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Journal articles on the topic 'Egypt Armed forces History'

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Author: Grafiati

Published: 10 December 2022

Last updated: 28 January 2023

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1

Abul-Magd, Zeinab. "Diaries of a Surveilled Citizen after a Failed Revolution in Egypt." International Journal of Middle East Studies 53, no. 1 (February 2021): 145–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743821000088.

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Under a pseudonym in December 2011, I published an article titled “al-Jaysh wa-l-Iqtisad fi Barr Misr” (The Army and the Economy in Egypt) in Jadaliyya. I wrote it after months of participating in numerous protests in Cairo against the government of the Supreme Council of Armed Forces (SCAF), which took power upon President Hosni Mubarak's abdication in February 2011, and of searching fervidly for the political sources that had allowed the military to prevail over civilian forces. In addition to the tanks and fighter jets, I found some of these sources hidden in a gigantic business empire that the military had clandestinely developed for years. In early 2012 the editor of an online edition of a widely read Egyptian newspaper, a revolutionary female journalist who would later be arrested and detained, invited me to write a series of articles on this business empire, this time using my real name. The first work in decades to be published on this taboo topic, this became the foundation for my later book-length study. As a scholar, this was my humble contribution to an ongoing revolution.

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2

Abdelmoez, Joel W. "Performing (for) Populist Politics." Middle East Journal of Culture and Communication 13, no. 3 (November 27, 2020): 300–321. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18739865-01303007.

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Abstract In July 2013, after months of protest, Egypt’s first democratically elected president, Mohammed Morsi, was ousted by the Egyptian armed forces. The Muslim Brotherhood, who supported Morsi, took to the streets, chanting and singing against the ousting, which they termed a military coup, while supporters of Sisi, who viewed it as a revolution, began producing songs to show their allegiance to the military leadership. While abundant research has been conducted on the role of oppositional and revolutionary music in Egypt since 2011, relatively little has been done on the widely popular pro-military music sometimes known as watani music. Watani songs are a genre of patriotic music made by popular artists to show their allegiance to the Egyptian armed forces. In this paper I examine the surge of watani songs and trace their history back to the Nasser era, thereby showing a continuity in style as well as content. I further argue that there are connections between nationalism and gender constructions, as the national project comes with obligations for men to offer their bodies to the cause. This obligation is aided by constructions about ‘male bravery’ and ‘courage’ that are designed to make men believe that military service is somehow essential to masculinity. Watani music, whether commissioned or not, fits well with this mythology of military men. It forms an ideological undercurrent, supports the narrative that it is necessary for patriotic military men to bravely safeguard the nation against its enemies.

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3

Shubin, Vladimir Il'ich. "Greek mercenaries in Sais Egypt." Genesis: исторические исследования, no. 4 (April 2020): 12–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-868x.2020.4.32577.

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This article is dedicated to examination of the history of emergence of Greek mercenaries during the riling time of XXVI Sais Dynasty. The author reviews the status and role of Greek mercenaries in the armed forced of Sais rulers, organization of their service and living conditions. Considering the fact that the use of Greek mercenaries in Egypt army was a part of the traditional policy of Sais rulers and carried mass character, the author refers to the problem  of social origin of the phenomenon of mercenarism in the Greek society of Archaic era. The research applies comparative-historical method that allows viewing the phenomenon of mercenarism in the historical context – based on the comparative data analysis of ancient written tradition. By the time of Sais Dynasty, control over regions that traditionally provided mercenaries to the Egypt army was lost. Under the circumstances, in order to compensate such losses, Egypt conscripted into military service the hailed from the Greek world. Mercenaries became the first Greeks settled on the Egyptian land. The conclusion is made that the Greek colonization, in absence of other ways to enter the formerly closed to the Greeks Egypt, at its initial stage manifested in such distinct form.

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Nurrohim, Nurrohim, and Fitri Sari Setyorini. "Analisis Historis terhadap Corak Kesenian Islam Nusantara." Millati: Journal of Islamic Studies and Humanities 3, no. 1 (June 15, 2018): 125. http://dx.doi.org/10.18326/mlt.v3i1.125-140.

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The history of Islamic development in Indonesia has different characteristics compared to other Islamic regions such as Turkey, India, Egypt, Syria, and Morocco. The journey of Islam in Indonesia brings different colors and patterns that distinguish it from other Islamic regions. This happens because Islam is spreaded in the archipelago peacefully and in a gradual long time, unlike the other Islamic regions islamization which is not infrequently through the power of the armed forces. This article will explain the results of Islamic interaction with society who previously embraced Hinduism, Buddhism and animist beliefs dynamism in the form of Islamic Nusantara arts. The analytical method used in this paper is a combination of theories of acculturation and assimilation of Nusantara culture and Islamic culture. The combination of Nusantara culture and Islamic culture produces an Islamic art with the uniqueness of Nusantara without eliminating the elements of the old culture. The form of pre-Islamic Nusantara cultural heritage with the Islamic culture can be found in the architecture of mosques, Arabic Malay script, literary arts, painting and sculpture.

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5

Kadirova, G. Sh. "The Rule of Abd аl-Fattah al-Sisi: Politics, Economics and International Relations of Egypt in the 2010s." Minbar. Islamic Studies 14, no. 1 (April 7, 2021): 50–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.31162/2618-9569-2021-14-1-50-77.

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The article is devoted to the history of coming to power and the analysis of the domestic and foreign policy of the President of the Arab Republic of Egypt (ARE), Field Marshal Abd-аl Fattah al-Sisi. The author notes that the new leader of the country chose a tough internal political course aimed at strengthening his own power and suppressing the opposition, fi rst of all, the Muslim Brotherhood (the organization’s activities are prohibited on the territory of the Russian Federation), and the 2014 Constitution and its 2019 amendments led to the virtual disappearance of the independent branches of power and its concentration in the hands of the president, as well as the consolidation in the Basic Law of provisions on the special role of the military in the life of society. Thus, the head of state and the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces determine the political processes in the country, controlling civil institutions. Unlike the traditional ARE course, Abd-al Fattah al-Sisi is building a tougher and more uncompromising policy, demonstrating a readiness to use force, primarily in Libya, narrowing his scope for diplomatic maneuver.

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6

العنسي, حسن صالح. "التنافس اليمني المصري في لسيطرة على مَكَّة ما بين عامي (629-639هـ/1231-1241م)." Albaydha University Journal 3, no. 2 (October 24, 2021): 1089–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.56807/buj.v3i2.199.

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بعد أن حَصلَ اليمن على استقلاله من الحكم الأيوبي المصري عام628ه/1230م، دخل مرحلة جديدة من العلاقة الخارجية مع مصر، اتسمت بالتنافس والعداء (المسلح)، وكان مسرح أحداث ذلك التنافس بلاد (الحجاز)، واستمر عشر سنوات من عام 629هـ/1231م حتى عام 639هـ/1241م، وهو العام الذي تمكن فيه اليمن من إخراج القوات المصرية من الحجاز، والتغلب على مَكَّة. وتُّعد تلك المرحلة من العلاقات الخارجية لليمن مع مصر، من الأهمية بمكان، بحيث لا يمكن إغفالها، أو إهمالها؛ لما تحمله من أحداث ووقائع تاريخية مهمة، منها: انتهاء الوجود الأيوبي المصري في اليمن، وقيام الدولة الرسولية التي تمكنت من بسط سلطتها على جميع أراضيه؛ لينعم اليمن بالاستقرار والوحدة، -لاسيما في عصرها الأول-، فكان له أثره في ازدهار اليمن في جميع الجوانب الحضارية والسياسية والاقتصادية والعلمية. كما أن الباحثين الذين تناولوا تاريخ اليمن في تلك المدة، لم يستوفوا حقها من الدراسة والبحث الجاد، فلا يزال هناك إشكالات تتطلب معالجتها، علاوةً على أن هناك أسئلة تحتاج الإجابة عليها، منها: ما هي التغيرات السياسية التي طرأت في كلٍّ من (مصر، ومَكَّة، واليمن)، والتي أدت إلى نشوب هذا التنافس والعداء المسلح؟ ما موازين القوى؟ وما طبيعة ذلك الصراع؟ وما نتائجه؟ كيف أصبحت الأوضاع في مَكَّة في ظل الحكم اليمني لها؟ وهذه الدراسة تهدف إلى الإجابة على تلك الأسئلة ومعالجة تلك الإشكاليات. Abstract Yemen gained its independence from the Egyptian Ayyubid rule in 628 AH / 1230 AD, so Yemen entered a new phase of the external relationship with Egypt, which was characterized by competition and (armed) hostility. In which Yemen was able to expel the Egyptian forces from the Hijaz, and to conquer Mecca. This stage of Yemen's foreign relations with Egypt is so important that it cannot be overlooked or neglected. Because it bears important historical events and facts, including: the end of the Egyptian Ayyubid presence in Yemen, and the establishment of the Rasulid state, which was able to extend its authority over all its lands; To enjoy stability and unity, especially in its first era, which led to the prosperity of Yemen in all aspects of civilization, political, economic and scientific. Also, the researchers who dealt with the history of Yemen during that period did not fulfill the right of study and serious research, there are still problems that need to be addressed, and there are questions that need to be answered, including: What are the political changes that occurred in (Egypt, Mecca, and Yemen), which led to the outbreak of this rivalry and armed hostility? What are the balances of forces? What is the nature of that conflict? And what are its results? How did the situation in Mecca become under the Yemeni rule? This study aims to answer those questions and address those problems. الكلمات المفتاحية: مصر، اليمن، مَكَّة، العلاقة. التنافس، السيطرة.

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7

Roider, Karl A. "The Habsburg Foreign Ministry and Political Reform, 1801–1805." Central European History 22, no. 2 (June 1989): 160–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938900011481.

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On 6 December 1800, a courier galloped through the gates of Vienna, rushed to the Hofburg, the winter palace of the Habsburgs, and presented to Emperor Francis II a bitter message from Archduke John, the emperor's brother and commander of the Austrian armed forces in Germany. The message read that three days earlier the archduke's troops had engaged the French army under Jean Moreau at Hohenlinden, had suffered serious losses, and were falling back to Salzburg with the officers struggling to maintain order in the ranks while they did so. The news was a crushing blow to Francis. In 1799 the Austrians had begun the War of the Second Coalition with high hopes of reversing the years of defeat at the hands of Revolutionary France. Russia and Britain had agreed to cooperate closely with Austria; France seemed weaker than ever domestically; and Napoleon Bonaparte, who had caused Vienna such grief in 1797, was far away in Egypt trying to inflict damage upon the British Empire. But these hopes turned to ashes. Russia abandoned the Coalition after its army suffered serious losses in Switzerland—indeed, in their wake the Russian ruler, Tsar Paul, had thundered so vehemently against what he saw as Austrian treachery that he had broken relations with Vienna—; Britain had been able to provide much needed funds but not more-needed soldiers; and Bonaparte had returned to work his magic on both the French army and the French people. The result was Hohenlinden, Austrian defeat, and in February 1800 the Treaty of Lunéville that ceded to France primary influence in Germany and Italy.

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8

Aydin, Ulviyye. "The Syrian Refugee Crisis: New Negotiation Chapter In European Union-Turkey Relations." Khazar Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences 19, no. 2 (July 2016): 102–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.5782/2223-2621.2016.19.2.102.

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Syria is one of the countries where a revolution wave named Arab Spring uprose in early 2011. The most radical discourse from Arab Spring into the still ongoing civil wars took place in Syria as early as the second half of 2011. At the beginning it was a civil protest against Assad’s government. Nobody could not estimate the future developments in Syria. The cost of the war in Syria increases every day. More than 250,000 Syrians have lost their lives in four-and-a-half years of armed conflict, which began with anti-government protests before escalating into a full-scale civil war. More than 11 million others have been forced from their homes as forces loyal to President Bashar al-Assad and those opposed to his rule battle each other - as well as jihadist militants from Islamic State. Mixed featured developments and longer resistance of Assad’s regime than estimated escalated tension in Syria in last four and half years. As a result, many countries in the Middle East, such as Egypt, Iraq, Jordan and Lebanon, also Turkey, Serbia, Germany, Sweden, Hungary, Austria, Netherlands, Bulgaria are the sides that should pay a cost of the Syrian war. These states spend a remarkable budget for the Syrian refugees. Economic expenditure is just one dimension of Syrian refugee crisis. Movement of Syrian refugees to the European countries passing Turkish borders is one of the biggest migration crisis of the modern world history. Considering multifaced impacts of the migration, the aim of this paper is to analyze the Syrian refugee crisis as a new negotiation headline between the Europan Union and Turkey.

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9

Johnston, Sarah. "Voices from the War: Improving Access to the Recordings of New Zealand’s World War II Mobile Broadcasting Units." International Association of Sound and Audiovisual Archives (IASA) Journal, no. 52 (August 19, 2022): 22–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.35320/ij.v0i52.125.

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In August 1940, three New Zealand radio broadcasters set sail on an army troop ship from Wellington. They were bound for Egypt, where the New Zealand armed forces were part of the British Empire’s push to drive the German and Italian armies out of North Africa and the Middle East. With them was a mobile recording van, equipped to capture on lacquer discs the voices and sounds of New Zealanders at war, and send those re- cordings back home for radio broadcasts on the other side of the world. For the next five years, the Mobile Broadcasting Unit recorded interviews and reports about the fighting and the day-to-day business of war, as well as thousands of simple messages home from servicemen, and a few women. Today, the 1600 surviving Mobile Unit discs form part of the sound archives of Radio New Zealand, held by audiovisual archive Ngā Taonga Sound & Vision. In this article the author will outline the history of the Mobile Units and the context in which they worked. She will also describe on-going work to identify the speakers heard in their recordings and make this collection more discoverable and accessible to researchers. Ngā Taonga Sound & Vision is currently digitising the collection and preservation archivist Sandy Ditchburn will describe some of the challenges she has encoun- tered in capturing sound from the 80-year-old lacquer discs.

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10

Abdalla, Ahmed. "The armed forces and the democratic process in Egypt." Third World Quarterly 10, no. 4 (October 1988): 1452–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01436598808420121.

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11

Bhatoe, HarjinderS, and MS Sridhar. "History of neurosurgery in the Armed Forces." Neurology India 66, no. 6 (2018): 1758. http://dx.doi.org/10.4103/0028-3886.246298.

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12

Blanga, Yehuda (Udi). "Turmoil in Egypt – 1968–2011: the status of the armed forces in citizen uprisings in Egypt." Contemporary Politics 20, no. 3 (June 25, 2014): 365–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13569775.2014.916060.

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13

Marsh, A. "THE ARMED FORCES IN A CHANGING SOCIETY, HISTORY, ROLES AND PROBLEMS CONCERNING WOMENIN THE ARMED FORCES." Military Law and the Law of War Review 25, no. 1-4 (December 1986): 111–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.4337/mllwr.1986.1-4.14.

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14

Barlow, Jeffrey G., and James F. Cook. "Carl Vinson: Patriarch of the Armed Forces." Journal of Southern History 71, no. 3 (August 1, 2005): 729. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/27648880.

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15

Rajan, Brig RS. "History of cardiac surgery in the armed forces." Indian Journal of Thoracic and Cardiovascular Surgery 20, S1 (January 2004): 42–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12055-004-0016-9.

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Vedder, Timothy. "History of neonatology in the U.S. Armed Forces." Early Human Development 87 (March 2011): S98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.earlhumdev.2010.12.042.

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17

de Jager, Koos-jan. "Gewetensbezwaarden onder vuur." Tijdschrift voor Geschiedenis 134, no. 3 (December 1, 2021): 385–408. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/tvg2021.3.003.jage.

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Abstract Conscientious objectors under fire. Vaccine refusal among orthodox-Protestant soldiers in the Dutch Armed Forces, 1945-1950 During the Indonesian War of Independence (1945-1949), the Dutch government deployed 220,000 soldiers in the Indonesian archipelago. Among them was a group of conservative Christian soldiers who refused vaccinations against smallpox for religious reasons. Initially this caused no problems, but the situation changed after the outbreak of a smallpox epidemic in Indonesia in 1948. The non-vaccinated soldiers could not return to the Netherlands due to international restrictions. Although compulsory vaccination was abolished in 1939, some soldiers were forced to accept vaccination. In the Netherlands, representatives of the Reformed Political Party (SGP) and the conservative churches accused the Army of illegal actions. The central question in the debate was the space for religious minorities and divergent views on vaccination in the Dutch Armed Forces. This article studies the process of negotiation between the Dutch Armed Forces and the political and ecclesiastical representatives of this conservative religious group. Finally, this article argues for more research into religious diversity in the Dutch Armed Forces.

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Jedrzejko, Col Mariusz. "Drugs in the Polish Armed Forces." Journal of Slavic Military Studies 17, no. 3 (September 2004): 475–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13518040490486160.

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Zaccor, Albert M. "Problems in the Baltic armed forces." Journal of Slavic Military Studies 8, no. 1 (March 1995): 53–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13518049508430177.

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20

Corrêa, Marilia. "Military Resistance to the Brazilian Coup: The Fight of Officers and Soldiers against Authoritarian Rule, 1964–67." Americas 77, no. 2 (April 2020): 275–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/tam.2019.112.

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ABSTRACTThis article traces resistance among members of the armed forces who opposed the military dictatorship in Brazil during the first four years of the regime, 1964–67. I show that despite scholars’ efforts to depict the 1964 coup as a project supported by the armed forces as a strategic and ideological unit, there were battle lines within those forces along which hard-liners and moderate interventionists battled for government control. There were, in fact, hundreds of officers and soldiers who opposed the coup and organized against it. To contain resistance efforts inside the armed forces, the generals who orchestrated the coup labeled opponents to intervention as communists and expelled them from the institution, in many cases under considerable duress. This article discusses the first opposition efforts of officers and soldiers, particularly the Nationalist Armed Resistance (RAN) and the Caparaó Guerrilla Movement. Members of the military who were opposed to the coup shared an anti-interventionism and nationalism that united them against the regime. After 1964, their efforts to oppose military interventionism, previously carried out inside the military barracks, became the fight of all its opponents, members of the armed forces and civilians alike.

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Storkmann, Klaus. "The “Most Liberal in nato”?" International Journal of Military History and Historiography 42, no. 1 (November 9, 2021): 70–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24683302-bja10026.

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Abstract Homosexuality was a topic that all armed forces were compelled to address at some point – and still are. A comparison between armed forces from around the world helps to put the actions of one state in the context of a bigger picture. This is not only the approach of historians today, but, as this research surprisingly shows, was the approach of the (West) German Federal Ministry of Defence (FMoD) in the late 1960s and after. Using archival sources from the German FMoD, this article examines how the (West) German MoD was interested in and viewed the regulations of other countries’ armed forces when dealing with homosexual service members, and whether and how these insights influenced the actions of the Defence Ministry.1

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22

Stephen A. Bourque. "Iraq’s Armed Forces: An Analytical History (review)." Journal of Military History 73, no. 4 (2009): 1365–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jmh.0.0373.

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Prebilič, Vladimir, and Jelena Juvan. "The Slovenian Armed Forces and Patriotism." Diplomacy & Statecraft 30, no. 1 (January 2, 2019): 99–117. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09592296.2019.1557418.

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Boyd, Carolyn P., Rafael Banon Martinez, and Thomas M. Barker. "Armed Forces and Society and Spain, Past in Present." Journal of Military History 54, no. 4 (October 1990): 490. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1986071.

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25

Cameron, Craig M., and Charles C. Moskos. "The Postmodern Military: Armed Forces after the Cold War." Journal of Military History 65, no. 3 (July 2001): 871. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2677613.

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Finkle, Lee, Sherie Mershon, and Steven Schlossman. "Foxholes and Color Lines: Desegregating the U.S. Armed Forces." Journal of Southern History 65, no. 4 (November 1999): 909. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2587646.

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Wilson, Dale E., Sherie Mershon, and Steven Schlossman. "Foxholes and Color Lines: Desegregating the U.S. Armed Forces." Journal of Military History 62, no. 4 (October 1998): 948. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/120224.

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Vostrikov, Igor V. "Mercenaries in the Army of Hellenistic Athens." Journal of History Culture and Art Research 6, no. 5 (November 28, 2017): 122. http://dx.doi.org/10.7596/taksad.v6i5.1293.

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<p>This article interests in history of armed forces of the antiquity states, their structure, deployment order, the organization of command, evolution of arms, policy strokes, action of armies in the military conflicts, and to their use in internal political fight, as well as to involvement of mercenaries. During the Classical Period of Greek history big fame was gained by armed forces of Athens and Sparta. Athens in the 5th century BC was at the peak of power and pursued active foreign policy which was in many respects supported by powerful army and fleet. The reason of traditionally high interest in history of Athens of the Classical Period including the armed forces history of the polis also lies in it. However Athens and their armed forces suffered a serious loss and got beaten in the Peloponnese war and the final decline of political and military power of Athens occurred after defeat in Lamian war therefore military activity of the polis sharply decreases. Therefore the history of Hellenistic period Athens gets much less attention. Proceeding from it, the purpose of article consists in a research of the role of mercenaries in armed forces of Athens in the period of Hellenism. The leading method of this research is the comparative-historical method allowing tracking mercenaries hire by Athens during the specified period on the basis of a complex sources use. The main research results consist in identification of an order and features of the hired contingents use, their places in armed forces of the polis. Materials of article can be useful to the further scientific research regarding the history of Athens and military ancient history as well as to creating educational and handbooks on this perspective.</p>

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Duggleby, Robert W. "The disintegration of the Russian armed forces." Journal of Slavic Military Studies 11, no. 2 (June 1998): 1–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13518049808430338.

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30

Dííez, Jordi. "Legislative Oversight of the Armed Forces in Mexico." Mexican Studies/Estudios Mexicanos 24, no. 1 (2008): 113–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/msem.2008.24.1.113.

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During the hegemonic rule of the Partido Revolucionario Institucional (Institutional Revolutionary Party) (PRI), civil-military relations in Mexico were characterized by an implicit ““pact”” between civilian authorities and the armed forces, a pact that resulted in little civilian oversight and high levels of military autonomy. Despite Mexico's transition to democracy in 2000, the pact has been maintained, albeit somewhat altered. Because the responsibility to oversee the armed forces in democratic regimes is shared among the three branches of government, legislatures play an essential role in the oversight process, which directly affects democratic transparency, horizontal accountability, and good governance. This article investigates the extent to which the Mexican Congress has been able to exercise effectively its constitutionally mandated authority to oversee the armed forces as it emerges as a powerful institution in transitional Mexico. It argues that although congressional oversight has increased in some areas, it has generally remained weak. Durante el réégimen hegemóónico del Partido Revolucionario Institucional (PRI), las relaciones entre civiles y militares en Mééxico se caracterizaban por un ‘‘pacto’’ implíícito entre las autoridades civiles y las fuerzas armadas, el cual otorgaba a los militares gran autonomíía militar con poco control civil. A pesar de la transicióón a la democracia en 2000, este pacto civil-militar se ha mantenido, si bien con algunas modificaciones. Dada que la responsabilidad de la supervisióón de las fuerzas armadas en los regíímenes democrááticos es compartida por los tres poderes de gobierno, el poder legislativo funge un rol esencial en el proceso de supervisióón, el cual afecta la transparencia democráática, la responsabilidad y el buen gobierno. Este artíículo investiga cuan capaz ha sido el congreso mexicano en ejercer sus responsabilidades constitucionales de supervisióón de las fuerzas armadas en la medida en que se posiciona como una poderosa institucióón en el Mééxico de la transicióón. El artíículo arguye que a pesar de que la supervisióón legislativa de las fuerzas armadas se ha incrementado, en general continúúa siendo déébil.

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Mcsherry, J. Patrice. "The Armed Forces and Democracy in Latin America." Hispanic American Historical Review 80, no. 1 (February 1, 2000): 218–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-80-1-218.

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Jokubauskas, Vytautas. "Causes of Death in the Lithuanian Armed Forces, 1919–1940." Acta Historica Universitatis Klaipedensis 43 (December 16, 2022): 99–130. http://dx.doi.org/10.15181/ahuk.v43i0.2490.

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Between the First World War and the Second World War, approximately 280 thousand men served in the Lithuanian armed forces. This is a significant figure for a country that only had a population of two to 2.5 million. Even though the Lithuanian armed forces were only involved in active military operations and low-intensity fighting from 1919 to 1923, servicemen died during the entire period up to 1940. The numbers of deaths during the Wars of Independence are well known; however, the causes of death in the Lithuanian armed forces, both from 1919 to 1920 and in later years, have not been investigated in great depth. We understand that one cause of death in an active army is active combat. In the study of war, deaths in action are further classified into deaths caused by artillery fire, machine gun and rifle fire, bayonets, etc. This allows scholars to determine the effectiveness of weapons systems and tactical elements used on the battlefield. However, the focus of this article is the causes of soldiers’ deaths that are not directly combat related. In the first section, I discuss causes of death in the Lithuanian armed forces during periods of war and peace, and provide a host of examples, which include deaths caused by disease, accidents, homicide and suicide. In the last section, I present the results of quantitative analysis. The quantitative analysis is a case study of a single regiment that demonstrates the predominant causes of death from 1919 to 1940, with a separate analysis of causes of death for the period 1919 to 1920.

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Sowers, Jeannie. "Activism and Political Economy in the New–Old Egypt." International Journal of Middle East Studies 47, no. 1 (February 2015): 140–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743814001500.

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Under President al-Sisi, Egypt has revealed itself to be less tolerant of dissent and more successful at cloaking itself in nationalist sentiment than under either the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces or Husni Mubarak. The massacre at Rabʿa al-ʿAdawiyya, the arrests, detention, and torture of youth and prominent activists, the proliferation of criminal and treason charges against journalists, nongovernmental organizations, and Muslim Brotherhood figures, the banning of various organizations, and the passage of restrictive laws on basic civil rights—these practices make clear that the regime has no commitment to democratization understood either as substantive participation or the safeguarding of basic civil liberties.

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Hawton, Keith, Louise Harriss, Deborah Casey, Sue Simkin, Kate Harrison, Isabelle Bray, and Nick Blatchley. "Self-harm in UK armed forces personnel: descriptive and case–control study of general hospital presentations." British Journal of Psychiatry 194, no. 3 (March 2009): 266–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1192/bjp.bp.107.048595.

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BackgroundLittle is known about self-harm in the armed forces.AimsTo investigate the characteristics of armed forces personnel presenting to a general hospital following self-harm and compare these with matched controls who had self-harmed.MethodInvestigation of armed forces personnel presenting to hospital between 1989 and 2003 following self-harm and case–control comparison with people in the general population who had self-harmed.ResultsOne hundred and sixty-six armed forces personnel presented with self-harm during the study period, of whom 72.3% (120) were male. Nearly two-thirds (62.7%) were aged under 25 years. Relationship problems (62.0%), employment problems (43.9%) and alcohol misuse (40.5%) were common. Fewer armed forces personnel than controls had evidence of current or past psychiatric disorders or treatment or a prior history of self-harm, and their suicidal intent was lower (males only). Of 64 people in the armed forces who presented during the first 9 years of the study period, 1 had died (from natural causes) by the end of 2000, compared with 9 (5.1%) of the controls, 6 by probable suicide.ConclusionsSelf-harm by armed forces personnel may often be a response to interpersonal and employment problems complicated by alcohol misuse, with relatively low suicide intent.

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35

Rodman, David. "Divine service?: Judaism and Israel’s armed forces." Israel Affairs 23, no. 2 (March 4, 2017): 447–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13537121.2017.1302171.

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36

Washburn, Patrick S., and Alfred Emile Cornebise. "Ranks and Columns: Armed Forces Newspapers in American Wars." Journal of American History 81, no. 2 (September 1994): 661. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2081223.

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Adams, Michael C. C., Sherie Mershon, and Steven Schlossman. "Foxholes & Color Lines: Desegregating the U.S. Armed Forces." Journal of American History 85, no. 4 (March 1999): 1652. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2568382.

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Doughty, Robert A., and Arthur T. Hadley. "The Straw Giant: Triumph and Failure: America's Armed Forces." Journal of American History 74, no. 2 (September 1987): 562. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1900133.

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39

Boëne, Bernard. "The Armed Forces "New" Missions: A European View." Tocqueville Review 16, no. 1 (January 1995): 145–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/ttr.16.1.145.

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Are the armed forces' new missions as new as they are made out to be, and if so, how is one to characterize them ? To answer such questions, it is possible to start from a conception of military force in terms of sovereignty, violence, organization and legitimacy, which recombines the elements and sub-elements of Clausewitz's triadic definition of war. This will be used here as a baseline to assess current trends.

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40

Parrish, Michael, and S. A. Tyushkevich. "The Soviet Armed Forces: A History of Their Organizational Development." Military Affairs 50, no. 3 (July 1986): 157. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1988311.

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41

Vehviläinen, Olli. "German armed forces and the Finnish civilian population 1941–44." Scandinavian Journal of History 12, no. 4 (January 1987): 345–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03468758708579126.

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42

Martin, Michel L., Henry S. Bienen, Anthony Clayton, and David Killingray. "Armed Forces, Conflict, and Change in Africa." Canadian Journal of African Studies / Revue Canadienne des Études Africaines 25, no. 2 (1991): 330. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/485225.

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43

Graham, Hugh Davis, Sherie Mershon, and Steven Schlossman. "Foxholes and Color Lines: Desegregating the U.S. Armed Forces." American Historical Review 104, no. 4 (October 1999): 1339. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2649668.

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44

Mak, J. N. "The Modernization of the Malaysian Armed Forces." Contemporary Southeast Asia 19, no. 1 (June 1997): 29–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1355/cs19-1b.

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Kingsbury, Damien. "The Reform of the Indonesian Armed Forces." Contemporary Southeast Asia 22, no. 2 (August 2000): 302–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1355/cs22-2d.

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Lombardi, Ben. "Ukrainian armed forces: Defence expenditure and military reform." Journal of Slavic Military Studies 14, no. 3 (September 2001): 31–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13518040108430487.

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47

Melnick, A. James. "The Russian’Afgantsy’:asset to the Russian armed forces." Journal of Slavic Military Studies 8, no. 2 (June 1995): 432–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13518049508430194.

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48

Ignatiev, P., and P. Bovsunivskyi. "EGYPT’S FOREIGN POLICY UNDER ABDEL FATTAH EL-SISI." ACTUAL PROBLEMS OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS, no. 134 (2018): 4–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/apmv.2018.134.0.4-15.

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The article covers revolutionary changes in Egyptian foreign policy after the rise to power of Abdel Fattah el-Sisi. The authors note that the new President introduced a multidimensional policy, taking steps away from traditional dependence on the United States of America. To this end Egypt diversified suppliers for armed forces with the assistance of France and the Russian Federation, simultaneously expanding economic ties with China and the EU countries. The focus on the GCC monarchies that provide significant financial assistance to the regime also remains the important component of the Egyptian foreign policy. The article states that the aggravation of water shortages forces Egypt to conduct more active relations with African states, primarily with the Nile basin countries, but those attempts are “too little, too late”. The authors conclude that after exhausting all diplomatic means, Egypt can apply military force to protect its own water security against Ethiopia, but such policy will lead to direct clash with the United States of America and deterioration of Egyptian influence in Africa.

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Hentea, Călin. "From the Royal Armed Forces to the Popular Armed Forces. Sovietization of the Romanian Military (1948–1955). by Şperlea, Florin." Journal of Slavic Military Studies 23, no. 3 (September 3, 2010): 531–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13518046.2010.503174.

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Ganiev, Tahir, and Vladimir Karyakin. "MILITARY POWER OF THE REPUBLIC OF TURKEY IN REGIONAL PROJECTIONS OF TRANSBORDER MILITARY OPERATIONS." CENTRAL ASIA AND THE CAUCASUS 22, no. 3 (September 27, 2021): 048–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.37178/ca-c.21.3.05.

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The article examines the modern military power of the Turkish Republic and its role in ensuring national security and advancing Turkey on the path of regional leadership. An analysis of Turkey’s geopolitical and strategic military position in the Middle East, as well as the geopolitical and strategic military views of the Turkish leadership, is presented. The article examines the potential of the sides and possible scenarios in the event of a hypothetical military conflict between Turkey and Iran, Egypt and Israel. The goals and methods of military operations conducted by the Turkish armed forces in Syria and Northern Iraq, Turkey’s participation in the civil war in Libya and its assistance to Azerbaijan in the war to liberate Nagorno-Karabakh are analyzed. The article concludes that Turkey’s modern armed forces, despite certain difficulties in development, are the most combat-ready in the NATO bloc and in the Middle East region and provide the Turkish leadership with a solution to all military and political problems.

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