Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Egypt Ethnic relations History'
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1
White, Carron. "“A Christian by Religion and a Muslim by Fatherland”: Egyptian Discourses on Coptic Equality." The Ohio State University, 2011. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1308337064.
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Bornstein, Alex Matthew. "Pre-Suez Crisis Anglo-American Relations in Egypt, 1950-1954." Master's thesis, Temple University Libraries, 2014. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/297739.
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HistoryM.A.
The focus of this paper is Anglo-American relations in Egypt during the early Cold War period. The goal is to show that relations between the Western allies were more contentious than the analysis previously offered by a number of leading scholars. This has been done by examining early Cold War Western strategy for the defense of the Middle East and Anglo-Egyptian negotiations related to the future of the large British military base in the Suez Canal region. What this paper reveals is that rather than working in concert, as others have argued, Great Britain and the United States during this period sparred over tactics and strategy. The major source of contention between the Western powers centered on Britain's irrational commitment to an antiquated foreign policy based on 19th century principles of imperial domination and exploitation. Whereas Britain wanted to combine Western strategy for the defense of the Middle East with its plan to reconstitute its Empire, the United States sought a new strategic outlook that more thoroughly incorporated the nationalist dreams and economic aspirations of the countries in the region.
Temple University--Theses
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Iskander, Elizabeth. "Coptic media discourses of belonging : negotiating Egyptian citizenship and religious difference in the press and online." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.609373.
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Feng, Xi. "A history of Mormon-Chinese relations 1849-1993 /." access full-text, 1994. http://libweb.cityu.edu.hk/cgi-bin/ezdb/umi-r.pl?9524247.pdf.
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Copp, John W. "Egypt and the Soviet Union, 1953-1970." PDXScholar, 1986. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/3797.
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The purpose of this study is to describe and analyze in detail the many aspects of the Soviet-Egyptian friendship as it developed from 1953 to 1970. The relationship between the two is extremely important because it provides insight into the roles of both Egypt and the Soviet Union in both the history of the Middle East and in world politics. The period from 1953 to 1970 is key in understanding the relationship between the two states because it is the period of the genesis of the relationship and a period in which both nations went through marked changes in both internal policy and their external relations.
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Glenister, Catherine Lucy. "Profiling Punt : using trade relations to locate 'God's Land'." Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/1564.
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Rashdan, Abdelfattah A. (Abdelfattah Ali). "The Shift of the Egyptian Alliance from the Soviet Union to the United States, 1970-1981." Thesis, North Texas State University, 1986. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc500417/.
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The purpose of this study is to examine internal and external factors affecting the Egyptian-Soviet alliance during the period under investigation. Chapter I provides background information on Egyptian-Soviet relations, and in Chapter II important developments in those relations are outlined. Chapter III examines the October War of 1973 and Soviet policy during the war. Chapter IV traces efforts to reach a settlement in the Middle East, highlighting the role of the United States in the negotiations. Finally, Chapter V demonstrates that Egypt, like other small nations, has not surrendered its interests to the aims of either of the superpowers.
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Bellay, Susan. "Pluralism and race/ethnic relations in Canadian social science, 1880-1939." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2001. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk3/ftp04/NQ57503.pdf.
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Geary, Brent M. "A Foundation of Sand: US Public Diplomacy, Egypt, and Arab Nationalism, 1953-1960." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2007. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1193151306.
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Crai, Eugen. "The vampires of Transylvania : ethnic accommodation and legal pluralism." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1999. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp03/MQ64267.pdf.
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Saitua, Idarraga Iker. "Sagebrush Laborers| Basque Immigrants in Nevada's Sheep Industry, International Dimensions, and the Making of an Agricultural Workforce, 1880-1954." Thesis, University of Nevada, Reno, 2016. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=10126026.
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This study explores the history of Basque immigration to the rangelands of Nevada. It views the Basque immigrant sheepherder labor within the social, economic, political, and cultural context of Nevada. Tensions and conflicts occurred as immigrant workers confronted new environments, new labor conditions, and new social adjustments in the context of their new immigrant status. As such, issues developed with other ethnic workforces and over land and water use, particularly upon the advent of the Progressive Conservation Movement in the Far West.
In the late nineteenth century, as sheep and cattle grazing expanded into Nevada (especially from California and Texas), Basque immigrant labor became increasingly visible and encountered discrimination in the use of public ranges. Yet, as the twentieth century progressed stock operators (Basque and Anglo alike) in the sheep industry began to prize Basque labor in the grazing of sheep to the point where that labor became privileged above all others. A stereotype developed of Basque sheepherders that reaffirmed an image of their natural expertise for the tending of sheep that could not be duplicated by any other racial or ethnic group. This study attempts to deconstruct the essentialism surrounding the making of these views that not only attribute to Basques special sheepherding skills, but also confer upon them a degree of racial whiteness and values that entitled them to a privileged labor category.
The 1924 restrictive Immigration Act resulted in a truncated labor supply from the Basque Country. During the Great Depression and especially in WWII the labor shortage became acute. In response Senator Patrick McCarran from Nevada lobbied on behalf of his woolgrowing constituency to open the immigration doors for Basques. Subsequently Cold War international tensions offered opportunities for a rapprochement between the United States and Francisco Franco despite Spain’s previous sympathy with the Axis powers. McCarran took it upon himself to become an informal intermediary with the Spanish dictator to seek more flexible policies on immigration to permit Basques to enter the United States. Ultimately this study explores the role of Basque agricultural labor and McCarran’s ad-hoc diplomacy as catalysts that eventually helped bring Spain into the orbit of western democracies.
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Marshall, Alex. "Die uralte moderne Lösung : nation, space and modernity in Austro-German Zionism before 1917." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2016. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:bfafc7d6-4f9c-4a0e-823f-d087d0dae43e.
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Zionism represents a turning point in the rise of the nation-state to its present near-ubiquity, a national movement which did not construct an identity concurrently with its embrace of nationalism, but reconstructed a diaspora to fit it. I explore how early Political Zionists, particularly Theodor Herzl, perceived both the push and pull of nationalism, and why they were drawn to adopt an ideology and political structure whose basic principles, I argue, were intrinsically hostile to Jews. I begin by examining the socialist Moses Hess as a forerunner and microcosm of later Zionism, arguing his work is underpinned by anxiety about social heterogeneity. The second chapter focuses on portrayals of diaspora, its contradictions and the ambivalence they caused towards less assimilated Jews, nonetheless used as models for national identity. I continue by investigating the countries Herzl looked to as partners on the world stage and models of nationhood, arguing his vision of nationhood was far broader than that of most nationalists and involved a recognised role among other nations. The fourth chapter concerns understandings of 'homeland' and the relationship between people and territory, concluding Zionism's effect is achieved, not just by inhabiting Palestine, but by public desire and effort to do so. I devote my final chapter to concepts of modernity, its perception as both paradoxical and inescapable, and how national historical narratives arrange history into a rational, linear structure. While Zionists left many presumptions of nationalism and modernity unchallenged, most importantly that both nation and state transcend political divides, my conclusion stresses those presumptions they accepted, those aspects they saw as inescapable, and those they pragmatically performed belief in, to achieve Gentile acceptance of Jewish nationhood. I surmise that it was this sense of inevitability, along with the difficulties of diaspora, which gave Jews reason to make displays of accepting the nation-state.
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Premdas, Ralph R. "Religion and reconciliation in the multi-ethnic states of the Third World Fiji, Trinidad, and Guyana /." Thesis, McGill University, 1991. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/26969958.html.
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Armanios, Febe Y. "Coptic Christians in Ottoman Egypt: religious worldview and communal beliefs." The Ohio State University, 2003. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1068350208.
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Rezk, Dina. "Anglo-American political and intelligence assessments of Egypt and the Middle East from 1957-1977." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.608033.
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Hooi, Mavis. "Oriental Fantasy : A postcolonial discourse analysis of Western belly dancers’ imaginations of Egypt and dance festivals in Egypt." Thesis, Linköpings universitet, Avdelningen för historie-, turism- och medievetenskap, 2015. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-125565.
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Belly dance is popularly practised in the West, and every year, thousands of enthusiasts and professionals from around the world travel to attend belly dance festivals in Egypt, which is considered the cultural centre of the dance. This bachelor’s thesis examines the discourses produced by Western or ʽwhiteʼ belly dancers from Sweden and Finland, on the topics of tourism in Egypt and belly dance festivals in Egypt. The texts are analysed using James Paul Gee's discourse analytical framework, combined with postcolonial theory, complemented with an intersectional approach. From the postcolonial and feminist perspectives, belly dance discourse in the West and tourism discourse are problematic, as they perpetuate Orientalist tropes and unequal global power structures, which build on colonial discourse. It is hoped that by identifying and questioning these aspects of discourse that are problematic in terms of equity, this study will make a small contribution towards mitigating its adverse effects, and towards social change.ORCID for Mavis Hooi : 0000-0002-0049-1095
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Haddad-Fonda, Kyle. "Revolutionary allies : Sino-Egyptian and Sino-Algerian relations in the Bandung decade." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2013. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:7e283c84-8138-458b-8123-91c8662b86d4.
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In the decade following the Asian-African Conference of 1955, the communist government of the People’s Republic of China took unprecedented interest in its relations with countries in the Middle East. China’s leaders formed particularly strong ties first with Gamal Abdel Nasser’s Egypt, then, beginning in 1958, with the Algerian Front de Libération Nationale (FLN), which at that time was engaged in a bitter struggle for independence from France. The bonds that developed between China and Egypt and between China and Algeria were strengthened by a shared commitment of the governments of these countries to carry out “revolutions” that would challenge Western preeminence in global affairs and establish their own societies as independent voices on the world stage. The common ideological heritage of these three revolutionary countries allowed their leaders to forge connections that went beyond mere expressions of mutual support. Sino-Arab relations in the 1950s and 1960s cannot be explained by a realist narrative of attempts to exert power or influence through high-level diplomacy; rather, the evolving relationships between China and its Arab allies demonstrate how three countries could co-opt one another’s experiences to define and articulate their own nationalist identities on behalf of domestic audiences. This thesis pays particular attention to two constituencies that played a central role in mediating the development of Sino-Arab relations: Chinese Muslims and Arab leftists. Focusing on publications about Sino-Arab relations written by or intended for members of these two groups makes clear the manners in which domestic ideological concerns shaped the development of international relationships. Sino-Egyptian and Sino-Algerian relations between 1955 and 1965 were primarily symbolic. The perception of international amity gave journalists, policymakers, intellectuals, and religious figures free rein to expound their own distorted interpretations of Chinese and Arab society in order to promote their own ideological causes. These causes, which varied over the course of the decade, included the incorporation of Chinese Muslims into Chinese politics, the conferral of revolutionary legitimacy on Nasser’s government, the celebration of China as a champion of global revolution, the legitimization of the FLN, and the presentation of China as a fully anti-imperialist country in contrast to the Soviet Union. Each of these projects had in common the enduring goal of transforming how citizens of China, Egypt, and Algeria perceived their own national identity.
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Boauod, Marai. "The Making of Modern Egypt: the Egyptian Ulama as Custodians of Change and Guardians of Muslim Culture." PDXScholar, 2016. http://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/3102.
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Scholarship on the modern history of the Middle East has undergone profound revision in the previous three decades or so. Many earlier perceptions, largely based on modernization theory, have been either contested or modified. However, the perception of the Egyptian ulama (the traditionally-educated, religious Muslim scholars) in academic scholarship remains largely affected by the legacy of hypotheses of the modernization theory. Old assumptions that the Egyptian ulama were submissive to political power and passive players incapable of accommodating, let alone of fathoming, conditions of the modern world, and who chose or were forced to retreat from this world, losing much, if not all, of their relevance and significance, still infuse the scholarly literature.
Making use of materials obtained from the Egyptian National Archives, this study offers an examination of modern legal reform in Egypt from the nineteenth century through the first part of the twentieth century with the ulama and their legal institutions in mind. As the findings of this study effectively illustrate, the Egyptian ulama were by no means submissive. Rather, they were patient. Far from being passive agents of the past, the Egyptian ulama were active participants who played a critical role in the building of modern Egypt. The ulama had at their disposal sustained social and moral influence, a long-standing position as community leaders, a reputation as defenders and representatives of Islam, the power to validate or invalidate the political establishment by means of public and doctrinal legitimization, and the final authority over laws of family and personal status. Through these strengths, the ulama were able to influence the direction of change and to impact its scope and nature during transitional period that witnessed the making and remaking of modern Egypt.
Considering the nature of changes that they allowed to be introduced to the shari-based justice system and the ones they resisted, as well as their stance regarding social matters, the Egyptian ulama comprehended and recognized modernity as useful. Advanced techniques had to be embraced to strengthen state institutions. However, the ulama thwarted massive and sudden adoption of modernity's cultural elements, so that Egypt would not become a chaotic country and go astray. On the weight of their position as the ultimate authority over family law, the Egyptian ulama blocked rapid social change imposed from the top. Alterations to family law and the social structure were undertaken gradually and with a great deal of delicacy. Therefore, the long-standing social order was not suddenly destroyed and replaced with a new one. Instead, changes to the long-standing social structure were allowed to evolve slowly, while the core was largely preserved.
The ulama's far-reaching plan, which was realized in the long run, was to maintain Islam's position in modern Egypt as a guide and as the main source of legitimacy. As will be shown in this study, the history of the Egyptian ulama reveals not passivity, detachment, or submission but careful, and deliberate action.
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Kaufman, David B. "Polish-Jewish relations during the rebirth of Poland, November 1918-June 28, 1919." Thesis, University of Stirling, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/1893/199.
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This study examines Polish-Jewish relations during the pivotal eight months between the declaration of Polish Independence on November 11, 1918 and the formal re-establishment of the Polish state by its recognition by the Allied and Associated Powers at the Paris Peace Conference on June 28, 1919. The thesis explores the background to Polish-Jewish relations in the years immediately preceding the period under investigation in order to place the events in their political and socio-economic context. The key to the present study is a detailed examination of the controversial anti-Jewish outrages that occurred in the disputed Russo-Polish-Ukrainian borderlands, namely in Lwów in November 1918, and at Pińsk in April 1919. It is important not only to scrutinise these events in detail, but furthermore to place them in their full international perspective. The direct result was the imposition of a Minorities Treaty upon Poland, which was largely drafted during the final months of the Peace Conference. Polish anti-Jewish violence was not the only factor that influenced the Allies gathered at Versailles, yet the peacemakers felt compelled to treat Poland as a special case. The Treaty further strained the interdependent links between Poles and Jews, both in Poland and the west, as the dominant group saw it as an unfair limitation on its sovereignty. Polish resentment at the perceived influence of ‘international Jewry’ further heightened tensions between the two, yet the drafting of the Minorities Treaty was emphatically not as a result of the ‘Jewish lobby’ (which was in fact divided) that had gathered in the French capital in an attempt to further Jewish demands in both Eastern Europe and Palestine. The damage done to Polish-Jewish relationships during the crucial period of 1918-1919 not only strained interaction between those groups in the months covered by the thesis, but also exacerbated the Jewish ‘problem’ during the course of the Second Polish Republic and beyond.
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Freas, Erik Eliav. "Muslim-Christian relations in Palestine during the British mandate period." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/2789.
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My dissertation examines Muslim-Christian relations in Palestine during the British mandate period, specifically, around the question of what constituted Palestinian-Arab identity. More broadly speaking, the dissertation addresses the topic within the context of the larger debate concerning the role of material factors (those related to specific historical developments and circumstances) versus that of ideological ones. in determining national identities. At the beginning of the twentieth, century, two models of Arab nationalism were proposed-a more secular one emphasising a shared language and culture (and thus, relatively inclusive of non-Muslims) and one wherein Arab identity was seen as essentially an extension of the Islamic religious community, or umma. While many historians dealing with Arab nationalism have tended to focus on the role of language (likewise, the role of Christian Arab intellectuals), I would maintain that it is the latter model that proved determinative of how most Muslim Arabs came to conceive of their identity as Arabs. Both models were essentially intellectual constructs; that the latter prevailed in the end reflects the predominance of material factors over ideological ones. Specifically, I consider the impact of social, political and economic changes related to the Tanzimat reforms and European economic penetration of the nineteenth century; the role of proto-nationalist models of communal identification-particularly those related to religion; and finally, the role played by political actors seeking to gain or consolidate authority through the manipulation of proto-nationalist symbols.
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Rocha, Nara Maria Forte Diogo. "Ethnic-racial relations and children education: what children say about african and afro-brazilian history and culture at school." Universidade Federal do CearÃ, 2015. http://www.teses.ufc.br/tde_busca/arquivo.php?codArquivo=14806.
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CoordenaÃÃo de AperfeiÃoamento de Pessoal de NÃvel SuperiorThe study investigates ethnic-racial relations in the teaching of African culture and african-Brazilian from the perspective of childhood cultures in the context of early childhood education. It takes into account on the one hand, the historical moment of tackling racism in Brazil, translated into affirmative action policies, most notably education Law 10,639, and on the other hand the methodological discussion on research with children emphasizing the seizure child view. As a general objective aims to understand how children mean the knowledge on African history and culture and african-Brazilian school. Specifically, it aim to discuss the role of the early childhood school as a mediator of knowledge on African and african-Brazilian culture; to understand the movement of meanings attributed by children to ethnic and racial relations in schools rites and to thematize the experience of racial relations in the school context from the perspective of childhood cultures The theoretical perspectives adopted are the Cultural Studies, Postcolonial Studies and South Epistemologies Studies and the Sociology of Childhood and the Historical-Cultural Psychology. It's ethnographic case study carried out in a private school in kindergarten and elementary school in Fortaleza-CE. The corpus consisted of field diaries and video recordings of the activities performed by children as well as transcribed interviews (families and school staff). With regard to children, peerâs culture category allowed the understanding of the training criteria, maintenance and dynamics of their groups: previous cohabitation, gender and presence of disability. The ethnic and racial identity was taken by children as a control strategy in the peer group, which was neutralized by the school, and as identification of self and other. The significance of African history and culture and african-Brazilian is marked by dialogued heteroglossia and selective invisibility, organizing itself as a performative and paradoxical way. It is concluded that the placements of children ranged from positive identification with the indigenous and European culture at the expense of black/African culture, reproducing interpretively the paradoxes perceived in how African culture is transmitted in school and in Brazilian society. Finally, the thesis is that the meanings expressed by the children are organized around paradoxes that brings out the tensions, dilemmas and conflicts within an anti-racist education in Brazilian society.
O estudo investiga as relaÃÃes Ãtnico-raciais na transmissÃo da histÃria e cultura africana e afro-brasileira na perspectiva das culturas da infÃncia no contexto da educaÃÃo infantil. Tem em conta, de um lado, o momento histÃrico de combate ao racismo no Brasil, traduzido em polÃticas de aÃÃo afirmativa, de maior destaque para a educaÃÃo a Lei 10.639, e de outro lado, o debate metodolÃgico sobre as pesquisas com crianÃas enfatizando a apreensÃo do ponto de vista infantil. Como objetivo geral visa-se compreender, como as crianÃas significam os saberes sobre a histÃria e cultura africana e afro-brasileira na escola. Especificamente, discutir o papel da escola de educaÃÃo infantil como mediadora dos saberes sobre a cultura africana e afro-brasileira; compreender a circulaÃÃo dos sentidos atribuÃdos pelas crianÃas Ãs relaÃÃes Ãtnico-raciais nos ritos escolares e entÃo problematizar a vivÃncia das relaÃÃes Ãtnico-raciais no contexto escolar, na perspectiva das culturas da infÃncia. As perspectivas teÃricas adotadas sÃo os Estudos Culturais, os Estudos PÃs-coloniais e as Epistemologias do Sul, bem como a Sociologia da InfÃncia e a Psicologia HistÃrico-Cultural. Trata-se de estudo de caso de cunho etnogrÃfico realizado em uma escola particular de educaÃÃo infantil e ensino fundamental da cidade de Fortaleza-CE. O corpus foi constituÃdo dos diÃrios de campo e videogravaÃÃes das atividades lÃdicas e pedagÃgicas realizadas pelas crianÃas, bem como de entrevistas transcritas (famÃlias e funcionÃrios da escola). A significaÃÃo das crianÃas a respeito da histÃria e cultura africana e afro-brasileira à marcada pela Heteroglossia Dialogizada e pela Invisibilidade Seletiva, organizando-se como de modo performativo e paradoxal. A categoria cultura de pares compreende os critÃrios de formaÃÃo, manutenÃÃo e dinamicidade dos grupos de crianÃas: convivÃncia anterior, gÃnero e presenÃa de deficiÃncia. A identificaÃÃo entorracial foi tomada pelas crianÃas como identificaÃÃo de si e do outro, e quando utilizada como estratÃgia de controle no grupo de pares, foi neutralizada pela escola. Conclui-se que os posicionamentos das crianÃas variaram entre a identificaÃÃo positiva com a cultura indÃgena e europÃia em detrimento da cultura negra/africana, reproduzindo interpretativamente os paradoxos percebidos no modo como a cultura africana à transmitida na escola e na sociedade brasileira. Por fim, a tese à de que os sentidos expressos pelas crianÃas se organizam em torno de paradoxos que permitem problematizar as tensÃes, impasses e conflitos no Ãmbito de uma educaÃÃo antirracista na sociedade brasileira.
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Akrami, Rahimullah. "Revisiting Afghanistan's Modern History: The Role of Ethnic Inclusion on Regime Stability." Wright State University / OhioLINK, 2019. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=wright1547332876379751.
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Cerny, Johannes. "Deconstructing ethnic conflict and sovereignty in explanatory international relations : the case of Iraqi Kurdistan and the PKK." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10871/17972.
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This study is essentially a critique of how the three dominant paradigms of explanatory international relations theory - (neo-)realism, liberalism, and systemic constructivism - conceive of, analytically deal with, and explain ethnic conflict and sovereignty. By deconstructing their approaches to ethnic identity formation in general and ethnic conflict in particular it argues that all three paradigms, in their epistemologies, ontologies and methodologies through reification and by analytically equating ethnic groups with states, tend to essentialise and substantialise the ethnic lines of division and strategic essentialisms of ethnic and ethno-nationalist elites they set out to describe, and, all too often, even write them into existence. Particular attention, both at the theoretical and empirical level, will be given to the three explanatory frameworks explanatory IR has contributed to the study of ethnic conflict: the 'ethnic security dilemma', the 'ethnic alliance model', and, drawing on other disciplines, instrumentalist approaches. The deconstruction of these three frameworks will form the bulk of the theoretical section, and will subsequently be shown in the case study to be ontologically untenable or at least to fail to adequately explain the complex dynamics of ethnic identity formation in ethnic conflict. By making these essentialist presumptions, motives, and practices explicit this study makes a unique contribution not only to the immediate issues it addresses but also to the wider debate on the nature of IR as a discipline. As a final point, drawing on constitutive theory and by conceiving of the behaviour and motives of protagonists of ethnic conflict as expressions of a fluid, open-ended, and situational matrix of identities and interests without sequential hierarchies of dependent and independent variables, the study attempts to offer an alternative, constitutive reading of ethnic and nationalist identity to the discourses of explanatory IR. These themes that are further developed in the empirical section where, explanatory IRA's narratives of ethnic group solidarity, ethno-nationalism, and national self-determination are examined and deconstructed by way of the case study of the relations between the Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK) and the Iraqi Kurdish ethno-nationalist parties in the wider context of the political status of the autonomous Kurdistan Region of Iraq. With this ambition this study makes an original empirical contribution by scrutinising these relations in a depth unique to the literature.
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Baden, John K. "Residual Neighbors: Jewish-African American Interactions in Cleveland From 1900 to 1970." Case Western Reserve University School of Graduate Studies / OhioLINK, 2011. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=case1291421308.
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Willingham, Robert Allen. "Jews in Leipzig nationality and community in the 20th century /." Thesis, Austin, Tex. : University of Texas Libraries, 2005. http://www.lib.utexas.edu/etd/d/2005/willinghamr73843/willinghamr73843.pdf#page=2.
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Davis, Robert Chris. "Certifiably Romanian : national belonging and contested identity of the Moldavian Csangos 1923-85." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.669924.
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Pienoski, Christine Marie Pienoski. "Pyramids of Lake Erie: The Historical Evolution of the Cleveland Museum of Art's Egyptian Collection." Kent State University / OhioLINK, 2016. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=kent1461522282.
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Odari, Catherine J. "A Blessing or Curse?: The Mboya-Kennedy Students’ Airlift and its Implications." Miami University / OhioLINK, 2011. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=miami1313975817.
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Déraps, Jean. "Flirting with the unsayable? : a discours social perspective of der Fall Jenninger." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1997. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp01/MQ37200.pdf.
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Bayar, Yesim. "Turkish nation-building process : an analysis of language, education, and citizenship policies during the early Republic (1920-1938)." Thesis, McGill University, 2008. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=115601.
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This study seeks to analyze the Turkish nation-building process during the early Republican period (1920-1938). In doing this, the substantive focus will be on three main dimensions --language, education, and citizenship -- with particular emphasis on the rhetoric and actions of the political elite.By looking at language, education, and citizenship policies, and their formulations, the present analysis will make three main propositions: First, and in contrast to the existing literature on nations and nation-building, it will be demonstrated that the process of Turkish nation-building was neither a smooth nor an automatic process. Moreover, during the period under analysis, there were competing definitions of nationhood which were taken up, and discussed by the political elite. The final conceptualization of nationhood --which took an assimilationist form with an ethnic understanding attached to it -- was formed over time. At times, the process was wrought with tensions as illustrated by the heated debates among the political elite.
Second, the present analysis will seek to bring together two different ways of looking at nation formation. More specifically, the analysis will attempt to bridge the gap between those works which only underline the role of ideas in the formation of nations, and those which emphasize the role of structural forces. By paying attention to the "voices" (and actions) of the political elite, this study will demonstrate that it is not only ideas, nor is it only structural forces that matter. Rather, the crystallization of the contents of Turkish nationhood illustrates the interplay of ideological as well as geopolitical and political forces.
Third, a detailed analysis of the trajectory of Turkish nation-building and the formulation of Turkish nationhood reveals the complexity of this process. The existing literature on Turkey tends to treat the Kemalist era as an undifferentiated whole. The present work will remain critical to such an outlook. Instead, and by looking at the shifting conceptualizations of nationhood, it will seek to demonstrate the complexity and contingent nature of the Turkish nation-building process.
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Kizilov, Mikhail. "The Karaites, a religious and linguistic minority in Eastern Galicia (Ukraine) 1772-1945." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2007. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:0d1c5b95-5f5a-4805-b90e-d2b54cbb9dd5.
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The dissertation is dedicated to the history of the East European Karaite Jews (Karaites), a highly interesting ethno-religious Jewish group. It focuses on the Karaites of Galicia (Ukraine) from 1772 to 1945. The first four chapters of the dissertation are devoted to the Austrian period in the history of the Galician Karaites (1772-1918). Chapter One demonstrates that the Karaites represent an unparalleled example of preferential treatment of a Jewish community by the Austrian administration. Chapter Two provides readers with an overview of the "internal" history of the Karaite communities of Halicz and Kukizow. Chapter Three outlines the religious and ethnographic customs and traditions of the Galician Karaites. Chapter Four focuses on relations between the Karaites and their ethnic neighbours - the Slavs and the Ashkenazic Jews. Chapter Five is dedicated to the history of the Karaites in Polish Galicia between the two world wars. It is in this period that the Karaites started to become more and more separated from the Ashkenazic Jews. Chapter Six reconstructs the process of dejudaization and Turkicization of the Karaite community, highlighting the role of Seraja Szapszal, the Karaite ideological leader. It ends with an analysis of the history of the community during the period of the Nazi occupation. Chapter Seven outlines the ultimate decline of the Galician community after the Second World War. It also describes the current state of the Galician Karaite community and its historical legacy. The conclusion provides some essential remarks regarding the position of the Karaite case within the wider framework of Jewish and European history.
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Bajalan, Djene Rhys. "Between accommodationism and separatism : Kurds, Ottomans and the politics of nationality (1839-1914)." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:19df6c44-b55c-4807-8d8b-bf202184bcda.
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This dissertation examines the origins and development of ethno-national mobilisation amongst the Kurds of the Ottoman Empire in the decades leading up to the outbreak of the First World War in 1914. It argues that, like other elements of Ottoman community, over the course of the late nineteenth and early twentieth century the idea that the Kurds constituted a 'nation' gradually proliferated amongst Kurdish intellectual and political leaders. This nascent 'national consciousness' found concrete expression in the establishment of a series of newspapers, journals and organisations claiming to represent the views and interests of the Ottoman Kurdish community. However, while a growing number of Kurds began to see themselves as part of a 'Kurdish nation', the political implications of Kurdish 'nationhood' remained controversial. Indeed, from its inception the Kurdish movement contained within it a number of factions which held very different opinions on what precisely constituted the Kurds' national interests. This included some who attempted to secure the advancement and development of their people within the framework of the empire (accommodationists) and others who sought national independence (separatists). This study seeks to highlight the diversity within the Kurdish movement and, more importantly, shed light on the reasons behind it. In doing so, it will become possible to create a more nuanced historical narrative of the origins and nature of the Kurdish question, a question which remained a major political issue facing Middle Eastern leaders and statesmen today.
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Gafuik, Nicholas. "More than a peacemaker : Canada's Cold War policy and the Suez Crisis, 1948-1956." Thesis, McGill University, 2004. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=83103.
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This paper will rather seek to uncover and emphasize Cold War imperatives that served as significant guiding factors in shaping the Canadian response to the Suez Crisis. The success of Canadian diplomacy in the 1956 Suez Crisis was in the ability of Secretary of State for External Affairs Lester B. Pearson and his Canadian colleagues to protect Western interests in the context of the Cold War. Suez threatened Anglo-American unity, and the future of the North Atlantic alliance. It also presented the Soviets an opportunity to gain influence in the Middle East. The United Nations Emergency Force ensured that Britain and France had a means to extricate themselves from the Crisis. Canada wished to further protect Western credibility in the eyes of the non-white Commonwealth and Afro-Asian bloc. It was, therefore, important to focus international attention on Soviet aggression in Hungary, and not Anglo-French intervention in Egypt.
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Bedi, Tarini. "Ethnonationalism and the politics of identity : the cases of Punjab and Assam." Thesis, McGill University, 1998. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=28244.
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This analysis addresses the relationship between pre-political cultural identity and political outcomes. It posits that the political mobilization of sub-national groups cannot be understood without an examination of the cultural processes of identity formation. The analysis engages cultural discourse and its organization as an explanatory factor in the examination of the variation in ethnic political outcomes. Hence, important questions about ethnonational conflict can be answered by engaging the levels at which identity is constructed and reshaped through cultural discourse. It shifts the arena of analysis from the state to the ethnic groups themselves. The two empirical cases analyzed are that of Sikh nationalism in Punjab and 'ethnic' Assamese nationalism in Assam.
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Amft, Andrea. "Sápmi i förändringens tid : en studie av svenska samers levnadsvillkor under 1900-talet ur ett genus- och etnicitetsperspektiv." Doctoral thesis, Umeå universitet, Arkeologi och samiska studier, 2000. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-65862.
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This dissertation is a study of the changing living conditions for the Sami in Swedish Såpmi (Samiland) throughout the twentieth century with an analysis based on a gender and ethnic perspective. At the turn of the century, the Sami lived as nomadic reindeer herders and were primarily self- sufficient. This changed as the reindeer herders shifted from a self-sufficient lifestyle to a money economy tor a variety of reasons. Over time they became more integrated in the dominant Swedish society and even more dependent on it. Reindeer herding has become increasingly mechanized since the I960's with rationalizations as a result. Even in to the 1990's the industry was the object of streamlining ettorts. A process of masculinization has also occurred and today's reindeer herding is a distinctly male coded profession. Women do not regularly participate in the daily work of reindeer breeding and their ability to have any direct influence on the herding districts (sameby) is limited. This is also largely true in terms of the Sami Parliament, the Sami popularly elected body. The Sami population has experienced unfavorable special legislation and regulation from the State. The population was divided into several different categories with different rights. Sami women were marginalized two-fold and subordinated, partly because of their ethnic affiliation (as Sami) and partly because of their sex (as women). This continues to be true today. The analysis of gender division of labor shows that a married couple had their own autonomous areas of power within the household. The wife was however still subordinate to her husband in his role as master of the family. The older reindeer herding society was not noted for its equality. There was a distinct hierarchy based on sex, age, and social status. Division of labor in modern reindeer breeding is in principle based on the same normative system as the older nomadic society. The study of the ethnic processes in Såpmi shows among other things that from a Sami perspective, a person is Sami who is related to other Sami and whose actions are based on a Sami identity. It is also clear today that there are many different Sami identities, that an individual person draws from a number of such identities and that it is the context that determines which of these are active in any given situation. The Sami identity is sex-based, i.e. there is a difference between a "male Sami" and a "female Sami." Sami women, unlike Sami men, cannot be politically active while also being active based on their sexual identity. Were they to do so, they would be excluded by definition from their ethnic group. Sami women must therefore subordinate themselves as women to be "genuine" Sami. They thereby contribute to their own marginalization and help maintain their own subordinated position in the Sami society.digitalisering@umu
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King, Rachel. "Voluntary barbarians of the Maloti-Drakensberg : the BaPuthi chiefdom, cattle raiding, and colonial rule in nineteenth-century southern Africa." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.669789.
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Awad, Siham Samir. "The impact of the application of Sharia law on the rights of non-Muslims in the light of international principles : the case of Sudan." Thesis, McGill University, 1995. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=22690.
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The idea of exploring the topic of the thesis has been promoted by the revival of Islam as a legal system in a number of Islamic nation states, as an assertion and part of their identity. This development is regarded by some as adversely affecting non-Muslim citizens in such states when looked at in the light of international principles.Sudan, a multireligious state, declared the application of Sharia laws in 1983. The thesis addresses the impact of the application of Sharia law on non-Muslims within the historical, political and legal context of Sudan. This is examined in the light of international principles.
To this end, the thesis uses a comparative methodology, entailing the identification of the areas of inconsistencies between rules of Sharia governing non-Muslim subjects and international norms. Thus, an examination of Sudanese laws based on Sharia having an impact on non-Muslims is made.
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Kassem, Madjdy. "The foreign policy of Anwar Sadat : continuity and change, 1970-1981." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2013. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:399e0973-167a-4747-937a-9cc3e83236f9.
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This thesis aims to examine both continuity and change in Egyptian foreign policy between 1970 and 1981. The overarching question of this work is: Why and how did President Sadat affect changes in foreign policy? More specifically, the thesis examines the evolution of Egyptian foreign policy in three concentric circles: the Superpowers, the Arab world, and Israel. The broader aim of the thesis is to provide a detailed study of Egyptian foreign policy in this period, which witnessed a multitude of watershed events. The topic is important because Egypt is a leading state in the Arab world, a core actor in the Arab-Israeli conflict, and a strategic ally of the superpowers during the Cold War. The thesis offers a detailed chronological account of Egyptian foreign policy during the 1970s. It advances a revisionist interpretation of the early Sadat years, arguing that there was much greater continuity with the foreign policy of Gamal Abdel-Nasser than is commonly believed. The account ends in 1981, with the assassination of Anwar Sadat and the succession of Hosni Mubarak. It is argued that Sadat not only managed to reverse Nasser’s radical path in foreign policy, but that he also succeeded in institutionalising his most significant policy changes: peace with Israel and the removal of Egypt from the Arab-Israeli conflict. The methodology of the thesis is principally empirical and qualitative in nature. The thesis is based on extensive archival research, recently declassified official documents, memoirs of policymakers in English and Arabic, and oral histories in the form of interviews and transcripts of discussions with former Egyptian policymakers.
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Furas, Jonathan Haim. "In need of a new story : writing, teaching and learning history in mandatory Palestine." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:37d9f02d-bc6e-45c2-b244-711793702a37.
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This study looks at history teaching as a reflection of the circumstances and interests that shaped the nature of Palestinian society, Arab and Jewish, in mandate Palestine. It examines the pedagogical and political roots of educational segregation between Arabs and Jews, tracing the causes that turned it into an impervious practice and explores the engagement of both communities with the education of the national other and the reciprocal influence of this engagement on both education systems. The thesis examines the sociology of particularly Arab, but also Hebrew knowledge, focusing on who wrote history textbooks and why, what were the cultural and intellectual influences involved in this process, and how was history instrumentalised for the creation of a new identity, shedding light on the conscious or unconscious manner in which colonial historiographic paradigms wrote themselves into these textbooks. The juxtaposition of Arabic and Hebrew textbooks underlines the centrality of the conflict in moulding exclusive notions of collectivity and territoriality through the narration of the past. The second part of the project discusses the institutionalisation of this historiography into an educational policy, through curricula, syllabi and exams. I focus on the colonial logic behind this policy, highlighting its inconsistent educational rationale. By analysing the pedagogic discourse of Arab educators and essays written by students, I argue that a growing community of educators and students countered the British policy, seeking to make sense and find an authentic voice within the contours of colonial reality. The thesis concludes with an examination of the teaching of history beyond the history course, analysing the omnipresence of history in the students' lives and their interpretation of it, underlying the differences between the Arab and Hebrew communities in their ability to disseminate a shared, historical consciousness. This analysis of Arabic and Hebrew sources discloses the uncanny resemblance between the production of historical education in both communities, which nonetheless contributed in both cases to driving them apart rather than opening any space for commonality.
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Kenrick, David William. "Pioneers and progress : white Rhodesian nation-building, c.1964-1979." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2016. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:a9e3ff0d-dfca-4e19-8adc-788c3e7faf9f.
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The thesis explores the white Rhodesian nationalist project led by the Rhodesian Front (RF) government in the UDI-period of 1965 to 1979. It seeks to examine the character and content of RF nation-building, arguing that it is important to consider the context of wider global and regional trends of nationalism at the time. Thus, it places the white Rhodesia within wider 'British World' studies of settler societies within the British Empire, but also compares it to other African nationalist movements in the 1960s and 1970s. It studies white Rhodesian nationalism on its own terms as a sincere, albeit unrealistic, alternative to majority-rule independence, and considers how the RF adapted over the period in its continuing attempts to justify minority-rule in an era of global decolonisation. Two thematic sections examine the RF's nation-building project in systematic detail. The first section, on symbolism, considers Rhodesia's processes of 'symbolic decolonisation'. This involved white Rhodesians creating new national symbols not associated with Britain or the British Empire. Processes by which new national symbols were chosen are used as a lens to explore white Rhodesian debates about their 'new' nation after the Unilateral Declaration of Independence (UDI) was taken in 1965. They reveal the ambiguities and complexities at the heart of the RF's nation-building project; a project that was frequently exclusionary and hotly contested at every opportunity. The second section explores how history was used to help create and defend the nation, adding to studies of the use of history in nationalist projects. It considers a range of non-professional sites of history-making, demonstrating the complicated relationships between these different sites and the state's wider nationalist agenda. It also explores how history was invoked to justify and defend minority-rule independence both before and after UDI.
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Dhattiwala, Raheel. "Hindu-Muslim violence in Gujarat, 2002 : political logic, spatial configuration, and communal cooperation." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.669731.
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This thesis uses a mixed methods approach to investigate the different levels of Hindu-Muslim violence in Gujarat (western India) in 2002 when at least a thousand Muslims were killed. An original dataset of killings is compiled to analyse macrospatial variation in the violence across towns and rural areas of Gujarat. Data collected from 21 months of ethnographic fieldwork in Ahmedabad city is used to investigate microspatial variation across three neighbourhoods with varying levels of violence.Macrospatial analysis discusses the link between political authority and its capacity to instigate ethnic violence as a response to electoral calculations and identifies the mechanisms by which violence against Muslims was orchestrated by the Hindu nationalist Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). Ethnographic findings demonstrate the importance of ecological strategies adopted by attackers and targets during the course of attack and urge a re-examination of the intuitive association of spatial proximity with greater interethnic contact. Findings also reveal methods of enforcement used by legitimate and illegitimate institutions of a peaceful slum neighbourhood in resolving commitment problems of cooperation. Finally, the thesis examines the aftermath of the violence, more specifically a political phenomenon of Muslims of Gujarat supporting the BJP nine years after the brutal violence.Methodologically, the main contribution of this thesis is in bridging the quantitative and ethnographic traditions in the sociology of ethnic violence to make possible the linking, and disentangling, of macrolevel risk factors associated with violence from microlevel factors. Findings of the thesis hopefully provide a better understanding of ethnic violence in multi-ethnic democracies and a roadmap of policy-making for India as it continues to struggle with ethnic strife.
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Blythe, Patrick G. "An island of resistance : hegemony and adaptation on Martha's Vineyard, 1642-1727." Virtual Press, 2004. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/1293514.
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Recent histories of cultural encounters in colonial America emphasize how interactions between native Americans and Europeans altered both cultures. In order to facilitate such an investigation, scholars employ ethno history-a multidisciplinary approach that uses methods and sources from anthropology, archeology, and history. While it remains the dominant methodology for studying cultural encounters, others are critical of such studies pointing to the dangers of using European sources in order to understand native American culture. Some literary scholars argue that the only information that historians can gain from European texts and images are representations of the indigenous population. Using cultural encounters between English missionaries and Wampanoag Indians on Martha's Vineyard between 1642 and 1727 as my case study, I combine these seemingly incompatible methodologies to analyze relations in three cultural arenas: religion, gender, and literacy. I argue that through their resistance to English power, the Indians were able to continually adjust to life in their ever-changing new world. Even though their culture changed dramatically during this period, there were also able to resist full acculturation by maintaining a distinct Wampanoag identity.Department of History
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McIntire, William David. "Information Communication Technologies and Identity in Post-Dayton Bosnia: Mendingor Deepening the Ethnic Divide." Wright State University / OhioLINK, 2014. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=wright1401978761.
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Oliveira, Arlete dos Santos. "Mulheres negras e educadoras: de amas-de-leite a professoras. Um estudo sobre a construção de identidades de mulheres negras na cidade de São Paulo." Universidade de São Paulo, 2009. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/48/48134/tde-11092009-160324/.
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O presente trabalho teve como objetivo discutir as relações sociais de professoras negras da cidade de São Paulo e entender qual o sentido dado à educação por estas mulheres. Considerando que a escola, a família, o mercado de trabalho e a comunidade contribuíram para a (re) construção da identidade pessoal e profissional das entrevistadas. Os sujeitos investigados são quatro professoras dos Centros de Educação Infantil da Zona Leste de São Paulo. A história oral foi utilizada como um modo de registro pessoal que está ligado à sua condição subjetiva de fazer memória dos fatos. Consideramos a memória como um exercício valorativo que espelha o caráter coletivo das lembranças e as entrevistadas, ao inscreverem suas memórias, evidenciaram quais os caminhos percorridos para a superação dos desafios e obstáculos encontrados na vida cotidiana. Nas lembranças dos fragmentos das histórias de vida nos foi possível constatar que o fato dessas mulheres negras se tornarem professoras é uma conquista em relação ao modo como foram posicionadas historicamente. Seus papéis estavam restritos ao espaço da casa, aos afazeres domésticos. As famílias acreditaram na escola como um meio de obtenção da desejada ascensão social e estabeleceram novas estratégias para que suas filhas se formassem no magistério, profissão considerada de maior prestígio social. A ascensão social significou neste caso abrir novas perspectivas de trabalho em relação à sua família de origem. Elas resistiram e reconstruíram uma identidade positiva de si mesma, em uma sociedade que muitas vezes não se esforçou para incluí-las.This research aimed to discuss the social relations of black female teachers from São Paulo city and to understand the sense given to education by these women. Considering that school, family, labor market and comunity have contributed to women interviewee´s personal and professional identity (re)building. It is taken as investigated people four female teachers who work at Centers of Childhood Education placed from east of São Paulo. Oral history have been used as a way of personal registration connected to its subjective condition to make memory of facts. We consider memory as a valuable exercice which mirror the collective character of remembrance and while register their memories the interviewees showed up ways crossed to overcome challenges and obstacles found out in everyday life. From remembrance and fragments about history of life we could realise that the fact these black women have become teachers represents a conquest face the manner they have had been positionated historically. Their social roles were restricted to home space, to household. The families believed in school as a way of obtaining the desired social rise and they have established new strategies to graduate their daughters on teaching, wich is considered a profession with greater social prestige. Social rise meant in this case open up new perspectives of work related to their family of origin. They have resisted and rebuilt a positive identity of theirselfs, even in a society that most times haven´t make an effort to include them.
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Pacini, Henrique Ferreira. "O silêncio de griot: as representações da escravidão africana nas aulas de história no ensino fundamental." Universidade de São Paulo, 2016. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/48/48134/tde-30032017-160359/.
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A presente dissertação tem como objetivo analisar de que maneira a escravidão africana é representada nas aulas e materiais didáticos utilizados no Ensino Fundamental. O enfoque do trabalho parte da hipótese de que as aulas de História, estruturadas a partir de uma concepção ocidental de viés liberal da periodização histórica, dificultam a introdução de enfoques narrativos alternativos que valorizem a cultura e a população afro-brasileira, mantendo uma visão negativa sobre a população negra, principalmente por meio da forma como ocorre o ensino sobre a escravidão africana. A pesquisa teve sua fundamentação teórica baseada no conceito gramsciano de hegemonia - da maneira que foi apropriado pelos Estudos Culturais britânicos - e pelo conceito de consciência histórica formulado pela Teoria da História, de Jörn Rüsen. Os dados empíricos foram coletados em duas escolas públicas da cidade de São Paulo - uma da rede estadual e outra da rede municipal por meio de pesquisa etnográfica nas salas de aula, questionários e entrevistas. Também foram analisados as diretrizes disciplinares de História das duas redes de ensino e os materiais didáticos utilizados por professores e estudantes. Após a pesquisa, concluiu-se que a narrativa histórica sobre a escravidão ensinada nas escolas, dentro de uma periodização ocidental com viés liberal, implica na construção de uma identidade afro-brasileira carregada de negatividade, fator que dificulta a ressignificação das relações étnico-raciais dentro das estratégias propostas pela Lei Federal 10.639/2003.This dissertation aims to analyze in what manner African slavery is represented in classes and teaching materials used in elementary school. The work focus rests on the assumption that History classes, structured on a liberal bias Western conception of historical periodization, hinder the introduction of alternative narrative approaches that value the culture and africanBrazilian population, maintaining a negative outlook on the black population, specially by the manner of teaching African slavery. The research had its theoretical foundation based in the Gramscian concept of hegemony in the way it was adopted by the British Cultural Studies - and in the concept of historical consciousness formulated in the Theory of History, by Jörn Rüsen. Empirical data were collected in two public schools in the city of São Paulo - one of the state government and the other of the municipal network - through ethnographic research in classrooms, questionnaires and interviews. Guidelines for History teaching and class materials used by teachers and students of both school systems were also analyzed. After research it was concluded that the historical narrative about slavery taught in schools, within a Western periodization with liberal bias, implies the construction of an african-Brazilian identity laden with negativity, which hampers the reframing of ethnic-racial relations within the strategies proposed by federal law 10.639 / 2003.
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Factum, Ana Beatriz Simon. "Joalheria escrava baiana: a construção histórica do design de jóias brasileiro." Universidade de São Paulo, 2009. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/16/16134/tde-13012010-154213/.
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Esta tese é uma investigação sobre a joalheria escrava na Bahia dos séculos XVIII e XIX, retrocedendo ou avançando no tempo quando necessário à melhor compreensão do fenômeno. Contribui para o aprofundamento e ampliação dos conhecimentos relativos à história do design no Brasil, no que se refere aos objetos classificados como afro-brasileiros, que são fruto da complexa relação senhor-escravo materializada na forma, na função e no significado do seu design. Adicionalmente, colaborou-se com os estudos da historiografia da escravidão em geral, com foco na participação negra no processo de formação da cultura materialbrasileira.This thesis consists of an investigation about slave Brazilian jewelry in Bahia, in the Eighteenth and Nineteenth centuries. In order to provide the best understanding of the phenomena, it goes back and further in time, as it turns out to be necessary. It contributes to both deepen and widen the knowledge on the history of design in Brazil, in relation to the objects classified as Afro- Brazilian, which are an outgrowth of the complex relation between masters and slaves, materialized in the shape, function and meaning of their design. Moreover, it intends to contribute to the studies of slavery historiography in general, focusing on the participation of black people in the building process of Brazilian material culture.
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Corrêa, Michelle Viviane Godinho. "História: ensino, raça e cultura." Universidade de São Paulo, 2017. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/48/48134/tde-16042018-132240/.
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Esse trabalho tem como objetivo produzir contribuições para a pesquisa e para a didática do Ensino de História a partir da compreensão do processo de ensino e aprendizagem de História no contexto da sala de aula. A partir do enfoque fenomenológico, baseado no método intuitivo bergsoniano, essa pesquisa contou com observação de duas salas de aula de História em diferentes escolas, registro em diário de campo, aplicação de questionário a professores e alunos e gravação de áudio das aulas. O trabalho de campo foi realizado entre março e julho de 2015, contou com a observação de três professores e duas turmas, uma do 7º ano do Ensino Fundamental II e outra da 3ª série do Ensino Médio. Após o período de observação, os dados coletados foram sistematizados, dando origem à estrutura do fenômeno do ensino de História em sala de aula. Essa estrutura gira em torno da categoria central Sala de Aula, possuindo duas subcategorias, Ensino e Cultura e Sociedade. De ambas as bases saem diversos segmentos, subsegmentos e ramificações, formando uma teia complexa de fenômenos. Após a definição das categorias de análise encontradas em campo, foram sistematizadas diferentes contribuições dentro da área da didática da História. Esses dados foram confrontados com os fatos observados, ampliando a compreensão do fenômeno e abrindo outras perspectivas de pesquisa. Esse contraste entre ideal e real também demonstra o quanto teoria e prática estão, por vezes, desconectadas, seja pela incompletude do processo realizado pelos professores em sala de aula, como pelo plano ideal ou da experiência pessoal de autores diversos sobre o qual são construídas essas recomendações metodológicas. Ainda que exista um descompasso entre teoria e prática, os professores observados conseguiram desenvolver a aprendizagem histórica em suas aulas, considerando-se a disparidade existente entre o envolvimento de cada aluno nas aulas. Para além das questões metodológicas, a memória destaca-se como fenômeno indispensável ao ensino de História e é frequentemente mobilizada por meio da sondagem de conhecimentos prévios. No que diz respeito a forma como a cultura se faz presente na sala de aula de História, observou-se a evocação de dados do cotidiano e representações sociais que se manifestaram, em muitos casos, por meio de episódios de preconceito e discriminação, sobretudo raciais. Diante dos resultados encontrados, observa-se a possibilidade de estruturação do ensino de História enquanto uma cadeia de fenômenos e levanta-se como hipóteses que suas variáveis podem sofrer intervenções de forma isolada ou não e que o aprimoramento metodológico dos professores poderia contribuir para a ampliação da aprendizagem histórica, além de levar a superação de uma série de representações sociais que tem se reproduzido ao longo tempo e encontrado meios de adaptação e sobrevivência mesmo diante dos progressos sociais vividos nas últimas décadas.This work aims to produce contributions to the research and didactic of History Teaching from the understanding of the teaching and learning process of History in the context of the classroom. Based on the phenomenological approach, on the Bergsons intuitive method, this research counted on observations of two classrooms of History in different schools, notes in field diary, application of questionnaire to teachers and students and audio recording of the classes. Fieldwork was carried out between March and July 2015, with the observation of three teachers and two classes, one of the 2nd year of Middle School II and another of the 4th grade of High School. After the observation period, the collected data was systematized, giving rise to the structure of the phenomenon of History teaching in the classroom. This structure revolves around the central category Classroom, having two subcategories, Teaching and Culture and Society. Both categories were broken down in several segments, sub-segments and ramifications, forming a complex web of phenomena. After defining the categories of analysis found in the field, different contributions were systematized within the area of History Teaching. These data were confronted with the facts observed, broadening the understanding of the phenomenon and opening up other research perspectives. This contrast between ideal and reality also demonstrates how much theory and practice are sometimes disconnected, either by the incompleteness of the process carried out by teachers in the classroom, or by the ideal plan - or the personal experience of different authors - about each methodological recommendations. Although there is a mismatch between theory and practice, the observed teachers were able to develop the historical learning in their classes, considering the disparity between the involvement of each student in the classes. Besides methodological issues, memory stands out as a phenomenon indispensable to the teaching of History and is often mobilized through the pre-knowledge survey. Regarding the way culture is present in the History classroom, it was observed the evocation of daily data and social representations that have manifested themselves, in many cases, through episodes of prejudice and discrimination, especially racial ones. Given the results found, its possible to structure the History teaching as a chain of phenomena and its suggested as hypotheses that their variables may suffer interventions in isolation or not and that the methodological improvement of teachers could contribute to the expansion of historical learning as well as the overcoming of several social representations that have been reproduced over time and found ways of adaptation and survival even in the face of the social progress experienced in the last decades.
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Castro, Iára Quelho de. "De Chané-Guaná a Kinikinau = da construção da etnia ao embate ente o desaparecimento e a persistência." [s.n.], 2011. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/280433.
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Orientador: John Manuel MonteiroTese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas
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Resumo: Este trabalho apresenta como objeto de estudo o grupo indígena Guaná-Aruák, denominado Kinikinau, que hoje vive na Aldeia de São João, em Mato Grosso do Sul, e que não obstante ter sido considerado extinto na primeira metade do século XX prossegue com a sua existência. Defende a tese de que essa persistência se deve à existência de uma estrutura geral de tendências e disposições apresentadas pelos povos Chané-Guaná, a que pertencem, materializadas nas situações sócio-históricas do contato, que concorreu para a sua continuidade ao longo do tempo e para a sua inserção na historia do extremo-oeste brasileiro, dada a forma como conceberam e construíram suas relações com o seu entorno. Pretende, também, demonstrar que o "desaparecimento" do grupo constituiu-se como um produto histórico e teórico que se esfacelou frente à presença viva do grupo na sociedade brasileira que invalidou todos os prognósticos pessimistas quanto à sua permanência, revelando uma maneira de se ser índio nestes dias propícios, embora difíceis, as reafirmações dos povos indígenas no Brasil. Trata-se, especificamente, de se historiar a constituição dos Kinikinau enquanto uma formação sócio-indígena, identificando-se os lugares e espaços a partir dos quais se deu aquele processo, e as percepções daquele grupo em relação aos eventos que os envolveram no interior de uma sociedade mais ampla. Do ponto de vista da construção teórica e metodológica, o texto usufrui de renovadas concepções, tais como as de cultura, habitus e apropriação que tem sido utilizadas nas contemporâneas abordagens dos povos indígenas, que incluem as suas percepções e adotam uma perspectiva histórica, permitindo uma reconstrução que escapa da historia vista sob uma única perspectiva e voz. Espera-se ter incluído os Kinikinau nesse tipo de narrativa, considerando-se o tempo da longa duração, mostrando algumas dimensões sócio-históricas e políticas da articulação que construíram com a sociedade envolvente, sob a forma que e intrinsicamente significativa para eles. A pesquisa é baseada em fontes escritas e em relatos dos Kinikinau da Aldeia de São João coletados entre maio de 2009 e setembro de 2010. Os dados obtidos sugerem a permanência de uma estrutura geral de tendências e princípios que orientam as praticas sociais do grupo, traduzidas em uma política de aliança e de convívio com a sociedade envolvente. A contribuição geral pretendida neste trabalho é a de ter oferecido uma fração de conhecimento sobre a história dos antepassados dos Kinikinau e do presente embate que travam para serem plenamente reconhecidos pela sociedade brasileira, que possa servir ao estabelecimento de relações mais generosas com esse grupo que historicamente recorre à aliança com a sociedade mais ampla visando a sua continuidade
Abstract: The Brazilian indigenous group Guaná-Aruák called Kinikinau, in Sao Joao village, Mato Grosso do Sul, were considered extinct in the first half of the XX century. This thesis shows that the group's "disappearance", which became a historic and theoretical product, shattered, in face of its live presence among the Brazilian society. Thus, invalidating all pessimistic prognoses as to its permanence and revealed an indigenous way of being in these favorable days, although difficult, as to self-determination of the Brazilian indigenous people. The paper defends that the Chane- Guana's people perseverance is due to the existence of general framework of the tendencies and dispositions between them and materialized through the social-historic situations of contact. These contacts occurred as a result of the way these relations were conceived and contributed around them, in order to permit its endurance along the time and its insertion in the history of Brazil's extreme-west region. It deals specifically with the Kinikinau constitution of its historical, social-indigenous formation, identifying the spaces and places in which the process occurred, and the group awareness of the events that involved them within a broader society. The theoretical foundation is drawn from updated conceptions such as culture, habitus andappropriation used in the contemporary approaches of the indigenous people, which include their perceptions and adopts a historical perspective that allows its reconstruction beyond the one way view and voice of history. These theoretical perceptions permit including the Kinikinau in this kind of narrative, considering the length of time, and also showing the social-historical and political articulation that they built with the surrounding society, which is intrinsically meaningful to them. The research is based on written documents and on accounts given by the Kinikinau from Sao Joao collected from May 2009 to September 2010. The data suggests the permanency of a general structure of tendencies and principals which orientates their social practice, that is, a policy of alliance and relationships with other groups. Eventually, the overall contribution that we wish to propose is to have offered a fraction of knowledge about the history of the forefathers of Kinikinau and their present endeavor to be fully recognized by the Brazilian society. May it also serve to establish a more generous relation with this group, who have strived to continuity historically by referred to an alliance with the larger society
Doutorado
Etnologia Indigena
Doutor em Ciências Sociais
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