Relevant bibliographies by topics / Egypt Armed forces History

Academic literature on the topic 'Egypt Armed forces History'

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Published: 10 December 2022
Last updated: 28 January 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Egypt Armed forces History"

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Abul-Magd, Zeinab. "Diaries of a Surveilled Citizen after a Failed Revolution in Egypt." International Journal of Middle East Studies 53, no. 1 (February 2021): 145–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743821000088.

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Under a pseudonym in December 2011, I published an article titled “al-Jaysh wa-l-Iqtisad fi Barr Misr” (The Army and the Economy in Egypt) in Jadaliyya. I wrote it after months of participating in numerous protests in Cairo against the government of the Supreme Council of Armed Forces (SCAF), which took power upon President Hosni Mubarak's abdication in February 2011, and of searching fervidly for the political sources that had allowed the military to prevail over civilian forces. In addition to the tanks and fighter jets, I found some of these sources hidden in a gigantic business empire that the military had clandestinely developed for years. In early 2012 the editor of an online edition of a widely read Egyptian newspaper, a revolutionary female journalist who would later be arrested and detained, invited me to write a series of articles on this business empire, this time using my real name. The first work in decades to be published on this taboo topic, this became the foundation for my later book-length study. As a scholar, this was my humble contribution to an ongoing revolution.
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Abdelmoez, Joel W. "Performing (for) Populist Politics." Middle East Journal of Culture and Communication 13, no. 3 (November 27, 2020): 300–321. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18739865-01303007.

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Abstract In July 2013, after months of protest, Egypt’s first democratically elected president, Mohammed Morsi, was ousted by the Egyptian armed forces. The Muslim Brotherhood, who supported Morsi, took to the streets, chanting and singing against the ousting, which they termed a military coup, while supporters of Sisi, who viewed it as a revolution, began producing songs to show their allegiance to the military leadership. While abundant research has been conducted on the role of oppositional and revolutionary music in Egypt since 2011, relatively little has been done on the widely popular pro-military music sometimes known as watani music. Watani songs are a genre of patriotic music made by popular artists to show their allegiance to the Egyptian armed forces. In this paper I examine the surge of watani songs and trace their history back to the Nasser era, thereby showing a continuity in style as well as content. I further argue that there are connections between nationalism and gender constructions, as the national project comes with obligations for men to offer their bodies to the cause. This obligation is aided by constructions about ‘male bravery’ and ‘courage’ that are designed to make men believe that military service is somehow essential to masculinity. Watani music, whether commissioned or not, fits well with this mythology of military men. It forms an ideological undercurrent, supports the narrative that it is necessary for patriotic military men to bravely safeguard the nation against its enemies.
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Shubin, Vladimir Il'ich. "Greek mercenaries in Sais Egypt." Genesis: исторические исследования, no. 4 (April 2020): 12–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-868x.2020.4.32577.

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This article is dedicated to examination of the history of emergence of Greek mercenaries during the riling time of XXVI Sais Dynasty. The author reviews the status and role of Greek mercenaries in the armed forced of Sais rulers, organization of their service and living conditions. Considering the fact that the use of Greek mercenaries in Egypt army was a part of the traditional policy of Sais rulers and carried mass character, the author refers to the problem  of social origin of the phenomenon of mercenarism in the Greek society of Archaic era. The research applies comparative-historical method that allows viewing the phenomenon of mercenarism in the historical context – based on the comparative data analysis of ancient written tradition. By the time of Sais Dynasty, control over regions that traditionally provided mercenaries to the Egypt army was lost. Under the circumstances, in order to compensate such losses, Egypt conscripted into military service the hailed from the Greek world. Mercenaries became the first Greeks settled on the Egyptian land. The conclusion is made that the Greek colonization, in absence of other ways to enter the formerly closed to the Greeks Egypt, at its initial stage manifested in such distinct form.
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Nurrohim, Nurrohim, and Fitri Sari Setyorini. "Analisis Historis terhadap Corak Kesenian Islam Nusantara." Millati: Journal of Islamic Studies and Humanities 3, no. 1 (June 15, 2018): 125. http://dx.doi.org/10.18326/mlt.v3i1.125-140.

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The history of Islamic development in Indonesia has different characteristics compared to other Islamic regions such as Turkey, India, Egypt, Syria, and Morocco. The journey of Islam in Indonesia brings different colors and patterns that distinguish it from other Islamic regions. This happens because Islam is spreaded in the archipelago peacefully and in a gradual long time, unlike the other Islamic regions islamization which is not infrequently through the power of the armed forces. This article will explain the results of Islamic interaction with society who previously embraced Hinduism, Buddhism and animist beliefs dynamism in the form of Islamic Nusantara arts. The analytical method used in this paper is a combination of theories of acculturation and assimilation of Nusantara culture and Islamic culture. The combination of Nusantara culture and Islamic culture produces an Islamic art with the uniqueness of Nusantara without eliminating the elements of the old culture. The form of pre-Islamic Nusantara cultural heritage with the Islamic culture can be found in the architecture of mosques, Arabic Malay script, literary arts, painting and sculpture.
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Kadirova, G. Sh. "The Rule of Abd аl-Fattah al-Sisi: Politics, Economics and International Relations of Egypt in the 2010s." Minbar. Islamic Studies 14, no. 1 (April 7, 2021): 50–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.31162/2618-9569-2021-14-1-50-77.

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The article is devoted to the history of coming to power and the analysis of the domestic and foreign policy of the President of the Arab Republic of Egypt (ARE), Field Marshal Abd-аl Fattah al-Sisi. The author notes that the new leader of the country chose a tough internal political course aimed at strengthening his own power and suppressing the opposition, fi rst of all, the Muslim Brotherhood (the organization’s activities are prohibited on the territory of the Russian Federation), and the 2014 Constitution and its 2019 amendments led to the virtual disappearance of the independent branches of power and its concentration in the hands of the president, as well as the consolidation in the Basic Law of provisions on the special role of the military in the life of society. Thus, the head of state and the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces determine the political processes in the country, controlling civil institutions. Unlike the traditional ARE course, Abd-al Fattah al-Sisi is building a tougher and more uncompromising policy, demonstrating a readiness to use force, primarily in Libya, narrowing his scope for diplomatic maneuver.
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العنسي, حسن صالح. "التنافس اليمني المصري في لسيطرة على مَكَّة ما بين عامي (629-639هـ/1231-1241م)." Albaydha University Journal 3, no. 2 (October 24, 2021): 1089–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.56807/buj.v3i2.199.

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بعد أن حَصلَ اليمن على استقلاله من الحكم الأيوبي المصري عام628ه/1230م، دخل مرحلة جديدة من العلاقة الخارجية مع مصر، اتسمت بالتنافس والعداء (المسلح)، وكان مسرح أحداث ذلك التنافس بلاد (الحجاز)، واستمر عشر سنوات من عام 629هـ/1231م حتى عام 639هـ/1241م، وهو العام الذي تمكن فيه اليمن من إخراج القوات المصرية من الحجاز، والتغلب على مَكَّة. وتُّعد تلك المرحلة من العلاقات الخارجية لليمن مع مصر، من الأهمية بمكان، بحيث لا يمكن إغفالها، أو إهمالها؛ لما تحمله من أحداث ووقائع تاريخية مهمة، منها: انتهاء الوجود الأيوبي المصري في اليمن، وقيام الدولة الرسولية التي تمكنت من بسط سلطتها على جميع أراضيه؛ لينعم اليمن بالاستقرار والوحدة، -لاسيما في عصرها الأول-، فكان له أثره في ازدهار اليمن في جميع الجوانب الحضارية والسياسية والاقتصادية والعلمية. كما أن الباحثين الذين تناولوا تاريخ اليمن في تلك المدة، لم يستوفوا حقها من الدراسة والبحث الجاد، فلا يزال هناك إشكالات تتطلب معالجتها، علاوةً على أن هناك أسئلة تحتاج الإجابة عليها، منها: ما هي التغيرات السياسية التي طرأت في كلٍّ من (مصر، ومَكَّة، واليمن)، والتي أدت إلى نشوب هذا التنافس والعداء المسلح؟ ما موازين القوى؟ وما طبيعة ذلك الصراع؟ وما نتائجه؟ كيف أصبحت الأوضاع في مَكَّة في ظل الحكم اليمني لها؟ وهذه الدراسة تهدف إلى الإجابة على تلك الأسئلة ومعالجة تلك الإشكاليات. Abstract Yemen gained its independence from the Egyptian Ayyubid rule in 628 AH / 1230 AD, so Yemen entered a new phase of the external relationship with Egypt, which was characterized by competition and (armed) hostility. In which Yemen was able to expel the Egyptian forces from the Hijaz, and to conquer Mecca. This stage of Yemen's foreign relations with Egypt is so important that it cannot be overlooked or neglected. Because it bears important historical events and facts, including: the end of the Egyptian Ayyubid presence in Yemen, and the establishment of the Rasulid state, which was able to extend its authority over all its lands; To enjoy stability and unity, especially in its first era, which led to the prosperity of Yemen in all aspects of civilization, political, economic and scientific. Also, the researchers who dealt with the history of Yemen during that period did not fulfill the right of study and serious research, there are still problems that need to be addressed, and there are questions that need to be answered, including: What are the political changes that occurred in (Egypt, Mecca, and Yemen), which led to the outbreak of this rivalry and armed hostility? What are the balances of forces? What is the nature of that conflict? And what are its results? How did the situation in Mecca become under the Yemeni rule? This study aims to answer those questions and address those problems. الكلمات المفتاحية: مصر، اليمن، مَكَّة، العلاقة. التنافس، السيطرة.
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Roider, Karl A. "The Habsburg Foreign Ministry and Political Reform, 1801–1805." Central European History 22, no. 2 (June 1989): 160–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938900011481.

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On 6 December 1800, a courier galloped through the gates of Vienna, rushed to the Hofburg, the winter palace of the Habsburgs, and presented to Emperor Francis II a bitter message from Archduke John, the emperor's brother and commander of the Austrian armed forces in Germany. The message read that three days earlier the archduke's troops had engaged the French army under Jean Moreau at Hohenlinden, had suffered serious losses, and were falling back to Salzburg with the officers struggling to maintain order in the ranks while they did so. The news was a crushing blow to Francis. In 1799 the Austrians had begun the War of the Second Coalition with high hopes of reversing the years of defeat at the hands of Revolutionary France. Russia and Britain had agreed to cooperate closely with Austria; France seemed weaker than ever domestically; and Napoleon Bonaparte, who had caused Vienna such grief in 1797, was far away in Egypt trying to inflict damage upon the British Empire. But these hopes turned to ashes. Russia abandoned the Coalition after its army suffered serious losses in Switzerland—indeed, in their wake the Russian ruler, Tsar Paul, had thundered so vehemently against what he saw as Austrian treachery that he had broken relations with Vienna—; Britain had been able to provide much needed funds but not more-needed soldiers; and Bonaparte had returned to work his magic on both the French army and the French people. The result was Hohenlinden, Austrian defeat, and in February 1800 the Treaty of Lunéville that ceded to France primary influence in Germany and Italy.
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Aydin, Ulviyye. "The Syrian Refugee Crisis: New Negotiation Chapter In European Union-Turkey Relations." Khazar Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences 19, no. 2 (July 2016): 102–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.5782/2223-2621.2016.19.2.102.

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Syria is one of the countries where a revolution wave named Arab Spring uprose in early 2011. The most radical discourse from Arab Spring into the still ongoing civil wars took place in Syria as early as the second half of 2011. At the beginning it was a civil protest against Assad’s government. Nobody could not estimate the future developments in Syria. The cost of the war in Syria increases every day. More than 250,000 Syrians have lost their lives in four-and-a-half years of armed conflict, which began with anti-government protests before escalating into a full-scale civil war. More than 11 million others have been forced from their homes as forces loyal to President Bashar al-Assad and those opposed to his rule battle each other - as well as jihadist militants from Islamic State. Mixed featured developments and longer resistance of Assad’s regime than estimated escalated tension in Syria in last four and half years. As a result, many countries in the Middle East, such as Egypt, Iraq, Jordan and Lebanon, also Turkey, Serbia, Germany, Sweden, Hungary, Austria, Netherlands, Bulgaria are the sides that should pay a cost of the Syrian war. These states spend a remarkable budget for the Syrian refugees. Economic expenditure is just one dimension of Syrian refugee crisis. Movement of Syrian refugees to the European countries passing Turkish borders is one of the biggest migration crisis of the modern world history. Considering multifaced impacts of the migration, the aim of this paper is to analyze the Syrian refugee crisis as a new negotiation headline between the Europan Union and Turkey.
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Johnston, Sarah. "Voices from the War: Improving Access to the Recordings of New Zealand’s World War II Mobile Broadcasting Units." International Association of Sound and Audiovisual Archives (IASA) Journal, no. 52 (August 19, 2022): 22–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.35320/ij.v0i52.125.

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In August 1940, three New Zealand radio broadcasters set sail on an army troop ship from Wellington. They were bound for Egypt, where the New Zealand armed forces were part of the British Empire’s push to drive the German and Italian armies out of North Africa and the Middle East. With them was a mobile recording van, equipped to capture on lacquer discs the voices and sounds of New Zealanders at war, and send those re- cordings back home for radio broadcasts on the other side of the world. For the next five years, the Mobile Broadcasting Unit recorded interviews and reports about the fighting and the day-to-day business of war, as well as thousands of simple messages home from servicemen, and a few women. Today, the 1600 surviving Mobile Unit discs form part of the sound archives of Radio New Zealand, held by audiovisual archive Ngā Taonga Sound & Vision. In this article the author will outline the history of the Mobile Units and the context in which they worked. She will also describe on-going work to identify the speakers heard in their recordings and make this collection more discoverable and accessible to researchers. Ngā Taonga Sound & Vision is currently digitising the collection and preservation archivist Sandy Ditchburn will describe some of the challenges she has encoun- tered in capturing sound from the 80-year-old lacquer discs.
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Abdalla, Ahmed. "The armed forces and the democratic process in Egypt." Third World Quarterly 10, no. 4 (October 1988): 1452–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01436598808420121.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Egypt Armed forces History"

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Thompson, David G. "From Neutrality to NATO: The Norwegian Armed Forces and Defense Policy, 1905-1955 /." The Ohio State University, 1996. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1487935125881334.

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Li, Chen. "From Burma Road to 38th parallel : the Chinese forces' adaptation in war, 1942-1953." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2013. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/283921.

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Lamonte, Jon. "Attitudes in Britain towards its Armed Forces and war 1960-2000." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2011. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/1332/.

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From the aftermath of Suez to the Kosovo campaign, Britain lost most of its colonies and ended up taking a moral interventionist stance on the world stage with the US its major ally. Against that contextual background, this thesis considers the attitudes in Britain towards its Armed Forces and war from 1960 to 2000. Using a range of lenses, the paper highlights the complexity of change. Homosexuality was a scandalous issue for society in the 1960s, such that the 1967 Act which decriminalised it was not really widely accepted. For the Armed Forces, searches for homosexuals increased on grounds of security. The Act of Remembrance, as recorded in churches, shows the mixed approach of the clergy to war, particularly dependent on their own experience, and also the change in mood from a religious service to a secular one. In the notable campaigns that did take place over the period, Borneo, the Falklands, Bosnia, Kosovo and the Gulf War, a methodical view is taken of opinion polls, press coverage, and letters pages to establish trends at the political, elite and public levels. The media has been used as a reference throughout the thesis as a measure of opinion, but here is analysed for its own biases and approaches, since it has a clear effect on people’s opinions, both from fiction and fact. Overall, the thesis paints a complex web of declining interest in defence issues, greater self-interest amongst many, increasing secularisation, and greater tolerance, yet conversely, points to underlying themes of pride in individual servicemen and the institution of the Armed Forces.
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Armstrong, Martha 1968. "A tale of two videos : media event, moral panic and the Canadian Airborne Regiment." Thesis, McGill University, 1997. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=28242.

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This thesis examines how and why two amateur videos, broadcast across Canada in 1995, contributed to the disbandment of the Canadian Airborne Regiment. A brief history of the Airborne highlights discipline problems that were known to exist before the videos were broadcast. Common assumptions about images, particularly amateur video images, are explored. The concept of the "media event" is used to show how mediation magnified the videos' impact. A detailed examination of the videos and their constructions as news stories demonstrates how narrative frames and the newsmaking process in general shaped what the public saw. A general content analysis of the media coverage surrounding the videos shows how a moral panic developed when Canadian values were threatened. It is argued that the videos and reaction to them shed more light on attitudes Canadians wanted to keep hidden than they did on any secrets the military harboured.
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Jordan, Daniel W. III. "Socialism Gone Awry: A Study in Bureaucratic Dysfunction in the Armed Forces of the German Democratic Republic." University of Cincinnati / OhioLINK, 2014. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ucin1416569882.

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A'Hearn, Francis W. "The Industrial College of the Armed Forces: Contextual Analysis of an Evolving Mission, 1924-1994." Diss., Virginia Tech, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/30313.

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This study assessed the changing mission of the Industrial College of the Armed Forces as it evolved from the institution's founding as the Army Industrial College in 1924 to its 70th anniversary in 1994. The study drew heavily from archival materials in the Special Collections of the National Defense University in Washington, DC. The problem investigated in this research was to analyze how and why the institution's mission changed over time within the context of internal and external forces and events. Based upon the historical method of research, the study identified six periods in the institution's development over seven decades: its origins in the aftermath of World War I from 1918 to 1924; its growth in the interwar years, 1924 to 1940; the institution's temporary closure and subsequent reconstitution as the Industrial College of the Armed Forces during and after World War II, from 1940 to 1947; a formative period during the Cold War from 1947 to 1962; its continuing evolution throughout the Vietnam era from 1962 to 1974; and finally the College's modern development as a joint service educational institution from 1974 to 1994. The study found that the institution has changed dramatically over much of this century, just as the world and the country's national security concerns have changed profoundly in the same period. The mission of the College has evolved from a narrow focus on training military officers in procurement and industrial mobilization to that of a graduate institution dedicated to educating a select group of promising senior military and civilian officials in the political, economic, and resource dimensions of national security. Over time, the focus has shifted from training to education, from military to national issues, from internal and external educational programs to primarily internal ones, and from a predominant interest in domestic issues to an equally strong concern for international matters. The study finds that a variety of internal and external events and forces have impelled these changes. A wide range of influential individuals and stakeholders, bureaucratic power structures, governmental agencies, special review boards, and various political, economic, military, and social considerations have influenced the mission of the College. The study also concludes that several factors have likely contributed to the institution's relatively unusual longevity as a government entity. Its dual identity as an educational institution and a government organization set apart from the mainstream bureaucracy has had a favorable influence. So too has the institution been aided by the unique service it has provided to multiple customer constituencies. In fact, the College's mission has made it unique as an institution of adult education and learning in this country and perhaps the world.
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Torkelsen, Leif Alfred Torkelsen. "“Battles Were Not Fought In Lines”: Nationalism, Industrialism and Progressivism in the American Military Discourse, 1865-1918." The Ohio State University, 2018. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1525625249871525.

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Davis, Ashley. "Alcohol Misuse and Depressive Symptomology among Males with a History of Service in the U.S. Armed Forces." Digital Archive @ GSU, 2010. http://digitalarchive.gsu.edu/iph_theses/95.

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BACKGROUND: Soldiers face extraordinary circumstances while serving in the U.S. Armed Forces. Soldiers are required at times to live away from family and friends for extended periods of time and work in hazardous environments. Once soldiers become veterans, the experiences of military life may continue to affect them long after their duties have been carried out. These conditions put them at greater risk for alcohol misuse and depression. The purpose of this is to determine whether there is an association between alcohol misuse and depression symptomology among males who have a history of service in the U.S. Armed Forces. METHODS: Secondary data from NHANES 2005-2008 were used to analyze 1,381 men who expressed alcohol misuse and depressive symptomology. Chi-square tests were used to attain descriptive frequencies for alcohol misuse and depressive symptomology and demographic factors. Binary logistic regression was used for univariate and multivariate to test for associations between alcohol misuse, depressive symptomology, and demographic variables. RESULTS: Alcohol misuse and depressive symptomology were significantly associated with male veterans with a history of service in the Armed Forces, p= .041. Age (p< .001), race (p< .05) marital status (p<.05), and educational attainment (p< .01) are the best predictors of alcohol misuse among male veterans. Similarly, depressive symptomology had the same predictors as alcohol misuse, except race. CONCLUSIONS: The complex relationship between alcohol misuse and depressive symptomology among male veterans warrants further research. Public health professionals need to clearly establish standard measurement instruments for diagnosing these conditions. Once established, appropriate interventions can be implemented in order to combat these alcohol misuse and depressive symptomology among male veterans. INDEX WORDS: alcohol misuse, depressive symptomology, military, veterans
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O'Keeffe, Eleanor Katherine. "Localities of memory, localities of mobilisation : British military communities and the Great War, 1919-1939." Thesis, Queen Mary, University of London, 2015. http://qmro.qmul.ac.uk/xmlui/handle/123456789/13035.

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This thesis examines the role of British localities in the production of military force during the 1920s and 1930s. I argue that, during an era so disenfranchising for the armed forces in national politics and culture, the 'Local' provided a haven for servicemen and military units. Rather than theorising mobilisation as a set of state centred economic or technocratic proscriptions, this research takes the social and cultural renewal of military units as a starting point. Drawing on a range of historical and anthropological methodologies, I have set out to uncover what were - to borrow Foucault's phrase - 'regimes of truth': multiple ideological currents and social contexts that legitimised service identities during this period. Local spaces are not only useful arenas for dissecting these operations; local people and identities were crucial formative elements in these processes. Two case studies have provided the ground for this investigation: Newcastle and Glasgow. The thesis dissects the body of the British military machine at these entry points, viewing the configuration of military and naval power at ground level and the emergence of manpower from the collision between state directives and local society. It also examines the communities (soldiers, veterans) that arose through this. Focus moves from military to urban spaces, revealing the characters (pressmen, politicians) and practices (sociability, ritual, performance) that legitimised these communities. Much of this cultural work evoked the memory of the Great War and here the thesis intervenes in academic debates surrounding Commemoration after 1918. The final chapter unites these perspectives in a chronological elaboration of the period 1935-1939, detailing the ground level effort for national and civil defence. As well as enlivening our understanding of 20th century mobilisation, this research explores the depths of British local and national identities and the intricate ways in which the armed forces were framed within both.
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Ackroyd, William Stanley. "Descendants of the revolution: Civil-military relations in Mexico." Diss., The University of Arizona, 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/184317.

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Since its independence, the Latin America has been prone to unstable and military dominated politics. Mexico, however, has proven to be an exception. The purpose of this dissertation, therefore, is to explain Mexico's stability and civilian dominated polity. The dissertation draws upon personal interviews with Mexican and American military officers, Mexican military documents and secondary sources. From these sources four foci, professionalization, social background of military and civilian leaders, civilian political behavior, and extranational influences, appeared to offer the greatest amount of explanation for the Mexican case. Professionalization's impact appears to result from the low level of political efficacy generated by the Mexican military educational system and the inculcation of values encouraging loyalty to civilian institutions. The social background of Mexican officers appears to support the values and norms common to the military institution, including those conducive to civilian domination. The social disparity between the more humble family background of most officers and the higher family social background of civilian politicians also appears to be a factor. The civilians political party system appears to be critical. In a multiparty system, like Brazil, multiple civilian opposition groups, through co-optation, generate corresponding military support groups. Civilian opposition groups with military backing therefore will always be present and represent a potential threat. In a single party dominant system, like Mexico, though, military identification will always be with the government, rather than an opposition political group. Finally, the influences of the United States and Soviet Union do have an impact on Mexican civil-military relations. However, rather than the super powers' manipulating the Mexican military and causing coups supportive of super power foreign policy objectives, Mexico appears to use the super powers' resources and images to stabilize civil-military relations. The importance of this dissertation is that it offers explanations for the difference in behavior between the stable, civilian dominated Mexican model, and the military dominated models found throughout most of the Latin American region. The dissertation also presents new interpretations regarding the relationships between professionalization and political efficacy, and social background and social efficacy.
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Books on the topic "Egypt Armed forces History"

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Sundaram, J. Operation Shanti: Indian Army on peace mission in Egypt, 1956-1967. [New Delhi]: Historical Section, Ministry of Defence, Govt. of India, 1990.

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100 Min al-mashāhid al-Insānīyah lil-quwwāt al-musallaḥah al-Miṣrīyah fī Thawrat 25 Yanāyir 2011 m. [Cairo]: Maktabat Jazīrat al-Ward, 2011.

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Hedley, Alex. Fernleaf Cairo: New Zealanders at Maadi Camp. Auckland, N.Z: HarperCollins Publishers, 2009.

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Soldiers, spies, and statesmen: Egypt's road to revolt. London: Verso, 2012.

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Soldiers, spies, and statesmen: Egypt's road to revolt. London: Verso, 2014.

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Fernleaf Cairo: New Zealanders at Maadi Camp. Auckland, N.Z.: HarperCollins, 2009.

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Pearson's peacekeepers: Canada and the United Nations Emergency Force, 1956-67. Vancouver: UBC Press, 2009.

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Indian armed forces in Egypt and Palestine, 1914-1818. New Delhi: Rajesh Publications, 2004.

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Trust, National Book, ed. Our armed forces. New Delhi: National Book Trust, India, 2000.

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Italia, Bob. Armed forces. Edina, Minn: Abdo & Daughters, 1990.

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Book chapters on the topic "Egypt Armed forces History"

1

Cochran, Judith. "War and the Armed Forces." In Routledge Library Editions: Egypt, Vol3:150—Vol3:178. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203079140-27.

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Price, M. Philips. "Turkish Foreign Policy and the Armed Forces." In A History of Turkey, 158–65. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003242802-18.

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Assensoh, A. B., and Yvette M. Alex-Assensoh. "Africa’s Armed Forces in Retrospect: The History of the Colonial and Postcolonial Forces." In African Military History and Politics, 47–59. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2001. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780312292720_2.

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McGuire, Frederick L. "Women in Clinical Psychology and the Armed Forces." In Psychology aweigh! A history of clinical psychology in the United States Navy, 1900-1988., 65–69. Washington: American Psychological Association, 1990. http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/10069-010.

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Latawski, Paul. "Democratic Control of Armed Forces in Postcommunist Poland: the Interplay of History, Political Society and Institutional Reform." In Democratic Control of the Military in Postcommunist Europe, 21–43. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781403905239_2.

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Walgemoed, Gert. "Ensuring Military Legal Expertise Within the Netherlands Armed Forces: A Brief History of the Chair for Military Law." In Military Operations and the Notion of Control Under International Law, 15–33. The Hague: T.M.C. Asser Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-6265-395-5_2.

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7

Holmes, Amy Austin. "يسقط‎ يسقط‎ حكم‎ العسكر‎ “Down, Down with Military Rule”." In Coups and Revolutions, 74–103. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190071455.003.0004.

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After Hosni Mubarak stepped down, Egypt was ruled by the Supreme Council of Armed Forces (SCAF). During this time, a new form of antimilitarist activism emerged for the first time in Egyptian history. Of the three waves of antigovernment uprisings, this one was perhaps the most revolutionary: the goal was not to topple a single person or to hold elections but rather to dismantle the entrenched power of the armed forces. This chapter offers insights into these groups that fall in between the Muslim Brotherhood/military dichotomy. Many of these groups were led by women. After Mubarak was ousted, certain private companies celebrated the revolution in their advertising, but opposition to the SCAF was never commercialized. Despite egregious human rights abuses committed under the SCAF, neither the business elite nor the United States ever withdrew support from the military junta. However, the SCAF did lose popular support, evidenced when mass protests emerged in July during the Tahrir sit-in, and then again during the Battle of Mohamed Mahmoud in November–December 2011.
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Holmes, Amy Austin. "CC ا‎ العرص‎ / قاتل‎ انتخبوا‎# “Sisi is a Killer”/“Elect the Pimp”." In Coups and Revolutions, 139–91. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190071455.003.0006.

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The first year of the counterrevolution under interim President Adly Mansour is covered in chapter 6. In contrast to the period of the Supreme Council of Armed Forces, when men in uniform ruled Egypt, after the ouster of President Mohamed Morsi the authorities created a semblance of civilian rule, installing a civilian interim president, a civilian vice president, and a civilian prime minister. Nonetheless, there was no civilian control of the armed forces. The goal during the first wave of the counterrevolution was not only to eliminate the Muslim Brotherhood from politics but also to crush any group that could mobilize for street protests, regardless of ideology. It was the bloodiest period in modern Egyptian history. After carrying out numerous massacres of the Muslim Brotherhood, the state turned to secular and independent activists next. The Protest Law passed in November 2013 essentially criminalized even small and entirely peaceful protests. The regime was slowly able to regain control of the streets and university campuses. The nature of the coup determined the nature of the crackdown: precisely because it was a “coup from below,” characterized by mass protests that reached deep and wide into Egyptian society, the crackdown had to reach this extent as well.
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"War and the Armed Forces." In Egypt from Nasser to Mubarak (RLE Egypt), 161–89. Routledge, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203070376-13.

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"Colonial Armed Forces." In World Military History Bibliography, 542–48. BRILL, 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789047402107_063.

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