism, public opinion, poliheuristic theory, and prospect theory---in two case studies: the Israeli decision to pursue and sign the 1993 Oslo Accords, and the 2002 decision by the Islamist government in Turkey to actively lobby for membership in the European Union. Both foreign policies represent significant variation, and both provide important theoretical and empirical puzzles for scholars.
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VanDenBerg, Jeffrey A. "DEMOCRATIZATION AND FOREIGN POLICY IN THE MIDDLE EAST: A CAST STUDY OF JORDAN AND EGYPT." University of Cincinnati / OhioLINK, 2000. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ucin972403868.

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Askren, Jillian. "United States-middle-east relations : the role of economics in foreign policy." Honors in the Major Thesis, University of Central Florida, 2010. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETH/id/1347.

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This item is only available in print in the UCF Libraries. If this is your Honors Thesis, you can help us make it available online for use by researchers around the world by following the instructions on the distribution consent form at http://library.ucf.edu/Systems/DigitalInitiatives/DigitalCollections/InternetDistributionConsentAgreementForm.pdf You may also contact the project coordinator, Kerri Bottorff, at kerri.bottorff@ucf.edu for more information.
Bachelors
Sciences
Political Science
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Clary, Eric Michael. "Using the Syrian Civil War to Measure Hierarchy: Regional Power Transition in the Middle East." PDXScholar, 2018. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/4359.

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In 2018, the Syrian Civil War will enter into its ninth year of conflict. From an international relations perspective there are few, if any, studies on state actors in regional sub-state systems. What can an intrastate conflict teach us about future dynamics of the regional interstate hierarchy? It is worthwhile to examine The Syrian Civil War for three reasons. First, Syria lies in the heart of the Middle East lending proximity to regional actors. Second, the breakdown of order in Syria represents a microcosm of the global anarchic environment. Third, Syrian Civil War is an intrastate war that encapsulates both state and non-state actors. This paper intends to provide a clear regional hierarchical analysis with future possibilities and perspectives. For the last century realism then neorealism dominated the field of international relations, yet they are unfit theories for analyzing the Middle East's hierarchy. To address anomalies realists and neorealists incorporated preference and satisfaction, which undermined the core tenets of their theories. Power Transition Theory (PTT) incorporates satisfaction while maintaining structural organization. The addition of power and satisfaction give PTT the necessary tools to assess regional hierarchies and estimate the likelihood of conflict. This PTT theoretical framework will be used to assess the global hierarchy, the status quo set by the United States, and Syria's relation to the status quo. A synopsis of the Syrian Civil War will be provided to contextualize the actors and dyadic comparisons between actors before and after the Iranian-Russian-Syrian victory in Aleppo. The dyadic comparison indicates power and satisfaction among interested parties and if they change during the course of the conflict. Conclusions indicate that the actors and the environment in the Syrian theater are suitable for Power Transition Theory and the data acquired by researching the Syrian Civil War affirms Yeşilada and Tanrikulu's assessment that Russia tops the Middle East's hierarchy with Turkey and Iran following at near parity. The findings reveal the veracity of Lemke's claim that PTT can be utilized for intrastate conflict. The findings substantiate my claim that intrastate conflict can inform us of a region's hierarchy.
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Hutton, Daniel Mckinley. "A geopolitical analysis of U.S. alliance building within the Middle East." Thesis, Virginia Tech, 1989. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/43087.

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The concept of geopolitics - is reconsidered as a viable framework in analyzing the power relationship between nation states and then applied to the Middle East. After reviewing the historical development of geopolitics, it is modified, and then set against alternative approaches in explaining Middle Eastern alliances. Ultimately, geopolitics is used in order to rationalize America's alliance network within the region.
Master of Arts
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Al, Thani Ahmed Nasser. "The Gulf Cooperation Council's foreign policy towards the Middle East peace process (1991-2005), with special reference to Qatar's foreign policy." Thesis, University of Gloucestershire, 2017. http://eprints.glos.ac.uk/5388/.

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This study examines the foreign policy of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) and its member states, in particular Qatar, towards the peace process in the Middle East between 1991 and 2005. The study aims to identify, and critically engage with, a set of internal and external determinants, which influenced the foreign policy orientations of the GCC states towards the Middle East peace process after the Madrid conference in 1991 and until 2005. This time frame was selected because significant changes took place in the patterns of alliances among leading Arab states after 2005. Moreover, the study focuses on the extent to which Qatar’s foreign policy has been consistent, or inconsistent, with the rest of GCC foreign policy, and the reasons for both consistencies and inconsistencies. The study posits three main questions. First, what are the main determinants, internal and external, facing the GCC states while formulating their foreign policies towards the Middle East peace process, particularly between 1991 and 2005? Second, what was the overall foreign policy agreed between the GCC states towards the Middle East peace process during the same period? Finally, to what extent was Qatari foreign policy convergent with, or divergent from, the foreign policy of the Gulf Cooperation Council with regard to the peace process? To explore these questions, the study adopts a qualitative research methodology and archival document analysis strategy. A wide range of documents was used throughout the study, including UN documents, media data, official statements made by GCC ministers of foreign affairs, closing statements of GCC summits, speeches by the Emir of Qatar, and statements by Qatari diplomats and officials. The data analyses revealed, first, that the foreign policies of the GCC states and Qatar have converged when it ultimately came to supporting Palestinian rights and the US efforts on the peace process, and, second, that the foreign policies of Qatar and the GCC states have diverged on two significant issues: first Qatar’s desire to normalize economic and diplomatic ties with Israel, and, second, US and Qatari initiatives to push political reform agenda (democratization came first, among other objectives) in the region as a possible policy to resolve the Middle East conflict.
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Books on the topic "Egypt Foreign relations Middle East"

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Aiji yu Zhong Dong: Egypt and Middle East. Beijing: Beijing da xue chu ban she, 2005.

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Dicey, Edward. England and Egypt. London: Darf, 1986.

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Shaker, Mohamed Ibrahim. Egypt and the challenges of peace in the Middle East. [London]: International Minds in association with Coventry University, 1996.

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Westrate, Bruce. The Arab Bureau: British policy in the Middle East, 1916-1920. University Park, Pa: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1992.

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1949-, Kent John, University of London. Institute of Commonwealth Studies., and Stationery Office (Great Britain), eds. Egypt and the defence of the Middle East. London: Stationery Office, 1998.

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1947-, Cohen Raymond, and Westbrook Raymond, eds. Amarna diplomacy: The beginnings of international relations. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins U.P., 2002.

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Alicia, Daneri de Rodrigo, ed. Relaciones de intercambio entre Egipto y el Mediterráneo Oriental (IV-I milenio A.C.). Buenos Aires: Biblos, 2001.

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Mishrif, Ashraf. Investing in the Middle East: The political economy of European direct investment in Egypt. London: Tauris Academic Studies, 2010.

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Investing in the Middle East: The political economy of European direct investment in Egypt. London: Tauris Academic Studies, 2010.

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H, Rahman. A British defence problem in the Middle East: The failure of the 1946 Anglo-Egyptian negotiations. Reading: Ithaca Press, 1994.

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Book chapters on the topic "Egypt Foreign relations Middle East"

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Pethiyagoda, Kadira. "Relations with the Middle East." In Indian Foreign Policy and Cultural Values, 259–300. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-54696-0_5.

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Tsourapas, Gerasimos. "EU–Egypt relations at a crossroads." In Routledge Handbook of EU–Middle East Relations, 287–97. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429317873-30.

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Kuri, Marta Tawil. "Mexico's Foreign Policy toward the Middle East." In Latin American Relations with the Middle East, 161–85. New York: Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003264675-9.

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Nilson, Diego Hernández, Camilo López Burian, and Italo Beltrão Sposito. "Uruguayan Foreign Policy toward the Middle East." In Latin American Relations with the Middle East, 210–37. New York: Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003264675-11.

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Álvarez Acosta, María Elena. "Cuba's Foreign Policy toward the Middle East." In Latin American Relations with the Middle East, 140–60. New York: Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003264675-8.

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Fernández, Damián J. "Cuban-Libyan Relations: A Case Study." In Cuba's Foreign Policy in the Middle East, 99–113. New York: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429043741-5.

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Ulrichsen, Kristian Coates. "GCC foreign policy." In Routledge Handbook of International Relations in the Middle East, 209–21. Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2019.: Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315229591-16.

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Jiuzhou, Duan. "China–Egypt relations during the BRI era and beyond." In Routledge Handbook ON China–Middle East Relations, 126–36. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003034520-11.

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Hahn, Peter L. "The United States and the Middle East since 1967." In A Companion to American Foreign Relations, 375–86. Malden, MA, USA: Blackwell Publishing, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/9780470999042.ch20.

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Galariotis, Ioannis, and Maria Gianniou. "EU foreign policy incoherence in the United Nations." In Routledge Handbook of EU–Middle East Relations, 169–80. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429317873-19.

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Conference papers on the topic "Egypt Foreign relations Middle East"

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Dhini, Harini Lukika, and Irfa Puspitasari. "International System and Foreign Policy: Turkey Closer Ties with the Middle East in 2007." In Airlangga Conference on International Relations. SCITEPRESS - Science and Technology Publications, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5220/0010279405030509.

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Uygur, Mehmet Nazım. "The Economy-Politics Reflections of Turkey-Russian Relationship During Syria Crisis." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c08.01866.

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Abstract:
The Syrian civil war began with the demonstrations that took place on 15 March 2011 and spread to over the all Middle East Countries in April 2011. This conflict in Syria affected Turkish-Russia relations negatively. On the other hand, the conflict has also caused crises among other countries. The most prominent example of this is the jet crisis between Turkey and Russia. In November 2015, the Russian jet which was in violation of the border was dropped by the Turkish Air Force. For this purpose, the study aims to reveal the source of the Syrian internal conflict, the positions of the sides involved in this process and the effects of political and economic sanctions in Russia-Turkey on economic relations between the two countries. In the study, firstly the elements that triggered the emergence of the Syrian crisis were identified and then the political actions that the sides put forward were briefly examined. The economic-political relations between Turkey and Russia, which have been developing since the 1990s, have come to an end with the antagonism created by the Syrian civil war and jet crisis. The economic embargo that Russia and Turkey have imposed on each other has caused serious reductions in foreign trade volume between the two countries and in the number of tourists from Russia to Turkey.
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