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Brown, Eleanor Joanne. "Transformative learning through development education NGOs : a comparative study of Britain and Spain." Thesis, University of Nottingham, 2013. http://eprints.nottingham.ac.uk/13050/.
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This thesis examines non-formal settings for development education by non-governmental organisations (NGOs). I focus on teaching and learning methodologies and on the attitudes and actions generated in learners. The study is informed by transformative learning theory, particularly as developed by Jack Mezirow (2000) and by Paulo Freire (1970). I look at opportunities for non-formal transformative learning in both Britain and in Spain and the use of participative methodologies to develop knowledge and understanding of and attitudes towards global development issues. I consider how such personal transformations might lead to social change and how a postcolonial analysis might affect the way issues are presented. This is a qualitative study informed by interviews with staff from seven organisations in the UK and seven in Spain. Illustrative cases are also provided based on observations of three non-formal educational activities in each country and interviews with learners attending these courses. I found that the extent to which participative critical dialogue was generated by such development education activities varied and depended on a number of factors, including the length of the course and pedagogical styles of the facilitators. Learners showed signs of transformation through the activities. Many talked about increased self-esteem and changes in understanding and attitudes. This had consequential influences on behaviour, particularly relating to more sustainable consumer behaviour and other lifestyle or career choices. I note that, through opportunities for transformative learning, participants also formed networks that could contribute to social as well as personal transformations; this relates to the stated aims and objectives of the NGOs and thus has important policy implications.
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郭國全 and Kwok-chuen Kwok. "The political economy of educational investment: a review and an appraisal." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1986. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31974764.
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Idema, Timo. "Brain power : the political economy of higher education." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2011. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:1f92e1b3-ddfa-4467-a36e-8ea3273b7e7e.
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This dissertation disputes conventional interpretations of the comparative political economy literature on higher education. In particular, I challenge the common assumption that access to higher education is structured by income. Instead, based on insights from the relevant psychology, sociology and economics literature, I argue that a child's probability of entering higher education is predominantly a function of her abilities, and that her abilities are strongly related to her parents' level of education. I develop a theory of the distributive politics of higher education solidly grounded in this relationship. The result of this model is the counter intuitive hypothesis that the initial expansions of higher education benefit the children of more highly educated parents. Moreover, more highly educated families are the net beneficiaries of free higher education and generous subsidies. Extensive survey evidence from Britain, Australia, Canada and Sweden of higher education policy preferences confirms this picture of the politics of higher education as a zero-sum distributive game between highly and lesser educated families. In order to analyse the consequences of these preference patterns for higher education policy, I develop a theoretical and empirical measure of voting power for multi-party systems. Voting power measures how many votes a party stands to gain from converting and mobilising voters by distributing resources from one group to another. Using data from 15 EU countries, I show that parliaments and cabinets, on average, stand to win more votes from pleasing highly educated voters than from targeting less educated voters. Furthermore, the conversion imperative is much stronger than the mobilisation imperative. Statistical analyses show that variations in the voting power of highly educated individuals over the government help to explain variations in higher education policy across countries and within countries over time. All in all, the theoretical and empirical analyses presented in this dissertation represent a significant contribution towards understanding the specific distributive politics of higher education, and the political economy of redistribution more generally.
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Phelan, Anne M. "An examination of teaching as practical political activity." Diss., This resource online, 1990. http://scholar.lib.vt.edu/theses/available/etd-08082007-120009/.
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Chambers, Carmel M. "Rhetoric in British Columbia : an analysis of its influence upon adult education and women." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1985. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/25364.
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The topic under consideration is the rhetoric of British Columbia's political leaders and their strategic use of language whereby the government maintains its position of power and authority, implements its own ideological priorities, even if unpopular, and deprives the opposition of its ability to effectively mount a counter strategy. Aspects of political philosophies, human nature, scientific knowledge, education, and alternate feminist political philosophical views are presented. Brief sketches of Constitutionalism, The Rule of Law and ideological bases of modern political systems, liberalism and socialism, are considered in the context of a political spectrum that spans communism to fascism. An analytical framework adapted from the classical rhetoric of Aristotle and the new rhetoric of Kenneth Burke is used to examine the rhetoric and actions of the political leaders of British Columbia. Findings indicate that the strategies employed are effective and persuasive to the dominant majority of the populace. Components of strategy are identified which are deemed necessary in order that a democratically elected government may pursue successfully, a revolutionary political ideological change in its philosophy. Priorities and areas of social concern are identified in terms of their esteem for the present government leaders. The market principle and technology are the sacred cows. Education of a liberal kind, women, the welfare state, are a sow's ear. One recommendation is that adult education unite with movements that espouse and practice like philosophies so that it is strengthened and rejuvenated in its mandate and not precipitated to bend to the prevailing political ideology.Education, Faculty of
Educational Studies (EDST), Department of
Graduate
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Tittley, Teresa Brewster. "Ecological literacy as a response to modernism : educational and political implications." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1997. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape11/PQDD_0002/MQ43962.pdf.
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Yan, Man-kit David, and 甄文傑. "Ideology and teacher education in communist Russia and post-communist Russia." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2001. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31962683.
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Finn, Michael Thomas. "The political economy of higher education in England, c.1944-1974." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.610463.
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Hendricks, Susan M. "Contextual and individual factors and the use of influencing tactics in adult eduction program planning." Virtual Press, 2000. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/1172470.
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Understanding the political nature of adult education program planning is important for practitioners and researchers. This multivariate study clarified the relationships between contextual factors (nature of the power relationship and degree of situational conflict), individual planner's characteristics (perceived problem solving effectiveness, years of experience program planning), and the use of different power and influencing tactics in adult education program planning. Based on theoretical models specified by Cervero and Wilson (1994) and later Yang (1996), the Problem Solving Inventory (Heppner, 1988) and the Power and Influencing Tactics Scale (Yang, 1996) provided instrumentation.A sample of 245 graduate students and faculty in Adult and/or Continuing Education programs completed the informed consent and all the self-report study instruments. Participants were middle-aged (M = 40.84), female (65.1%), and white (82.0%). Most held master's degrees (50.8%) or bachelor's degrees (41.1%) and worked in a public organization (57.1%) of moderate size. Most participants reported low conflict situations and strong perceived problem solving ability.Two significant canonical correlations were initially identified, though only the first held practical importance. In the first canonical correlation (Rc = 0.524; Rc ² = 0.275; p>0.01), high conflict was the singular meaningful predictor variable and there were several moderately strong criterion variables: high counteracting, low reasoning, and low consulting. This canonical correlation was named "When reasoning and consulting fail: counteracting in the face of conflict." Furthermore, in consensual planning situations, reasoning and consulting were favored, while counteracting was not. Three of the hypotheses that were generated to specifically test different uses of influencing tactics under different individual and contextual conditions were partially accepted. Being an early attempt to characterize complex constructs quantitatively, this study suggests that further work is needed to identify and measure the factors that are most critical. Future qualitative research should clarify the nature of power and conflict, and focus on describing the actual use of different influencing tactics in the field. Quantitative research should focus on reliability of instruments and theoretical model clarification with a broader range of adult education program planners.Department of Educational Leadership
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Xia, Lu Harold, and 夏璐. "Politicized academic capitalism: the Chinese communist party's sociopolitical control mechanisms over intellectualsduring the reform era." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2013. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B50899685.
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Why has the significant expansion of a certain social category‘s population and influences– largely resulting from the development of national economy and free market system – NOT frequently caused political instability and unrest to the authoritarian regime during the reform era? How has the regime upgraded its strategies of sociopolitical control by combining the market logics into the conventional approaches? And what strategies has the Party-state adopted so as to preempt and prevent this social category‘s potential challenges from occurring in this ever-changing period? This study undertakes the task of understanding these theoretical questions by looking at the Chinese Communist Party-state‘s sociopolitical control mechanisms over intellectuals during the reform era. Particularly, it primarily seeks to tackle the following empirical issues: How has the state-intellectual relationship in 1990s and the first decade of the 21st century been shaped differently comparing with that in the previous period? Why has it been shaped in that particular pattern? In the face of what kinds of institutional and intellectual challenges has the CCP inherited and created a number of different forms of sociopolitical control mechanisms over intellectuals for the persistence of its authoritarian rule in China? And to what extent could this particular pattern of state-intellectual relationship drawn upon the case of China be extended to other transitional countries?
The author seeks to solve these questions by developing a theoretical framework of Politicized Academic Capitalism. The core of such a framework is a kind of hybrid institutional arrangement designed by the Chinese Communist Party-state with the employment of the market logics as the important means of interest-sharing with and hence the sociopolitical control mechanism over intellectuals who serve in higher education institutions. By highlighting the scarcity and competition as the primary logics of the market, the author further holds that scarcity is the natural and logical prerequisite for the competition, and the competition is manipulated by the Party-state to keep intellectuals being in a constantly busy situation and working along the line drawn by the state. Moreover, shaping scarcity is an effective way to show the significance of key resources and the related interests that could be shared with the Party-state, and then manipulating competition becomes the only manifested way to enjoy this interest-sharing privilege.
This study is conducted on a basis of a variety of data sources, including historical documents, media accounts and reports on currently related events, organizational charts and regulations, university archives, interviews with key persons, and a set of biographies and memoirs of renowned intellectuals. These intensive empirical probes into the complex relations among the Chinese Communist Party-state, institutions of higher learning, and the intellectual community have revealed that economic reforms have strengthened the state capacity and facilitated the state‘s means of social control. And the Politicized Academic Capitalism can be viewed as a hybrid institutional arrangement designed by the Party-state to employ the logic of the market to impose sociopolitical control over university intellectuals during the reform era.published_or_final_version
Politics and Public Administration
Doctoral
Doctor of Philosophy
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Podschwadek, Frodo. "Rawlsian liberalism and public education." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2018. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/30612/.
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This thesis aims at giving a plausible account of education from the perspective of John Rawls’ theory of political liberalism. Despite the fact that an immense amount of literature has been written on both Rawls’ work in general and political liberal theory in particular, this still seems to be a worthwhile task, for two reasons. The first reason is that the current discussion of liberal neutrality in the philosophy of education frequently engages with Rawlsian liberalism, despite the actual lack of an adequately refined Rawlsian account of liberal education. The second reason is that political liberal theory itself leans more toward the side of ideal political theory, provoking the question whether it has any application value for real politics. A sufficiently developed account of political liberal education would demonstrate that practical guidelines can indeed be generated from political liberal principles. After providing a comprehensive overview over the few explicit claims about education Rawls made himself, and over the parts of his theory indicating further educational requirements for citizens of a liberal society, the thesis splits into two parts. The first part analyses the relation between core concepts of political liberalism (political virtues, autonomy, and rights) and education. Next to engaging with objections against neutrality-based restrictions in the context of education, this part also highlights the shortcomings of political liberalism when faced with the concrete requirements of education and proposes suitable revisions. The second part of the thesis picks out a number of concrete topics of education that are discussed in contemporary liberal theory. It analyses the questions to what extent religious beliefs entitle parents to determine the education of their children, to what degree same-sex relations should be part of a liberal sex-education curriculum, and what challenges migration might pose for political liberal education. For each case, the account of political liberal education presented here can provide guidelines based on the insights gained in the first part of this thesis. Together, the mainly theoretical first and the more practical second part shape the outlines for a political liberal account of education which, albeit sketchy, provides a useful contribution to the current debates about liberalism and education in a way which has not been done in the literature on political liberalism so far.
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Mills, Jared G. "Social studies and global education: viewing economic, social and political aspects of the civil war through multiple perspectives." The Ohio State University, 2006. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1407404987.
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Yung, Man-sing, and 容萬城. "Education and the labour market: the implications of higher education expansion in Hong Kong in the1990s." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1990. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31955976.
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Jones, Robert T. (Robert Thomas) 1910. "PERCEPTIONS OF PUBLIC POLICYMAKERS RELATIVE TO THE ROLE AND EFFECTIVENESS OF VOCATIONAL EDUCATION IN ARIZONA." Thesis, The University of Arizona, 1985. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/275422.
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Reinke, Leanne 1964. "Community, communication and contradiction : the political implications of changing modes of communication in indigenous communities of Australia and Mexico." Monash University, School of Political and Social Inquiry, 2001. http://arrow.monash.edu.au/hdl/1959.1/8812.
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Ding, Xiaojiong, and 丁笑炯. "Policy metamorphosis in China: a case study of minban education in Shanghai." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2006. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B37392323.
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Fimyar, Olena Herasymivna. "Educational policy-making in post-communist Ukraine : policies, rationalities, subjectivities, power : a Foucauldian perspective." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.609364.
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Chan, Kam-fu, and 陳錦夫. "The political dimension of the provision of basic education in Hong Kong." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1994. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31964692.
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Kwok, Ka-ho, and 郭家豪. "Politics, social change and education reform in Taiwan, 1994-2008." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2010. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B45455831.
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Poole, Helen Louise. "An examination of the function of education in prisons : social, political and penal perspectives." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2016. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/6740/.
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This study aims to examine the function of education in prisons through the application of a unique analytical model. Prisoner education has become a primary focus for the rehabilitation of offenders, evidenced more recently by the announcement and abandonment of a network of privately run ‘Secure Colleges’ to replace the existing estate for young offenders. This research aims to form a better understanding of what such education provision is designed to achieve through an examination the social, political and penal context in which it has developed. Building on the work of Foucault (1979), Markus (1993) and King (1980) amongst others, the present study triangulates data from political discourse, prison architecture, and still images of prison learning spaces using an analytical model based on research findings from philosophical, sociological, penal and educational theories. The main findings of the study are that the enduring function of prison education is the control of the prisoner-class, which is highly related to the macro-management of the penal system (reducing reoffending) and economic production. The author argues such an approach ignores individual agency, and negatively impacts on approaches to prison education through the marginalisation of educational theory and pedagogic best practice.
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Fok, On-ki Katherine, and 霍安琪. "The impact of the Beijing pro-democracy movement (1989) on political education of Hong Kong secondary schools." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1990. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B38626056.
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Mogashoa, M. W. "The interface between politics and administration in the Limpopo Department of Education." Thesis, University of Limpopo (Turfloop Campus), 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10386/1051.
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Thesis (MPA) --University of Limpopo, 2006The study conducted was based on the political and administrative interface in the Department of Education in Limpopo. This provincial Department has experienced challenges that originated from the offices of both the Executive Authority and the Accounting officer. This grey area in the Department had almost paralysed the whole system and it became imperative that it be studied in an attempt to find possible solutions. An extensive scientific body of knowledge from different scholars and their findings contributed to a new direction recommended for consideration. The findings presented have the capacity to hamstring any organisation. The findings reveal, among others, that: the complementary bureaucratic model is threatened by time, and its challenges are enormous; there is little knowledge among politicians and administrators regarding interface matters; administrators do not have a global picture regarding the result of unethical conduct; more research on interface matters needs to be done and results published for the public to be educated while politicians and administrators should be continuously trained; the fluidity of the interface needs continuous focus to avoid plunging the department into an untenable situation.
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Savage, Laura Maryse Aileen. "Understanding ownership in the Malawi education sector : 'should we tell them what to do or let them make the wrong decision?'." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.607732.
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Faming, Manynooch. "National integration: education for ethnic minorities of the Lao People's Democratic Republic." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2008. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B45015806.
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Baldwin, Rowenna Jane. "Rethinking patriotic education in the Russian Federation : invitations to belong to 'imagined communities' : (a case study of St Petersburg)." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2011. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/47099/.
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The thesis discusses how patriotic education is openly promoted by the government in contemporary Russia through a series of programmes, entitled the ‘State Programme for the Patriotic Education of the Citizens of the Russian Federation’, promoted since 2001. However, this thesis presents the argument that patriotic education cannot fully be understood through examination of these formally organised initiatives. Instead, the thesis contributes towards a rethinking of patriotic education as a communicative process whereby multiple ideas of the nation are delivered to young people, both in formal and informal settings. The thesis argues that this promotion of patriotic education is connected to long-standing debates on nations and nationalism in Russia, but also places these within the more general discourse on nations and nationalism, in particular Anderson’s (2006) definition of the nation as an ‘imagined community’. The thesis is positioned within, and contributes to, more recent arguments surrounding the need to examine everyday ideas of the nation, but maintains a sense of the role played by elites in producing ideas of the nation by intercepting state-produced ideas represented within the education system. Importantly, the three-stage research design maps not only the delivery of these state ideas, but also accesses how these ideas are received and articulated by young people themselves, thus contributing to an understanding of cultural production. This is achieved through triangulation of three qualitative methods: analysis of textbooks, classroom observation, and semi-structured interviews with teachers and students, conducted in St Petersburg. The data generated demonstrates that young people articulate both a sense of local and national belonging, cultivated just as much through their surroundings (historic buildings etc.) as through formal education. The thesis contributes to studies of (Russian) youth by demonstrating that young people negotiate with formal and informal ideas of belonging as they formulate their own understandings and expressions of belonging.
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Ng, Kwok-keung Zachary, and 吳國強. "The construction of colonial subjectivity in the Chinese language and literature lessons in Hong Kong secondary schools." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1996. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31951168.
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Bregman, Abigail Sibley. "The view from the classroom : English school-teachers' responses to domestic and international problems of the interwar years 1919-1939." Thesis, McGill University, 1986. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=72832.
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Quartermaine, Angela. "Pupils' perceptions of terrorism from a sample of secondary schools in Warwickshire." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2014. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/71324/.
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Concerns about terrorism, radicalisation and extremism are found within many of the discourses surrounding the safety of young people within modern British society. The current UK Counter-Terrorism Strategy, known as Prevent (2011), suggests that the education system should be responsive to these concerns and that schools in particular need to include certain counter-terrorism measures into their administrative and teaching procedures. However, despite the increased literature on these issues, very little has been done to investigate or incorporate pupils' views into the discussion. Most young people are not, nor have the desire to be, involved in terrorist activities, yet they are still witnesses to the discourses associated with the preventative measures expressed by the State and by the discourses from other sources, such as the media. Therefore, this exploratory study into their perceptions of terrorism provides a unique insight into how these discourses affect young people's views of others and of society-wide ideologies, such as religion. It does not provide suggestions for educationalists and policy makers, since it was conducted separate to State procedures, but rather provides young people with a voice in this ever-growing field of study. The research participants included pupils aged 13-15 years old, from a selection of six schools in Warwickshire, including four comprehensive and two grammar schools. The research drew on the theoretical foundations of Foucault and used Case Study Research methods to uncover the pupils' perceptions of terrorism. By exploring the pupils' language and those influential power-knowledge processes that contributed to the formulations and expressions of their knowledge, this study investigated the affects that external influences can have in the pupils' perceptions and, in doing so, it demonstrated how capable young people are of engaging with a variety of complex and sensitive issues associated with the topic of terrorism.
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au, Zsuzsanna Millei@newcastle edu, and Zsuzsa Millei. "A genealogical study of the child as the subject of pre-compulsory education in Western Australia." Murdoch University, 2007. http://wwwlib.murdoch.edu.au/adt/browse/view/adt-MU20081002.80627.
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The study produces a genealogy of the child as the shifting subject constituted by the confluence of discourses that are utilized by, and surround, Western Australian precompulsory education. The analysis is approached as a genealogy of governmentality building on the work of Foucault and Rose, which enables the consideration of the research question that guides this study: How has the child come to be constituted as a subject of regimes of practices of pre-compulsory education in Western Australia?
This study does not explore how the historical discourses changed in relation to the child as a universal subject of early education, but it examines the multiple ways the child was constituted by these discourses as the subject at which government is to be aimed, and whose characteristics government must harness and instrumentalize. Besides addressing the research question, the study also develops a set of intertwining arguments. In these the author contends that the child is invented through historically contingent ideas about the individual and that the way in which the child is constituted in pre-compulsory education shifts in concert with the changing problematizations about the government of the population and individuals. Further, the study demonstrates the necessity to understand the provision of pre-compulsory education as a political practice.
Looking at pre-compulsory education as a political practice de-stabilizes the takenfor-granted constitutions of the child embedded in present theories, practices and research with children in the field of early childhood education. It also enables the de- and reconstruction of the notions of childrens participation, empowerment and citizenship. The continuous de- and reconstruction of these notions and the destabilization of the constitutions of the child creates a framework in which improvement is possible, rather than a utopian, wholesale and, thus revolutionary, transformation in early education (Branson & Miller, 1991, p. 187). This study also contributes to the critiques of classroom discipline approaches by reconceptualizing them as technologies of government in order to reveal the power relations they silently wield.
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Mufamadi, Azwihangwisi Eugene. "The media, Equal Education and school learners : an investigation of the possibility of 'political listening' in the South African education crisis." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1011874.
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This study sets out to investigate democratic participation in South Africa and the role that media play and can potentially play within this context. It considers a social movement, as one way in which citizens can organise themselves and make their voices heard to improve their chances of making a meaningful contribution to democracy. It employs Susan Bickford's theory of 'political listening', which offers a potential solution to the lack of political representativeness and inclusiveness, by focusing on the way citizens relate to each other through speaking, listening and dialogue. This study examines whether the interaction between learners and the social movement Equal Education could be considered 'political listening', and the current and possible role of the media within this context of participation. The study also attempts to develop and make a contribution to the language of description for the theory of political listening in order to map it onto the data. Using evidence or data gathered through observation of Equal Education's youth group meetings with learners and in-depth interviews with learners, youth group facilitators, Equal Education staff members and journalists, this study shows how the interaction amongst learners and between Equal Education and learners could be considered political listening and how the social movement works as a democratic project which offers learners an opportunity to exercise their citizenship. Furthermore, it also details the current role of the media and possible role of the media as perceived by Equal Education, learners and by journalists who report on Equal Education's activities. The study does not make conclusive claims about whether 'political listening' occurs between Equal Education and learners and the media because the study is exploratory in nature and involves a lot of trial and error when it comes to applying the theory of political listening to interview and textual data, which is a communication context that the theory is only beginning to chart.
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Ashbee, Elaine. "Educational inclusion for children with autism in Palestine : what opportunities can be found to develop inclusive educational practice and provision for children with autism in Palestine : with special reference to the developing practice in two educational settings." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2016. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/6546/.
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This study investigates inclusive educational understandings, practice and provision for children with autism in Palestine, using a qualitative, case study approach and a dimension of action research together with participants from two educational settings. In addition, data about the wider context was obtained through interviews, visits, observations and focus group discussions. Despite the extraordinarily difficult context, education was found to be highly valued and Palestinian educators, parents and decision-makers had achieved impressive progress. The research found that autism is an emerging field of interest with a widespread desire for better understanding. Autism was often perceived in terms of deficits, and the breadth, diversity and abilities within the autistic population were not well understood. Although there was general support for the official policy of inclusive education, autistic children were sometimes stigmatised, isolated and excluded. Notwithstanding many challenges, there were examples of dedicated but insecurely funded non-government provision. However, autism was not generally well understood or reliably identified and there was a lack of opportunity for sharing knowledge and practice. The action research dimension of the study identified features of successfully developing practice within two settings and considered the viability of replicating these more widely with in Palestine. Concluding recommendations call for development of knowledge and practice in Palestine, drawing on, but not dictated by, the international pool of knowledge on inclusive autism practice. The study highlights a need for better identification of autism; for building capacity for contextually-appropriate inclusive educational provision; and for reconceptualising inclusion as a process of enabling participation in education. It proposes that there is a need for collaboration between professionals, parents and people with autism to share knowledge and practice, and suggests that this could be achieved through a Communities of Practice approach. It also proposes that Palestinians have much to contribute to the international discourse on the inclusive education of autistic children.
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Choi, Po King (Dora). "Education and politics in China : growth of the modern intellectual class, 1895-1949." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1988. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.670344.
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Longshore, Renee Michelle. "The rhetoric of state assessment: Educational politics in the public school system." CSUSB ScholarWorks, 2004. https://scholarworks.lib.csusb.edu/etd-project/2721.
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In this thesis I explore the rhetoric behind the assessment push nation-wide and, particularly, in California. I take a close look at what politicians, educators, and citizens say about public education and their views of the current educational reform: whether they are speaking in support of or opposition to the No Child Left Behind Act of 2001. I look specifically at the finances of public education in California, the impact and current outcome of NCLB, and propose new reforms as suggested by those intimately involved in education.
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Lin, Tingjin, and 林挺進. "Explaining the intra-provincial inequality of financing compulsory education in China: the role of financereform, personnel rules and provincial leades, 1994-2001." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2008. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B4068734X.
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Jackson, David Lee. "ESL for political action : a critical evaluation of the farmworkers ESL crusade and its Freire-inspired philosophy." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/26841.
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This thesis evaluates the first three years of the Canadian Farmworkers Union ESL Crusade and the Freire-based philosophy which inspired it. Based on the author's three years of participant-observation, it pursues the following question: In the context of the union, is it possible to operate an ESL program which will both teach basic ESL and further the union's goal of organizing Punjabi farmworkers?
The thesis begins by summarizing Freire's educational/ political philosophy, and continues by examining the program's context: conditions of farmwork in British Columbia, the role of CFU in improving them, and the dynamics of the Punjabi community which affect this process. This is followed by a detailed description and evaluation of the Crusade: its objectives, recruiting and training of volunteer tutors, teaching methods and materials, curriculum topics, organizing strategies, results in terms of both teaching ESL and organizing, and finally analysis of the program's limitations.
The following section re-evaluates Freire's philosophy in view of three years experience in a North American setting. Key issues include the relationship between students' concerns and the union's agenda, dialogue versus banking, the complex nature of oppression for North American immigrants, the distinction between a realistic and idealistic frame of reference in operating and evaluating a program, and the importance of organizers reflecting on their own vested interests. All these issues proved salient to the daily operation of the program and have ramifications for other programs.
In the course of three years, the Crusade was able to develop methods and materials which had good potential both for ESL instruction and organizing, and which approached the Freirian ideal. However, a number of limitations prevented the program from fulfilling this potential. Some of these could be overcome with changes in the Crusade's format, such as using full-time Punjabi tutors rather than Anglo volunteers. The study concludes by outlining these changes plus directions for further research.Education, Faculty of
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Wong, Ngar-chu Mary, and 黃雅珠. "English language policies in Hong Kong and Singapore in the Post-war period: circa 1965-1998." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1999. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B42574870.
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Sidelnick, Daniel John. "A study of the relationship of several variables on the political attitudes of adolescents." Diss., Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University, 1986. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/71184.
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This study investigated the influence of three variables on current political attitudes of secondary school adolescents at two suburban-rural high schools in the northern Virginia area. Ability, grade level, and sex were examined to determine their influence on attitude measures essential to the develoµnent of citizenship within the social studies curriculum. The Freedans Scale, Law Scale and Dogmatism Field Scale were administered to a random sample of 180 ninth and twelfth grade adolescents which was equally divided between male and female subjects. The sample was further divided by ability levels (low, average, and high) which were selected by SRA subtest scores in reading, math, language arts, and educational ability. Significant findings were discerned using multivariate analysis of variance (MANOVA), and chi-square analysis. Group and individual differences were examined for each of the independent variables studied as they affected the dependent measures of political attitudes.
One three-way and three two-way interactions were tested using the MANOVA. Only one interaction (ability by grade) was significant at the .05 level on the Dogmatism Scale. It was concluded that an increase in grade and ability levels effect lower scores on the Dogmatism Field Scale. Lower dogmatism scores effect an increase in support for the fundamental freedoms embodied in the Freedoms Scale.
Sex, as a variable, was the only main effect that did not interact with ability level or grade. The mean scores of the females in the study were slightly higher than the mean scores of the males on both the Freedoms Scale and the Law Scale. These results indicated a greater support for the fundamental freedoms embodied in the Freedoms Scale and a greater respect for the law and government officials for females over males.
Separate chi-square analysis of the individual responses to the questions on the Freedoms Scale and the Iaw Scale indicated a total of 21 items from the scales significantly related to ability and 17 items significantly related to grade or sex. No identifiable pattern was discernable which could be generalized into a group description of adolescent support or non-support for combinations of the various items.
Curricular approaches were suggested to improve citizenship instruction in the area of political socialization and recommendations were made for future research.Ed. D.
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Coplin, Janet C. (Janet Cecile). "The Politicization of Public Education in Nicaragua: 1967-1994, Regime Type and Regime Strategy." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1996. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc279077/.
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Understanding how change occurs in lesser developed countries, particularly in Latin America has been the subject of a prolonged theoretical academic debate. That debate has emphasized economics more that politics in general and predictability over unpredictability in the Latin American region. This paper challenges these approaches. Explaining change requires an examination of the politics of public policy as much as its economic dimensions. Second, change in the Latin American region may be less predictable than it appears. Scholars maintain that change in Latin America occurs when contending elites negotiate it. Their power comes from the various resources they possess. Change, therefore, is not expected to occur as a function of regime change per se. This paper considers the treatment of education policy in Nicaragua during the regimes of the dynastic authoritarianism of Anastasio Somoza Debayle (1967-1979), the revolutionary governments of the Sandinistas (1979-1990), and the democratic-centrist government of Violeta Barrios de Chamorro (1990-1996). The central research question is: When regimes change, do policies change? The methodology defines the independent variable as the regime and education policy as the dependent variable. It posits three hypotheses. The right-wing regime of Somoza was expected to restrict both the qualitative aspects and the financing of education; (2) the left-wing regimes of the Sandinistas were hypothesized to have expanded both; and (3) the democratic-centrist regime of Chamorro was expected to have both expanded and restricted certain aspects of education policy. Several chapters describe these regimes' expansive or restrictive education strategies. A comparative analysis of these 26 years demonstrates several variables' effect over time. An OLS regression and a times series analysis specifies the relationship between regime change and percent of GDP each regime devoted to education. Both the statistical and qualitative findings of this study confirm the hypotheses. The study reveals that, as regimes changed, education strategies and policies changed. Such findings challenge some current thought about political behavior with respect to Latin American development in particular and development theory in general.
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Souza, Jose dos Santos. "Trabalho, qualificação e ação sindical no Brasil no limiar do seculo XXI : disputa de hegemonia ou consentimento ativo?" [s.n.], 2005. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/280870.
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Orientador: Ricardo AntunesTese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas
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Resumo: No limiardo séculoXXI, a propagação de uma nova culturado trabalho e da produção,articulada à redefinição da relação entre o Estado e a sociedade civil, trouxe consigo o surgimento de novas demandas de formação de competências sociais e profissionais na classe trabalhadora. No caso brasileiro,para atendertais demandas,o empresariado e o Estado buscaram a adesão da classe trabalhadora ao seu projeto de universalização da educação básica e de ampliação das oportunidades de educação profissional.Para este fim, implementaram uma nova institucionalidade para a formação/qualificação profissional capaz de acionar o consentimento ativo dos trabalhadores por meio da gestão tripartite e paritária dos fundos públicos.Desse modo,a política de formação/qualificação profissional constitui-se não apenas em campo estratégicopara o aumento da produtividade e competitividade das empresas,mas tambémem campo de disputa de hegemonia.Diante desta problemática,esta tese analisaa ação da CUT,da Força Sindical,da CGTe da SDS no campo da política de formação/qualificaçã profissional como objetivo de verificar se ocorre uma ação consciente de disputa de hegemonia ou uma espécie de consentimento ativo diante da reforma da política de formação/qualificaçã profissional Os dadosf oram coletados a partir de fontes bibliográficas primárias, tais como:resoluções de congressos e plenárias nacionais;documentos sobre reestruturação produtiva e educação;panfletose revistas.Outros dados foram coletados por meio de revisão de literatura sobre sindicalismo brasileiroe por meio de entrevistas.Verificou-se que, de maneiras distintas,as centrais sindicais apontam a formação/qualificaçã profissional como fator de aumento da produtividade e da competitividade das empresas condição indispensável par a inserção do país no mercado globalizado. Além disto,entendem que o sucesso na concorrência dessas empresas no mercado internacional seria a alternativa para o desemprego.Esta característica configura relativa confluência de interesses entre as centrais sindicais,o empresariado e o governo. Apesar do esforço da CUT em formular um projeto de formação/qualificação profissional alternativo àquele do empresariado, esta não se furta à participação ativa na política governamental, sob a justificativa de disputa de hegemonia. Carente de um projeto genuinamente anticapitalista e,sse esforço da CUT viu-se permeado de contradições e cada vez mais distante do projeto de rompimento definitivo com a dualidade entre formação parao trabalho e formação para a vida social, rumo à formação omnilateral, de caráter politécnico,de naturezacientífica e tecnológica. A Força Sindical busca conformar a classe trabalhadora às novas exigências de formação/qualificação social e profissional. A. CGTe a SDS,praticamente oscilam entre as formulações da CUTe da ForçaSindical,r espectivamente. Concluiu-se que o principal limite destas centrais para formular um projeto alternativo para a formação/qualificação do trabalhador consiste no imediatismo de seus planos de ação para enfrentar o desemprego e no pragmatismo de suas formulações. Conformadas no projeto empresarial de interdependência entre educação básica e educação profissional até mesmo a CUT, entral mais crítica, mantém-se nos limites do projeto liberal-democrata para a formação do trabalhador naatualidade. As demais centrais pesquisadas seja por opção política ou por ausência de propostas,também se conformam nos limites do projeto educativo liberal democrata. Esta conformação, combinada com a participação ativa destas centrais nos fóruns gestores da política de formação/qualificação profissional instituídas pelo Governo,configuram o consentimento ativo do sindicalismo brasileiro às ações do empresariado e do governo no campo da política de formação/qualificação profissional. (Financiamento CNPq)
Abstract: In the dawning of the XXI Century, the spread of a newc ulture of labor and production articulated with the redefinition of the relationship between the State and Civil Society,brought with it the emergence of new demands rregarding the constitution of social and professional competencies in the working class. In the Brazilian case,the State and entrepreneurs, in order to attend to these new necessities,sought the adhesion of the working class to its project of universalization f basic education and the increase in opportunities for professional education.For that end, they implemented a new institutionalityin professional formation/qualification that would be able to put in action activeconsent through a three party and egalitarian management of public funds. In this manner the policy for professional formation/qualffication becomes not only a strategic site for the increase in productivity and competitiveness of enterprises,but also a site for hegemony disputes.In the face of this,the action of CUT ,Força sindical,CGTand SDS regarding professional formation/qualification is analyzed,in order to verifyif a conscious dispute for hegemony or a kind of activ econsent occurs associated with reform of the formation/qualification policies.Data was collected from primary bibliographical sources,such as: resolution strom congresses and national plenaries;documents on productive reestructuration and education;pamphlets and magazines.Other data was collected from a revision of the literature on Brazilian syndicates and through interviews.It was verified that, in different ways,the syndicate centrais point to professional formation/qualification as a factor in the increaseof productivity and in the competitiveness of companies,an essential condition for the insertion of Brazilin the globalized market. Beyond that, they understand that the sucess in the competition between these companiesin the intemational market would be an altemative to unemployment. This characteristic points to a relative agreement of interests that emerges among syndicates,entrepreneurs and govemment.Despite the efforts of CUT towards formulating professional of formation/qualification project alternative to the one thought out by entrepreneurs, this syndicate centra ldoes not shy away from active participation in government policies,under the justification of a fight for hegemony. Lacking a trulyanti-capitalist project, this effort from CUT is permeated with contradictions and became increasingly distant from the definitive break witht he duality between a formation for labor and formation for sociallife,a move towards an omnilateral formation havinga politechnical character,with a scientific and technological nature.Força Sindical tries to conformthe working classes to the new dernands of social and professional formation/qualification. CGT and SDS oscillate between the projects coming from CUTand Força Sindical, respectively.The conclusion i sthat the main limit these syndicate centrais face in trying to formulate alternative projects for worker formation/qualification is the short-term character of their plans of action for fighting unemployment and in the pragmatism present in their formulations.Conformed to the empresariaL project of interdependence between basic and professional education even CUT, the most critical central,stays safely within the limits of the liberal-democratic project for worker formation cantemporarity. The other centralsresearched due to polítical options or a lack of proposals have also conformed to the liberal-democratic education project.This conformation,combined with their active participation in the management organs for professional formation/qualification instituted by the government,configure the active can sent of Brazilian syndicalism to the actions of the entrepreneurs and of the govemment in the site of professional formation/qualification(Financed byCNPq)
Doutorado
Sociologia do Trabalho
Doutor em Sociologia
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Poon, Scarlet, and 潘穎思. "Colonialism and English education at the University of Hong Kong,1913-1964." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2003. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B29521531.
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Sum, Fu-ming Terence, and 沈富明. "Perception of Hong Kong primary school heads on their role in contributing to national development in China." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1997. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31959805.
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Pokross, Amy Elizabeth. "The American Community College's Obligation to Democracy." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2007. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc5129/.
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In this thesis, I address the dichotomy between liberal arts education and terminal vocational training in the American community college. The need is for reform in the community college in relation to philosophical instruction in order to empower citizens, support justice and create more sustainable communities. My call for reform involves a multicultural integration of philosophy into terminal/vocational programs as well as evolving the traditional liberal arts course to exist in a multicultural setting. Special attention is focused on liberating the oppressed, social and economic justice and philosophy of education.
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Mulangwa-Kyomba, Katako. "Les disparités régionales du système d'enseignement zaïrois: étude diagnostique et politique de planification." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 1986. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/213530.
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Howes, Sigi. "Tot Nut van het Algemeen' School, Cape Town 1804-1870 : case study of a Cape school's response to political and philosophical changes in the 19th century." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/53775.
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Thesis (MEd)--University of Stellenbosch, 2004.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The name of the School 'Tot Nut van het Algemeen' appears often in the literature on early Cape education. It is described as an institution of excellence that boasts many famous pupils such as President Jan Brand, Ds JH Neethling and 'Onze Jan' Hendrik Hofmeyr. In this study I explore how the School managed to adapt to political, social and philosophical changes to survive for 70 years. I do this through telling the narrative of its existence and functioning, and investigate the vexing question as to why it was forced to close in 1870. The research document consists of 9 chapters. The introductory chapter provides the orientation for the study. It is followed by a chapter dealing with the factors that led to the establishment of the School, taking into account events both overseas and at the Cape. Chapter 3 focuses on the British occupation of the Cape, with special emphasis on the Anglicisation of schools and the reaction of the colonists to this change of circumstance. Chapter 4 describes the School's activities from 1832, covering among other aspects, its reopening, curriculum and funding. The School's link with the South African College is also explored. In Chapter 5, I discuss the education policies that shaped the School, as well as the ideals of liberalism and democracy in as far as the School practiced them. Chapter 6 deals with the closing of the School, and I offer various reasons for this. In chapter 7, I present cameos of some of the influential teachers, while the School's legacy to Cape society is examined in Chapter 8. The study concludes with a reflection that draws these facts into an integrated view and highlights pertinent insights into the 'Tot Nut' as a worthy institution in the light of the findings revealed in this research.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die naam van die skool 'Tot Nut van het Algemeen' verskyn dikwels in die literatuur oor vroeë onderwys aan die Kaap. Dit word as 'n puik instansie beskryf, met menige bekende oudleerlinge soos President Jan Brand, Ds JH Neethling en 'Onze Jan' Hendrik Hofmeyr. In hierdie studie ondersoek ek hoe die Skool by verskeie politiese, sosiale en filosofiese veranderinge aangepas het om sodoende 70 jaar te kon oorleef. Dit doen ek deur die Skool se bestaan en funksionering te beskryf, en ek spreek die frustrerende kwessie aan waarom dit in 1870 gedwing is om te sluit. Die navorsingsverslag bestaan uit 9 hoofstukke. Die inleiding behels die oriëntasie ten opsigte van die studie. Dit word gevolg deur 'n hoofstuk wat handeloor die faktore wat tot die ontstaan van die Skool gelei het, waar daar na gebeure oorsee sowel as aan die Kaap, gekyk word. Hoofstuk 3 fokus op die Britse besetting, veralop die Anglisasie van die skole en die , koloniste se reaksie daarop. Hoofstuk 4 beskryf die Skool se aktiwiteite vanaf 1832, onder andere sy heropening, die kurrikulum en bevondsing. Die Skool se verwantskap met die Suid- Afrikaanse Kollege word ook bespreek. In Hoofstuk 5 ondersoek ek die opvoedingsbeleid wat die Skool beïnvloed het, asook die ideale van liberalisme en demokrasie in so ver die Skool dit beoefen het. Hoofstuk 6 handeloor die sluiting van die Skool en ek bied verskeie redes daarvoor aan. In Hoofstuk 7 bestaan uit sketse van die vernaamste onderwyspersoneel, terwyl die Skool se bydrae tot die Kaapse samelewing in Hoofstuk 8 voorgelê word. Die studie word afgerond met 'n terugblik wat hierdie feite in 'n integreerde perspektief oor die 'Tot Nut' bymekaar bring en, in die lig van die bevindings wat in hierdie navorsing blootgelê is, kan dit as 'n waardige instansie beskou word.
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Kasokonya, Sinvula Martin. "An investigation of how members of a school board perceive and experience their roles in a secondary school in the Rundu Education Region of Namibia." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1004558.
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The purpose of this study was to investigate School Board members' perceptions and expenences of their roles in a secondary school in the Rundu Education Region of Namibia. A case study was conducted within the interpretive paradigm. Six School Board members from the selected school were interviewed. The data were analysed using qualitative data analysis practices. The findings of the study indicate that there are numerous constraints that interfere with the Board members' ability to effectively carry out their role as a school governing body. These constraints include a lack of knowledge and understanding of the Education Act, a lack of skill in conducting basic management and organization processes and a lack of support from the circuit inspector and Regional Education officers. This study provides some understanding of the circumstances of the School Board in trying to execute its role in implementing the Education Act, especially the section dealing with School Boards. As such, this research provides an agenda for the support and improvement of the work of School Boards in Namibian secondary schools.
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Shum, Siu-ying Isis, and 岑小瑩. "The exploration of the school knowledge in sociological perspectives: a case study of a secondary schoolsubject "social studies"." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1996. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31958977.
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Hui, She-kwan, and 許書坤. "A study of the environmental education ideologies in the newly implemented Hong Kong Certificate of Education Examination (HKCEE)biology and geography curricula and their expression in textbooks." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2004. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B3013769X.
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Luke, Jeremy B. "Parental use of Geographical Aspects of Charter Schools as Heuristic Devices in the School Choice Process." The Ohio State University, 2013. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1366364829.
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Pinto, Levi Fernando Lopes Vieira 1991. ""A par dum trabalhador, devemos fazer um pensador" : a cultura anarquista paulistana nas práticas artísticas e pedagógicas das Escolas Modernas n. 1 e 2. /." São Paulo, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/183268.
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Orientador(a): Rita Luciana Berti BredariolliBanca: Rejane Galvao Coutinho
Banca: Anna Mae Tavares Bastos Barbosa
Resumo: No final do século XIX, o anarquismo chegou ao Brasil graças a imigração europeia, estimulada tanto pela crise econômica alguns países do continente, como a Itália, Espanha e Portugal, quanto pelo financiamento a essa imigração por parte do governo brasileiro, sobretudo no Estado de São Paulo. A consolidação do anarquismo no interior da classe operária paulistana - classe social que começou a surgir com a progressiva reconfiguração do capitalismo brasileiro que começou a dar seus primeiros passos à industrialização - fomentou uma cultura própria, desdobrando-se na música, teatro, poesia, literatura e na educação, com a abertura de escolas libertárias. Nossa narrativa contará a história das Escolas Modernas de São Paulo, que funcionaram na década de 1910 nos bairros operários do Brás e Belenzinho. Falar sobre elas teve, basicamente, dois objetivos: primeiro, contribuir para a história do anarquismo, da educação e da arte/educação no Brasil - considerando que há pouca bibliografia sobre elas ou ainda a sua omissão nas narrativas oficiais; segundo, tentar compreender de que maneira a cultura libertária formada na classe trabalhadora em questão se conciliava com o programa curricular das Escolas e se, por consequência, contou com aulas de artes que se contrapunham ao currículo oficial. Esse trabalho só foi possível a partir da consulta e leitura de documentos preservados em alguns acervos, em conjunto ao material bibliográfico existente
Résumé: À la fin du XIXème siècle, l'anarchisme est arrivé au Brésil grâce à l'immigration européenne, stimulée à la fois par la crise économique dans certains pays du continent, tels que l'Italie, l'Espagne et le Portugal, et par le financement de cette immigration par le gouvernement brésilien, en particulier dans l'État de São Paulo. La consolidation de l'anarchisme au sein de la classe ouvrière de la ville de São Paulo - une classe sociale qui a commencé à émerger avec la reconfiguration progressive du capitalisme brésilien qui commeçait à faire ses premiers pas vers l'industrialisation - a favorisé la création d'une culture propre, qui s'est étendue à la musique, au théâtre, à la poésie, la littérature et l'éducation, avec l'ouverture des écoles libertaires. Notre récit racontera l'histoire des Écoles Modernes de São Paulo, qui ont fonctionné pendant les années 1910 dans les quartiers ouvriers du Brás et Belenzinho. Parler de ces écoles avait deux objectifs principaux: premièrement, contribuer à l'histoire de l'anarchisme, de l'éducation et de l'art/éducation au Brésil - compte tenu du fait qu'il existe peu de bibliographie à leur sujets ou même leur omission dans les récits officiels; deuxièmement, essayer de comprendre la manière dont la culture libertaire formée dans la classe ouvrière en question s'est réconciliée avec le programme éducationnel des Écoles et si, par conséquent, elle comptait sur des classes d'art que s'opposaient au programme officiel. Ce travail n'a été... (Résumé complet accès életronique ci-dessous)
Mestre
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McFarland, Andrew Michael. "Creating a national passion: football, nationalism, and mass consumerism in modern Spain." Thesis, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/1247.
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