Academic literature on the topic 'Educational equalization – France'

Abstract I draw on the findings of a recently completed comparative research project to address the question: how did intergenerational social mobility change over cohorts of men and women born in the first two-thirds of the twentieth century, and what role, if any, did education play in this? The countries studied are the US, France, Germany, the Netherlands, and Sweden. Notwithstanding the differences between them, by and large they present the same picture. Rates of upward mobility increased among cohorts born in the second quarter of the century and then declined among those born later. Among earlier born cohorts, social fluidity increased (that is, the association between the class a person was born into and the class he or she came to occupy as an adult declined) and then remained unchanged for those born after mid-century. The association between class origins and educational attainment followed much the same trend as social fluidity. This suggests that growing equalization in education may have contributed to the increase in social fluidity. In our analyses we find that this is so, but educational expansion also led to greater fluidity in some countries. There is also a strong link between upward mobility and social fluidity. Upward mobility was mostly driven by the expansion of higher-level white-collar jobs, especially in the 30 years after the end of the Second World War. This facilitated social fluidity because people from working class and farming origins could move into the service or salariat classes without reducing the rate at which children born into those classes could remain there. Educational expansion, educational equalization, and rapid structural change in the economies of the US and Europe all contributed to greater social fluidity among people born in the second quarter of the twentieth century. For people born after mid-century, rates of downward mobility have increased: however, despite the lack of further educational equalization and less pronounced structural change, social fluidity has remained unchanged.

Összefoglaló. Mérei Ferenc (1909–1986) életműve sok nyilvánvaló paradoxont tartalmaz. Ott áll az egyik oldalon az 1945 és 1949 közti kommunista nevelési vezér, aki az általa vezetett budapesti műhelyben és a nagy hatáskörű Országos Neveléstudományi Intézetben aktívan alakította az államilag szervezett szocialista iskolát, és ott van az 1950-től a partvonalra került, majd bebörtönzött értelmiségi, harmadik lépésként pedig az 1970-es évektől a lelki ellenállás alapú, egyéni életmód-szerveződések és csoportterápiák irányítója. Felfogásom szerint a kettősségek nem csupán az élet külsőségeiből fakadó kényszerek következményei, hanem Mérei szellemi arculatára végig jellemző belső dilemmákból fakadtak. A Franciaországban töltött korai 1930-as évek óta élt benne az a hit, hogy összhang teremthető a francia felvilágosodás örökségeként értelmezett baloldali, gyerekközpontú pedagógiai hitvallás (én ezt a polgári, individualizációs eszménynek tartom) és a kommunista társadalomszervezés egyenlősítő centralizációs elvei között. Szervező munkájában, miközben sokat tett azért, hogy a demokratikus eszményképeket követő általános iskola egyenlőség eszméje hassa át a szocialista nevelést, ezt összekapcsolta azzal a hittel, hogy a gyermeki közösségek sajátos érzelmikohó-szerepe meg tudja teremteni az összhangot az egyenlőség és a centralizáció között. Igyekszem rámutatni arra, hogy valójában nehezen összeegyeztethető a polgári individualizáció, mint a modern pszichológia egyik kiindulópontja és a hivatalnok eszményű szocialista közösségi felszabadítás. A gyermekből induló liberális és az egyenlőség elvű baloldali eszmények az oktatás irányába nem olyan könnyen illeszkednek, mint sok baloldali polgár, köztük Mérei hitte volt. Summary. The work of Ferenc Mérei (1909–1986) the Hungarian social and clinical psychologist and for a time communist educational leader involves several paradoxes. On one hand, we have the leader of the communist education reform between 1945 and 1949, who, as head of the Budapest municipal institute for education and the Countrywide Institute for Educational Research helped shape socialist schooling. On the other hand, from 1950 on, there is the expelled ostracized intellectual, who is even sentenced to prison after the 1956 revolution. As a third step, from the 1970s on, he appears as the leader of small groups, displaying life style reforms relying on mental resistance and resilience. In my view, these dualities are not only due to constraints of external life events, but are embedded in the internal dilemmas of the intellectual tensions continuously characterizing Mérei. From the time he spent in France in the early 1930s he cherished the belief that a harmony could be found between a child-centered educational commitment as a continuation of the heritage of French enlightenment (I consider this to be a citoyen individuation ideal) and the centralizing principles of communist social organization aimed at equalization. In his organizational work while he made many efforts to center socialist education around the program of a comprehensive school based on principles of democratic equality, he connected these to the belief that the peculiar emotional atmosphere of child communities could reconcile equality and centralization. I try to show that bourgeois individualization as one starting point of modern psychology is difficult to reconcile with community liberation with burocratic inspirations. The liberal child based ideals of education are not easy to reconcile with leftist ideals of equality – contrary to what was and is believed by many left wing citoyen thinkers, among them by Mérei.

The Status of Women in Leadership Tahani H. Alqahtani PhD student, Management at Aberdeen University – Lecturer, College of Economics and Administrative Sciences at Imam Mohamed Ibn Saud University. Abstract Even though females have indeed entered jobs previously closed to them, many occupations remain as gender-gapped now as they were half a century ago. Gender-segregated employment patterns are so tenacious because, they are built into the very organizational fabric of work and the workplace. Descriptive stereotyping describes what men and women are like and prescriptive stereotyping defines defining what women and men should be like. This literature review provides a broad understanding of the gender differences in leadership and the gender gap in organization. This literature review founds that gender-segregated employment patterns are so tenacious because they are built into the very organizational fabric of work and the workplace. Introduction The current literature concerning leadership from a variety of Eastern and Western countries highlights that, regardless of a recent global increase in the number of females entering the labour market, only a small number of professional women hold top management or leadership positions. In spite of the fact that the growth pattern of women in the labour force and their representation in leadership roles does differ across countries and regions, and although a number of women in leadership positions worldwide are making contributions both within and beyond their communities (Percupchick, 2011), the overarching observation can be made that a substantive gender gap exists in female’s representation in relation to leadership positions and decision-making across many sectors of society (Catalyst, 2016). Moreover, studies indicate that a large number of sometimes highly qualified women are choosing to step down from positions of authority and leave their careers (Rabas, 2013). This literature review provides a broad understanding of the gender differences in leadership and the gender gap in organization. Literature Review Research has identified the reasons for the persistence of women having a less expressive presence in management and leadership positions (Acker, 1991; Kolb et al., 1998; Simpson, 2004; Williams, 2001; England, 2010; Kellerman and Rhodes, 2014; Gipson, et al., 2017). Among these, the existence of a male-normed corporate culture and organizational structure is posited as a formidable obstacle to female progress in the workplace. The literature abounds with evidence of the way organizational norms, values and structures, disadvantage females in their career advancement at the institutional level (Morrison, 2012; Keohane, 2014). Looking specifically at the field of academia, for Nguyen (2012), “Policies and process in higher education can act as barriers against women assuming leadership and management positions” (p. 127). Acker (1990) suggests the existence of an organizational attitude behind these gender contrasts as a result of organizational structure, rather than any differences held to exist in the characters of males and females. Goveas and Aslam (2011, p. 236) state that a further important factor with the potential to hinder female's opportunities for development consists of “the unavailability of structured human resource policies and strategies addressing women workers, [which] has proven to be a major obstacle to women’s progress and development”. Referring specifically to the field of educational management, for Sui Chu Ho (2015), “Gender inequalities in staff recruitment, appointment and promotion exist in educational institutions, such as universities” (p. 87). She goes on to note how this evidence and claim to support it are actually routinely dismissed, both by those in authority and the general public. It is likely that hierarchal organizational structures create a setting in which women feel out of place due to gender variances (Morrison, 2012; Al-Shanfari, 2011; Keohane, 2014), resulting in many females stepping down or leaving from a post in a workplace at which their leadership abilities are being questioned. This conflict is further compounded by many jobs being designed around men’s objectives, and that many organizations are reluctant to support women within their workforce when potential career conflicts arise (Kellerman, and Rhode, 2012). Therefore, the ideal worker is male: “Images of men’s bodies and masculinity pervade organizational processes, marginalizing women and contributing to the maintenance of gendered segregation in organisations” (Acker 1990, p. 139). A key impact of organizational masculinity is the emotional labor expended by women in order to succeed. Connell (1987) states that gendered structures and practices operating within organizations result in very different career experiences and outcomes for women and men, and the most senior organizational positions are considered sites of hegemonic masculinity. Thus, organizational structure is not gender neutral and organizational culture reflects the wishes and needs of powerful men. In reviews of research into gender and leadership, limiting women’s progress in organizations is a well-documented phenomenon, including the persistence of gender stereotypes. Kanter (1977) identifies the ‘masculine ethic’ as part of the early image of leaders and managers. This masculine ethic elevates the traits assumed to be exclusive to men as requirements for effective management: a tough-minded approach to problems; analytical planning abilities; a capacity to set aside personal emotional considerations in the interests of task accomplishment; and cognitive superiority in problem-solving and decision-making (Kanter, 1977). Thus, even with regards to Kanter, (1977), although social construction presumes that these traits and characteristics supposedly belong to males only (or are at least more likely to be held by males), if practically all leaders and managers are men from the beginning, it should come as no surprise that when females attempt to enter leadership or management occupations the masculine ethic is invoked as an exclusionary principle Acker (1991) sees the ‘masculine ethic’ referred to earlier as the structural basis of organizations, in the sense that allegedly ‘masculine characteristics’ are built into the very fabric of organizations. As a result, the workplace itself is stacked against the equalization of opportunities for women. Acker (1991, p. 289) defines gendered organizations as occurring when “advantage and drawback, control and exploitation, emotion and action, identity and meaning, are patterned through and in terms of a distinction between female and male, feminine and masculine”. Thus, masculinity assumes control of the workplace environment or the business sphere in the subtlest of ways (Acker, 1991). Additionally, masculinity also appears to affect employees’ characters. The preferred employee presents her/himself as a masculine character in choice of clothes, language, and presentation (Acker, 1991). Furthermore, job opportunities and hierarchies are also filled in accordance with gender preferences, meaning that the positions should concur with what is deemed relevant and suitable for the gender that fills them (Kolb et al., 1998). In this way, gender implications have negatively influenced the progress of women in their working lives (Acker, 1991). Informal occupational segregation due to gender stereotypes as well as the gender biases commonly held by the wider society entail the trend of hiring women and men in different types of working areas and positions (Fitzsimmons, Callan, and Paulsen, 2014). Simpson (2004) argues that gender representation in social discourse and social perceptions of gender play a significant role in sustaining and promoting gendered employment. Consequently, these biased stereotypes, embedded in deep-rooted ideologies, automatically view job placement through the lens of gender (Simpson, 2004). Thus, work related to masculine organizations draws on the notion of a job requiring allegedly masculine qualities such as analytical skills, assertiveness and physical strength, in turn reinforcing more the idea of being ‘manliness’ being something distinct and unattainable for women. Unsurprisingly, as Britton and Logan (2008) note, these jobs, in turn, naturally attract more male applicants than females. At the same time, stereotypical assumptions that females pay more attention to detail, are more caring, and place value on physical attractiveness confine them to roles as teachers, nurses, administrators, and jobs in the beauty industry (Britton and Logan, 2008). Moreover, men are more likely to be selected for any ‘male-type’ position in a company even when women and men possess the same qualifications because of the implicit bias that, like for like, men perform better than women (Omar and Davidson, 2001). This leads individuals to believe that women do not have the necessary skills and so are unable to work effectively in male-type jobs. For example, because women are associated with activities that do not involve much in the way of physical strength (such as taking care of their children and families), they have traditionally been considered a second choice to men when it comes to jobs that involve working outdoors (Britton and Logan, 2008). England’s (2010) research has shown that in the twentieth century women have progressed at a sluggish pace in terms of workplace equality. Despite the fact that females have indeed entered jobs previously closed to them, many occupations remain as gender-gapped now as they were half a century ago. Moreover, she notes that at any level of the employment pyramid, females continue to lag behind males in terms of authority and pay, regardless of the closing gap between men and women in workplace seniority and educational attainment. Acker (1990) argues that such gender segregated employment patterns are so tenacious because, as noted, they are built into the very organizational fabric of work and the workplace. Stereotyping means generalizing behavioural characteristics of groups of individuals and then applying the generalization to people who are members of the group (Heilman, 2012). Recently, researchers have investigated gender stereotyping by dividing the generalizations into two properties, descriptive and prescriptive. Heilman (2012) concentrated on the importance of each of those properties. Descriptive stereotyping describes what men and women are like and prescriptive stereotyping defines defining what women and men should be like. For instance, descriptive stereotyping of women creates negative expectations about a woman’s performance as a leader owing to there is a lack of fit between the characteristics assigned to traditionally male leadership roles and the societal roles assigned to females. Prescriptive stereotypes, or ascribing behaviors women ought to emulate, and the agentic characteristics of leadership create an incongruity with expected women behavior (Wynen et al., 2014). Furthermore, Heilman argues that irrespective of whether gender stereotyping is prescriptive or descriptive, the practice impedes the progress of females into leadership roles. One source for gender inequalities in the work force is gender stereotyping in the form of occupational segregation (Wynen et al., 2014). Occupational segregation occurs because there is a separation of women or men in certain occupations or employment sectors (Wynen et al., 2014). This gender separation is seen in occupations such as doctors , nursing, lawyers and teaching. Often, teachers or nurses are portrayed as women, while, lawyers and doctors are portrayed as men. According to scholars in social role theory, such as Franke, Crown, and Spake (1997) and Eagly (1987) gender stereotyping in certain occupations is deeply inherent in societal roles for female and male. Although both women and men have been shown to exhibit biases toward women in high management positions (Eagly and Carli, 2007; Ellemers, Rink, Derks, and Ryan, 2012; Ryan et al., 2011), Ellemers et al. (2012) pointed out that most individuals prefer to believe in a just world where gender differentiation is rare and success is based on merit; thus, in most instances, they will treat allegations of unequal treatment unfavourably. This result lead to fewer reports for fear of negative repercussions, and consequently inequity is often not noticed, challenged, or addressed (Ellemers et al., 2012). Moreover, Ibarra et al (2013) believe that when organizations advise females to seek leadership positions without addressing the subtle biases that exist in practices and policies, the companies undermine the psychological development that should take place to become a leader. Conclusion In conclusion, this literature review has outlined how women face obstacles in different organizational context, limiting their ability to achieve empowerment by aspiring to and achieving leadership. Historically, certain factors have hindered women from being accepted as leaders, regardless of their achievements, which leads to an underestimation of their capabilities. This under-representation of qualified women in leadership roles is symbolic of the gender gap in the workplace.

Defence date: 14 June 2016
Examining Board: Professor Pepper D. Culpepper, European University Institute (Supervisor); Professor Sven H. Steinmo, European University Institute (Co-Supervisor); Professor Ben W. Ansell, University of Oxford; Professor Marius R. Busemeyer, University of Konstanz.
Awarded the Linz-Rokkan Thesis Prize in Political Sociology at the European University Institute conferring ceremony on 9 June 2017
In this thesis, I ask about the political determinants of educational inequalities, and posit that as school quality differs, the competition for school places poses a problem to the social right of equal educational opportunities at the compulsory education level. What are the policy options to equalise access to quality education? When are these reformed? These questions motivated the design of a typology of Student Sorting Institutions with which we can meaningfully compare formal institutional arrangements that interfere in the competition for quality school places. A critical review of sociology of stratification and economics of education literature suggests classifying Student Sorting Institutions along two dimensions: whether they grant school choice to parents, and whether the allocation process permits academic selection. Building on recent insights of the field of political economy of education, the thesis explains institutional reform with an interest-based approach. Policymakers encounter a trilemma between high choice, low selection and enhancing school quality in disadvantaged neighbourhoods: the high choice/low selection option of regulating school choice particularly benefits students that want to opt out of disadvantaged neighbourhood schools, hence risking increasing segregation of such schools. The winners of each institutional arrangement vary according to income and education. How the trilemma is solved depends on parties in government who cater to their electorates' interests. These then change with educational expansion. The high political cost and uncertain benefit structure of such institutions favour the status quo. With the use of new insights in the methodology of process tracing, I show that the theory empirically accounts for variation of reform trajectories in France, Sweden, and the UK (England for school policy) from the 1980s to the 2000s. In contrast, I argue that my findings shed doubt on the explanatory role of neoliberal ideas and path-dependent feedback effects to account for these reform trajectories.

Defence date: 14 December 2018
Examining Board: Professor Fabrizio Bernardi, European University Institute (Supervisor); Professor Carlo Barone, Sciences Po Paris (Co-supervisor); Professor Juho Härkönen, European University Institute; Professor Mathieu Ichou, Institut national d’études démographiques-INED
Chapter 6 'What works to reduce inequalities in higher education? A systematic review of the (quasi-)experimental literature on outreach and financial aid' is co-authored: Dr Koen Geven (30%) and Estelle Marie Régine Herbaut (70%)
To what extent, and how, does social background influence students’ attainment in higher education? Building on the life course perspective on educational inequalities, this PhD thesis focuses on patterns of inequality formation in French higher education and on an evaluation of educational policies to reduce them. It assesses the effect of social origin on pivotal outcomes of higher education careers in both the vertical dimension of stratification (access to higher education, dropout) and horizontal dimension (access and transfer to prestigious institutions). In order to provide a comprehensive assessment of patterns of inequalities, from initial access to final attainment, this thesis further combines the study of single key transitions with an analysis of whole students’ trajectories during their educational careers. Focusing on policy solutions, it estimates the effect of alternative pathways on the composition of the student body in prestigious institutions and provides a systematic review of the (quasi-) experimental literature evaluating the impacts of both outreach interventions and financial aid on the outcomes of disadvantaged students in higher education. Results first confirm the crucial role of previous education in shaping social inequalities in higher education outcomes. However, these results also provide evidence of a “lingering” effect of social origin in the French higher education system for some crucial outcomes, especially in the horizontal dimension of social stratification. They further confirm the relevance of the compensatory advantage hypothesis in the formation of social inequalities in higher education outcomes, as, in France, socially advantaged students with lower performance are better able to gain eligibility to higher education and to overcome failure in their first year of tertiary studies. Finally, the systematic literature review allows the conclusion that some late interventions, when well-designed, are efficient in increasing opportunities for disadvantaged students and reducing inequalities in higher education outcomes. Most notably, outreach interventions which complement information with personalized support are usually efficient in increasing access rates, and need-based grants appear to raise, often substantially, the graduation rates of disadvantaged students. Finally, the implications of these results for our understanding of social stratification in higher education and some promising avenues for future research are discussed.

In Poland, Englishization is subsumed under the concept of internationalization, which is considered a nationwide tendency of the development of the higher education sector. It is highly recommended to use English as a lingua franca of research and scientific communication, and it is common to implement programmes using English as a medium of instruction (EMI). Therefore, one of the key aspects discussed in this paper concerns the equalization of the status of Polish and English as languages of instruction. Other ‘tangible’ exponents of this English-Polish ‘alliance’ are to be seen in the area of job competition procedures, which have to be stated in both Polish and English. Emphasis is also placed on the development of English versions of university websites.