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Journal articles on the topic 'Education in communism'
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1
Pohrib, Codruta Alina. "Writing Childhoods, Righting Memory." Journal of Educational Media, Memory, and Society 8, no. 2 (September 1, 2016): 107–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/jemms.2016.080206.
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This article traces different appropriations of intergenerational memory in post-communist Romania in three non-formal educational texts: the pop-up book The Golden Age for Children; Ȋn faţa blocului (Outside the apartment building), a collection of outdoor games that defined the generations of the 1970s and 1980s; and Elev în Comunism (Students during the communist regime), which comprises first person narratives by teenagers imagining their lives as pupils under communism. I flesh out the stakes involved in correcting, repurposing, or capitalizing on nostalgic remembrances of the communist past, which are or may be passed on to children by their parents who grew up under communism, paying close attention to expectations from and pressures on the family as a privileged site of memory transmission.
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King, Charles. "Remembering Romanian Communism." Slavic Review 66, no. 4 (2007): 718–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20060381.
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The report of the Presidential Commission for the Analysis of the Communist Dictatorship in Romania, issued in December 2006, is the most serious attempt to understand Romania's communist experience ever produced. Coordinated by the American political scientist Vladimir Tismaneanu, the report covers virtually every aspect of communism as a lived system, from the installation of Communist Party officials during the postwar occupation, through the instruments of coercion, to the fate of religious institutions, the economy, national minorities, and education. The release of the report also contributed to a major political crisis, during which the parliament attempted to unseat the president, Traian Basescu, who had lauded the report and officially condemned communism as an illegitimate system. The question now is whether the commission's report will be used as yet another opportunity to reject history or as a way of helping Romanians learn, at last, how to own it.
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Borcila, Andaluna. "Accessing the trauma of communism." European Journal of Cultural Studies 12, no. 2 (May 2009): 191–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1367549409102425.
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This article centres on representations of Romanian women in the on-site reports filmed by American news crews in the days and weeks following the Romanian revolution. Around these representations, the article traces Romania's journey into televisibility on American television news, from an initially inaccessible site of falling communism to an overexposed site of post-communist trauma. Reports from abortion clinics were the first encounters with the territory of Romania that American television offered firsthand to its viewers, and these representations of Romanian women were the first representations of post-communist identities on American television. The article suggests that these representations of post-communist subjects, who appear as overexposed sites on which American television traces the effects of communism and the predicaments of the post-communist condition, display symptomatic features which have remained pervasive.
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Lankina, Tomila V., Alexander Libman, and Anastassia Obydenkova. "Appropriation and Subversion." World Politics 68, no. 2 (February 23, 2016): 229–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0043887115000428.
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Twenty-five years after the collapse of communism in Europe, few scholars disagree that the past continues to shape the democratic trajectories of postcommunist states. Precommunist education has featured prominently in this literature’s bundle of “good” legacies because it ostensibly helped foster resistance to communism. The authors propose a differentcausal mechanism—appropriation and subversion—that challenges the linearity of the above assumptions by analyzing the effects of precommunist literacy on patterns of Communist Party recruitment in Russia’s regions. Rather than regarding precommunist education as a source of latent resistance to communism, the authorshighlight the Leninist regime’s successful appropriation of the more literate strata of the precommunist orders, in the process subverting the past democratic edge of the hitherto comparatively more developed areas. The linear regression analysis of author—assembled statistics from the first Russian imperial census of 1897 supports prior research: precommunist literacy has a strong positive association with postcommunist democratic outcomes. Nevertheless, in pursuing causal mediation analysis, the authors find, in addition, that the above effect is mediated by Communist Party saturation in Russia’s regions. Party functionaries were likely to be drawn from areas that had been comparatively more literate in tsarist times, andparty saturation in turn had a dampening effect on the otherwise positive effects of precommunist education on postcommunist democracy.
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Săgeată, Radu, Nicoleta Damian, and Bianca Mitrică. "Communism and Anti-Communist Dissent in Romania as Reflected in Contemporary Textbooks." Societies 11, no. 4 (November 30, 2021): 140. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/soc11040140.
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The structural changes brought about by the collapse of the communist system also included the reconfiguration of social memory, so that future generations have a more objective imagining of the impact of the communist period on the societies from Central and Eastern Europe. In this view, the depoliticization of recent history is a top priority. The present study aims to highlight the way in which the schoolbooks in Romania bring into the memory of the young generation a strictly secret episode in recent (pre-1990) history: anti-communist dissent. Two categories of methods were used: researching the data and information contained in history textbooks and other bibliographic sources on anti-communist dissent in Romania in the overall socio-political context of that era; and assessing—with the help of a set of surveys—the degree of assimilation by young people in Romania of the knowledge about communism conveyed through textbooks. Research points to the conclusion that the Romanian curriculum and textbooks provide an objective picture of the communist period in this country, but young people’s perception of communism in general and of Romanian communism in particular tends to be distorted by poor education, poverty and surrounding mentalities rooted in that period.
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Vampa, Magdalini. "The Development of Albanian School Principals: A Challenge to Avoid Old Concepts and Value the Importance of Development." International Journal of Learning, Teaching and Educational Research 21, no. 5 (May 30, 2022): 143–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.26803/ijlter.21.5.8.
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The school principal is the driving force behind the culture and performance of a school and directly influences the teachers and students. However, the development of school leaders remains problematic even after 30 years of education system reforms in Albania. This paper primarily seeks to demonstrate the importance of forming a generation of effective school administrators and universities’ critical role in accomplishing this goal. Particular attention should be paid to overcoming the lingering mentalities of the communist system, which are unresponsive to the demand for professionals who can lead in challenging and uncertain times. Using deductive thematic analysis and the categories that resulted from the coding process, such as “leader characteristics” and “leader’s formation models,” to interpret Albanian official education documents from during and after its communist dictatorship, results were obtained that support the importance of universities in meeting school leaders’ training needs and providing them with professional qualifications. The results show that the cultural influences of communism affect the current leadership model in Albania and leadership training policies should utilize higher education, as the best and most efficient means to overcome the lingering influences of communism.
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Congdon, Lee. "Anti-anti-communism." Academic Questions 1, no. 3 (September 1988): 42–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf02682740.
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Gheorghiţă, Andrei. "Representations of Communism among Romanian Teenagers: A Research Note." Social Change Review 19, no. 1 (December 1, 2021): 145–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/scr-2021-0006.
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Abstract A long time after the 1989 regime change, teenagers’ representations of the communist past are entirely a matter of political socialization. In the absence of any direct experience with the former regime, their perspective on Communism is expected to develop exclusively in relation to school, family, mass media or other agents of socialization. This research note explores the Romanian teenagers’ representations of the communist past based on survey data collected on a sample of 5,861 students enrolled in 86 schools across the entire country in 2010. A form of ‘second-hand’ nostalgia for Communism is identified among many of the teenagers investigated, regarded as an outcome of socialization in relation to family and school. Positive representations of the communist past appear to be facilitated by a lower socio-economic status, lower education, and the absence of travelling abroad experiences.
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Hrytsenko, Andrii, and Oleksii Mozghovyi. "Integration of communist propaganda in the USSR education system in the 1920s: a historical and political aspect." SUMY HISTORICAL AND ARCHIVAL JOURNAL, no. 41 (2023): 5–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.21272/shaj.2023.i41.p.5.
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The basis of communist propaganda is the views of Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels as the founders of communist ideology. The Soviet state was built on their works and ideas. But Marx and Engels were quite critical of the issue of propaganda. From their point of view, the revolution and the transition to communism are the consequences of scientific and technological progress, which do not depend on the activities of individuals and will definitely happen in the future. Therefore, there is no need to create documents and programs that would help to implement a communist revolution in the future, especially since they did not see the need for propaganda, because humanity, over time, will understand the superiority of communism over capitalism. Also, Marx and Engels denied the idea of revolution in the Russian Empire because they believed that the Russian working class was too weak to carry out a revolution, and Russia was still an aristocratic state. The true founder of communist propaganda in the USSR was Lenin. He wanted to create a new working class in the country through propaganda, which would be devoted to the party and the ideas of communism. With this, he wanted to find a compromise between his desire for a revolution in Russia and the views of Marx. From the beginning of the USSR, education was given one of the first places in the propaganda system. Because education played the role of the primary link in the process of socialization of the individual, filling it with ideological propaganda made it possible to raise future generations as committed communists. By the end of the 1930s, both a new education system and new teaching methods were formed, in accordance with the new ideology. Changes introduced by Anton Makarenko played an important role in this process. In Makarenko's opinion, education and upbringing should be carried out only in and with the help of the collective. Only the collective is capable of forming a full-fledged personality, revealing its potential and making it a conscious part of society. Individual interests should always be subordinated to collective interests, both in education and in life. In addition, Makarenko was a great supporter of military discipline, and accordingly, he sought to incorporate elements of the army system into the education system. It was from the collective organization of army units that he rejected when organizing collectivism in schools. Makarenko's ideas were very important for the new state. They were supposed to help reeducate the country's population in accordance with the principles of communism, including military methods and concentration camps. Thanks to Makarenko, the Soviet state developed its own theory and methodology of authoritarian and imperative influence on society's consciousness. The Soviet authorities became confident that regardless of a person's age and social status, with the help of education, he can be reeducated into a true communist, using propaganda. Lenin and his entourage sought to cover the entire society with the education system, not only the proletariat, as Marx wanted. The future member of the communist society began to perceive communist propaganda from kindergarten, school, and communication in the family and participation in youth organizations: Little Octobrists, Pioneers and Komsomol.
10
Tismaneanu, Vladimir. "Confronting Romania's Communist Past: A Response to Charles King." Slavic Review 66, no. 4 (2007): 724–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20060382.
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The report of the Presidential Commission for the Analysis of the Communist Dictatorship in România, issued in December 2006, is the most serious attempt to understand România's communist experience ever produced. Coordinated by the American political scientist Vladimir Tismaneanu, the report covers virtually every aspect of communism as a lived system, from the installation of Communist Party officials during the postwar occupation, through the instruments of coercion, to the fate of religious institutions, the economy, national minorities, and education. The release of the report also contributed to a major political crisis, during which the parliament attempted to unseat the president, Traian Basescu, who had lauded the report and officially condemned communism as an illegitimate system. The question now is whether the commission's report will be used as yet another opportunity to reject history or as a way of helping Românians learn, at last, how to own it.
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Velimirovici, Felician. "Party Education and Cadre Schools in Communist Romania. Some Preliminary Considerations." Studia Universitatis Babeș-Bolyai Historia 67, no. 1 (September 30, 2022): 179–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/subbhist.2022.1.09.
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"The present lines raise the question of the necessity of a thorough study of a largely ignored chapter in the history of Romanian communism, namely the system of party education and cadre schools. If in a first phase, in Romanian post-socialist historiography, the orientation towards the research of the extremes of the system, of terror and repression has prevailed, nowadays it is at least as necessary to understand the mechanisms by which the communist system was perpetuated and regenerated. Party schools were more than mere instruments of indoctrination, manipulation and propaganda, they represented key institutions that fully contributed to the construction of the system itself. Keywords: political education, party schools, cadres, Romanian Communist Party"
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Ionescu, Amalia, Raluca Furdui, Alin Gavreliuc, Patricia M. Greenfield, and Michael Weinstock. "The effects of sociocultural changes on epistemic thinking across three generations in Romania." PLOS ONE 18, no. 3 (March 8, 2023): e0281785. http://dx.doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0281785.
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When people experience abrupt social change, from less education to more, from less technology use to more, from a homogeneous to a heterogeneous social environment, can their epistemic thinking adapt? When divergent opinions suddenly come to be valued, does epistemic thinking shift from absolute to more relativistic? We investigate whether and how these sociocultural shifts have produced changes in epistemic thinking in Romania, a country that fell from communism and started democracy in 1989. Our 147 participants were from Timisoara and fell into three groups, each experiencing the shift at a different point in their development: (i) born in 1989 or later, experiencing capitalism and democracy throughout life (N = 51); (ii) 15- to 25-years-old in 1989 when communism fell (N = 52); (iii) 45 or older in 1989 when communism fell (N = 44). As hypothesized, absolutist thinking was less frequent and evaluativist thinking, a relativistic epistemological mode, was more frequent the earlier in life a cohort was exposed to the post-communist environment in Romania. As predicted, younger cohorts experienced greater exposure to education, social media, and international travel. Greater exposure to education and social media were significant factors in the decline of absolutist thinking and the rise of evaluativist thinking across the generations.
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Fuchs, Christian. "The Utopian Internet, Computing, Communication, and Concrete Utopias: Reading William Morris, Peter Kropotkin, Ursula K. Le Guin, and P.M. in the Light of Digital Socialism." tripleC: Communication, Capitalism & Critique. Open Access Journal for a Global Sustainable Information Society 18, no. 1 (January 13, 2020): 146–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.31269/triplec.v18i1.1143.
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This paper asks: What can we learn from literary communist utopias for the creation and organisation of communicative and digital socialist society and a utopian Internet? To provide an answer to this question, the article discusses aspects of technology and communication in utopian-communist writings and reads these literary works in the light of questions concerning digital technologies and 21st-century communication. The selected authors have written some of the most influential literary communist utopias. The utopias presented by these authors are the focus of the reading presented in this paper: William Morris’s (1890/1993) News from Nowhere, Peter Kropotkin’s (1892/1995) The Conquest of Bread, Ursula K. Le Guin’s (1974/2002) The Dispossessed, and P.M.’s (1983/2011; 2009; 2012) bolo’bolo and Kartoffeln und Computer (Potatoes and Computers). These works are the focus of the reading presented in this paper and are read in respect to three themes: general communism, technology and production, communication and culture. The paper recommends features of concrete utopian-communist stories that can inspire contemporary political imagination and socialist consciousness. The themes explored include the role of post-scarcity, decentralised computerised planning, wealth and luxury for all, beauty, creativity, education, democracy, the public sphere, everyday life, transportation, dirt, robots, automation, and communist means of communication (such as the “ansible”) in digital communism. The paper develops a communist allocation algorithm needed in a communist economy for the allocation of goods based on the decentralised satisfaction of needs. Such needs-satisfaction does not require any market. It is argued that socialism/communism is not just a post-scarcity society but also a post-market and post-exchange society.
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Chicinaș, Nicoleta. "The Crises in Post-War Education in Cluj." Studia Universitatis Babeș-Bolyai Studia Europaea 68, no. 2 (December 18, 2023): 323–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/subbeuropaea.2023.2.15.
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"This article aims to analyse the education system in the city of Cluj during the post-war period, after World War 2, with a close focus on the period of time between 1944 and 1948. It's a period characterized by a series of successive crises resulting from political decisions. These decisions affected all levels of education, all ethnic and religious groups in the region, as well as the political opponents to the newly established communist regime of the Romanian Communist Party, primarily represented by these three political parties: the National Peasants' Party, the National Liberal Party, and the Socialist Party. Throughout the research into education within this time period, a combination of methods were used, including historical, comparative and statistical methods, and the sources used refer to both official and unofficial archived documents, contemporary press, and edited documents. Keywords: crises, communism, education, Cluj, democratization, reform"
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Maier, Valentin. "The Evolution of Artistic Higher Education in Communist Romania between 1948 and 1989." International Review of Social Research 4, no. 2 (June 1, 2014): 125–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/irsr-2014-0016.
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Abstract: Although communist regimes gave priority to technical higher education, artistic higher education also received a small, but constant share of the allocated study places and resources. This study outlines both the general features of this field, and its statistical evolution. After 1948, artistic higher education (music, fine and decorative arts, film, theatre and television) went through many changes in order to adapt to communist requirements. This paper presents some of the most important changes, what caused them, as well as their consequences. The statistical reconstruction of artistic higher education mainly focuses on the last 30 years of communism, on full-time studies and on four important indicators: total number of students, freshmen, graduates and total number of teaching staff.
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Bulhakova, Tetiana, and Volodymyr Hryshko. "THE DIRECTIONS OF ARTISTIC AND AESTHETIC EDUCATION OF PUPILS IN GENERAL EDUCATION ESTABLISHMENTS OF UKRAINE IN THE SECOND HALF OF XX CENTURY." Educational Discourse: collection of scientific papers, no. 13(5) (June 20, 2019): 100–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.33930/ed.2019.5007.13(5)-9.
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The modern school is intended to develop the need for children to perceive cultural values, to accumulate artistic experience and to use them as a basis for harmonizing the attitude towards the surrounding world. The foundations of this were laid in the second half of the last century, although there was a significant shift in the direction of communist upbringing. In the Soviet age of the period of our study in education, prevailing formation of the qualities of a cultural citizen, the builder of communism. In the artistic and aesthetic education, the formation of patriotism and internationalism, the fiction, music, and fine arts were penetrated.
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Yang, Sungik. "The South Korean Military Ideological Complex: Transcendent Nationalism in Military Moral Education." Journal of Korean Studies 29, no. 1 (March 1, 2024): 61–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/07311613-10948678.
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Abstract Since its inception, the South Korean military, like an Althusserian ideological state apparatus, has served to articulate and disseminate state ideology through what is called the military moral education or ideological training program (chŏngsin or chŏnghun kyoyuk), which instructed soldiers in Korean history, society, and politics. A close reading of moral education textbooks from the Syngman Rhee (1948–60) and Park Chung Hee (1961–79) eras thus shows the content and themes of state ideology, which went beyond simple anti-communism and can instead be summed up as “transcendent nationalism”: a potent, fascistic mixture of ethnic nationalism, anti-communism, and anti-liberal collectivism that emphasized individual loyalty and sacrifice to the supreme representative of the Korean nation, the South Korean state. As part of a larger state ideological complex and as an ideological apparatus in its own right, the military moral education program should be examined to offer a better understanding of South Korean ideology and political discourse and the rise of anti-communist nationalist ideological hegemony during the Cold War. This large-scale effort to indoctrinate South Korean men, in which military moral education played a crucial part, arguably contributed to a significant degree of societal consent behind the Park Chung Hee regime.
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Ciobanu, Monica. "Rewriting and remembering Romanian communism: some controversial issues." Nationalities Papers 39, no. 2 (March 2011): 205–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2010.549472.
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This article examines the dynamic relationship between the two major dimensions of memory and justice in the context of post-communist countries: truth-telling and retroactive justice. This interdependent and uneasy relationship is illustrated by recent attempts at constructing a new historical narrative of the communist past in Romania in the wake of the de-secretization of the files of both the Communist Party and the communist secret police (Securitate). A systematic analysis of the activity of institutions that have been directly involved in research and public education about the recent past – the National Archives, the National Council for the Study of Securitate's Archives, and the Institute for the Investigation of Crimes of Communism – is undertaken. The work of these three institutional actors shows a direct relationship between truth-telling in its various forms (access to archives, opening the files and exhumations) and any subsequent retroactive justice and restitution. The main argument of the paper is that while deep-seated dichotomies between former communist and anti-communists in addressing the past still persist, a more nuanced way of seeing the regime that explores the ambiguous line that divides outright repression from cooptation is emerging.
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Szostak, Sylwia, and Sabina Mihelj. "Coming to terms with Communist propaganda: Post-communism, memory and generation." European Journal of Cultural Studies 20, no. 3 (December 15, 2016): 324–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1367549416682247.
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This article has two main aims. First, it seeks to contribute to existing research on the mediation of post-communist memory by considering the Polish case and specifically by focusing on audience memories of an iconic television series produced in communist Poland, Four Tankmen and a Dog (TVP, 1966–1970), set during World War II. Second, the article pays particular attention to the generational stratification of audience memories, and thereby makes a contribution to recent literature that examines the links between generation and mediated remembering. The analysis draws on life-course interviews with viewers of two different generations, conducted in Poland in 2014. The results indicate that the ways in which Polish audiences remember communist-era programming, and specifically the extent to which they perceive such programming as propaganda, vary significantly with generation. We argue that these differences stem from generationally specific experiences in the past, which gave rise to distinct modes of engaging with the communist era and its heritage.
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Gallagher, Charles R. "Decentering American Jesuit Anti-Communism: John LaFarge’s United Front Strategy, 1934–39." Journal of Jesuit Studies 5, no. 1 (December 21, 2018): 97–121. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22141332-00501006.
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In 1934, the Society of Jesus was asked to respond at global and regional levels to the increasing threat of world Communism. In North America, the Jesuits initiated plans to meet the twin threats of Communism and atheism. Between 1934 and 1939, two separate streams of Jesuit anti-Communism began to emerge. The first was a macro-style vision grounded in social reconstruction, which the Jesuits called “Establishing a Christian Social Order,” known colloquially as the “xo” program. The other plan was put forward as early as 1934, and elaborated in July 1936 at the Jesuit meeting in West Baden, Indiana, by the writer and editor John LaFarge. LaFarge’s plan, known as the United Front, has never been evaluated by historians. It was a localized program of reactive initiatives meant to meet the gains of the cpusa with effective Catholic counter-Communist public attacks. LaFarge aimed to recruit students, pastors, and fellow Jesuits to see to it that cpusa gains in labor, culture, education, government, and churches were met with equal and effective public counterattacks. In 1937, the publication of the papal encyclical Divini redemptoris signaled that social reconstruction could become a part of authentic Catholic anti-Communism, indicating the eclipse of LaFarge’s United Front. After 1939, when the Jesuit general Włodzimierz Ledóchowski called for an adoption of the “positive message” of social reconstruction as the dominant means of Jesuit anti-Communism, LaFarge’s more bumptious and militaristic plan began to fade for good. This article chronicles the heretofore unknown struggle between these two antipodes.
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Yoo, Ji-A. "Japan’s total war system and anti-communist policy against Korea." Association Of Korean-Japanese National Studies 43 (December 31, 2022): 5–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.35647/kjna.2022.43.5.
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This research examines Japan's total war system during the war from the aspect of anti-communist policy. Among them, Japan judged that the threat of the Communist Party was more serious in Korea than in Japan, and analyzed that it implemented an anti-communist policy in Korea that combined the judicial Peace Preservation Law and the cultural Korean Anti-Communist Association. The Soviet Revolution of 1917 had a great impact on the Western nations, and in 1920, it became a fashion in Europe and the United States to enact security legislation in order to prevent forces that would cooperate with the Soviet Union and promote domestic revolutionary movements. Japan enacted the Radical Social Movement Control Law in the early 1920s, and in 1925 it enacted the Peace Preservation Law. And Japan tried to deal with communism not only with the Soviet-Japanese Basic Treaty. This Peace Preservation Law was applied to suppress nationalist and socialist-affiliated independence movements in Korea. In Korea, not only communism, but also national and independence movements had to be suppressed and cracked down, so the Peace Preservation Law was applied to all cases.
Also, in the 1930s, Japan began to feel the effects of the Great Depression, and as a result, the labor movement and the peasant movement grew to an unprecedented scale. Then, in 1936, he submitted a bill to revise the Peace Preservation Law and passed the ‘Thought Criminal Probation Law’. In 1938, Japan began to advocate the need for a complete revision of the Peace Preservation Law, mainly through on-site ideological examinations. This is because Japan recognized that maintaining security in the rear was the most important issue in the process of developing a total war system following the outbreak of the Sino-Japanese War. Such demands resulted in a complete revision of the Peace Preservation Law in 1941. At that time, Japan had an overwhelming number of cases of applying the Peace Preservation Law in Korea compared to other colonies. This was due to the perception of the Japanese authorities that the geographical and social conditions of Korea were more influenced by communism than Japan. In addition to this, on August 15, 1938, the Korean Anti-Communist Association was established to thoroughly eradicate communist ideology, and carried out anti-communist education through various projects. In this way, Japan tried to prevent the spread of communism to Korea under the total war system during the war through the Peace Preservation Law and the Korean Anti-Communist Association.
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Donaldson, Rachel C. "Teaching Democracy: Folkways Records and Cold War Education." History of Education Quarterly 55, no. 1 (February 2015): 58–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/hoeq.12092.
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By the waning years of the 1940s America had lost much of what remained of its postwar optimism as fears of Communism came to dominate the national political conversation. Left-leaning citizens had particular cause for disillusionment as politicians continued to trample many vestiges of New Deal programs and ideals in their rightward trek. The passage of the antilabor Taft-Hartley Act in 1947 and Progressive Party presidential candidate Henry Wallace's abysmal failure at the polls in the 1948 election hammered more nails into the coffin of leftwing activism. What ultimately caused the Old Left to retreat from mainstream political discourse was, of course, the new ideological war that loomed on the horizon. While U.S. foreign policy focused on containing Communism abroad, local and federal governlnent agencies and civilian vigilante groups rallied to fight suspected communists at home, Government agencies and private organizations compiled lists of alleged subversives, such asRed Channels: The Report of Communist Influence in Radio and Televisionthat the right-wing publicationCounterattackreleased in 1950. The attacks on those in the media and government were well documented, as news sources reported the trials of iconic groups like the Hollywood Ten and televised the Army-McCarthy hearings. At the same time that anticommunists focused on rooting out subversives in the State Department, organized labor, and the entertainment industry, they also turned their attention to education. Many political leaders, both liberal and conservative, viewed education as the “key factor” in securing American victory in the Cold War; as a result, between the end of WWII and the 1960s, anticommunists devoted an unprecedented amount of scrutiny to public schools, administrators, and teachers.
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Nemeth, Julian. "The Case for Cleaning House: Sidney Hook and the Ethics of Academic Freedom during the McCarthy Era." History of Education Quarterly 57, no. 3 (July 19, 2017): 399–426. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/heq.2017.17.
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Sidney Hook set the terms of debate on Communism, higher education, and academic freedom in the postwar United States. His view that Communists lacked the independence necessary for teaching and research—a view forged in the heated debates of New York City's radical left in the 1930s—provided the rationale for firing Communist professors across the country in the late 1940s and 1950s. Relying on close readings of underutilized archival sources, this article explores the development of Hook's thinking, charts his impact on key players in the period's higher education establishment (such as philosopher John Dewey and the American Association of University Professors), and outlines the way his writings helped lead to faculty dismissals at the University of Washington and New York University. The article also highlights the work of students and professors who challenged Hook's anti-Communist position, revealing a rich and often neglected mid-century discourse on academic freedom.
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Vlăsceanu, Lazăr, and Marian-Gabriel Hâncean. "Human Capital for a Planned Economy Relations of Correspondence and Unintended Consequences in the Higher Education of Communist Romania." International Review of Social Research 4, no. 2 (June 1, 2014): 41–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/irsr-2014-0010.
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Abstract: Our main purpose was to look into the correspondence relation between the macro-level normative planning within higher education (implemented by the Romanian communist state) and the de facto micro-level occupational mobility of higher education graduates. We unraveled a consistent lack of correspondence between higher education graduates’ flows and economic production, split on different areas (i.e. industry, agriculture, services). In this light, the production of services significantly increased during communism, given an insignificant oscillation in the number of specialists in services, and in spite of the state’s priority to support industrial production by sustaining large numbers of technical higher education graduates. Identifying time series data on education, population and economy, we explored trends from cross national (i.e. Romania in the context of the Eastern Communist Block) and cross topic (i.e. education, demography and economy) perspectives. We used regression equations to estimate linear trends, the Dickey-Fuller test for stationary checking, and the original stationary variable differencing for oscillation comparative purposes. Our main finding was that the inflation of technical higher education graduates, triggered by the Romanian communist state to support the industry, backfired an informal individual occupational mobility towards urban areas that offered jobs in the service sector.
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Grozav Biriş, Victoria. "The resident and non-resident medical studentships in the medical education of Cluj County in the first Communist Age." Studia Universitatis Babeș-Bolyai Historia 67, no. 1 (September 30, 2022): 193–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/subbhist.2022.1.10.
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"This article presents the two forms of perfection of students in the medical higher education of Cluj County, the resident and non-resident medical studentships which were introduced in the Faculty of Medicine from Cluj in the interwar period continuing with certain interruptions in the first Communist Age. The article illustrates how the position of intern and extern physician could be filled in, in medicine. The social mark was the one that differentiated the medical examination in the Communist Age from the one from the interwar period. The social mark represented the social community activity of the student regarding the involvement of the student in various cultural and sanitary activities or voluntary work. The weight of this social mark was equal to the other specialized subjects from the examination. Under this social mark the Communist regime could mask the sanctioning of the political past and the poor political orientation of the students. Key words: resident medical studentship, non-resident medical studentship, medical higher education, medical education in Cluj county, professional training and perfection, students, Communism. "
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Walker, Gabriela. "Postcommunist Deinstitutionalization of Children With Disabilities in Romania." Journal of Disability Policy Studies 22, no. 3 (November 21, 2011): 150–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1044207311394853.
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The author examines the policies and treatment of children institutionalized during and after the communist regime, the adoption policies for these children, the human rights claimed in the name of these children, and the ecology of disabilities in Romania. Institutionalized children fell into three categories: children who had one or more minor to severe disabilities, children who had been abandoned, and children who were part of ethnic minorities, especially the Roma. The author reviews the literature on these topics and adds her own perspective, as a Romanian special education teacher and researcher. While during communism, institutionalized persons were invisible to the public and kept in inhuman conditions, after communism, increased awareness about the situation in state institutions and about disabilities and human rights in general led to the adoption and implementation of new disability-friendly policies. Currently, there is increased advocacy for the rights of the people with disabilities, although great challenges remain.
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Wnuk-Lipinska, Elzbieta. "Polish Students after the Decline of Communism." European Journal of Education 25, no. 4 (1990): 409. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1502627.
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Popkewitz, Thomas S. "Cartesian Anxiety, Linguistic Communism, and Reading Texts." Educational Researcher 21, no. 5 (June 1992): 11–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.3102/0013189x021005011.
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Gray, John. "Utopian academics and the collapse of communism." Academic Questions 5, no. 1 (March 1992): 66–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf02734896.
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González, Manuel J. Fernández. "LEGITIMATION OF VIRTUE EDUCATION IN TEACHER TRAINING DISCOURSE DURING SOVIET LATVIA." SOCIETY. INTEGRATION. EDUCATION. Proceedings of the International Scientific Conference 1 (May 21, 2019): 194. http://dx.doi.org/10.17770/sie2019vol1.3916.
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Soviet virtue education had a relevant place in the discourse of the founders of communism and in the Communist Party’s documents. Virtue education played a central role in the construction of the future Soviet society and the raising of the New Soviet Man, a conscious communist, productive worker and soldier. This paper addresses two research questions: how was character and virtue education conceptualized, legitimized and implemented in Soviet Latvia? What elements of the Soviet approach to character education facilitated the consolidation of totalitarianism in Latvia?This research is based on written academic sources published in Soviet Latvia about virtue education and intended to school teachers: two teaching manuals for teacher training (Jesipovs & Gončarovs, 1948; Iļjina, 1971), and three collections scientific papers written by the leading educational academics of the Soviet Latvia published by the Latvian State University in 1962, 1964 and 1967 within the series “Questions about Upbringing in the Soviet school”.The findings highlight the understanding of virtue education during this period, and how it was ideologically, socially and pedagogically legitimized in the academic discourse and pedagogical literature addressed to school teachers.
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Todorova, Velina. "Children's Rights in Bulgaria after the End of Communism." International Journal of Children's Rights 17, no. 4 (2009): 623–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/092755609x12466074858718.
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AbstractNot surprisingly, the end of communism marked a swift collapse of the protection of children's rights in Bulgaria. The paper critically examines the complete lack of humane 'communism exit' strategies in the country. Rather, the state quietly withdrew from guaranteeing the basic rights of the child such as rights to health care, education and day care deserting families to cope with child upbringing in a hostile and deregulated environment. At the end of the 20th century the only remainings of the former communist system appeared to be the residential institutions providing care for 30,000 abandoned or delinquent children. The new system for the protection of children' rights has to be built besides the lack of a clear political will but within the supportive milieu both of the accession to the European Union negotiations and the UN CRC being part of the national legal framework. The essential safeguards of the children's rights are in place in Bulgaria of today. This raises the expectations that the children's rights will receive adequate place in the political agenda and in resource allocation.
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Pavlenko, V. V. "Creation of the Union of Sports Societies and Organizations of the USSR: Regional Aspect (on the Example of the Penza Region)." Izvestiya of Altai State University, no. 5(121) (November 19, 2021): 19–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.14258/izvasu(2021)5-02.
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The article reveals the reasons and conditions for the transformation of the structure of physical education and sports management in Soviet society in the late 1950s within the framework of the concept of building communism in the USSR — the creation of the Union of Sports Societies and Organizations (Sport Union) of the USSR — a voluntary association that managed the physical education and sports movement with the active assistance of trade unions and the Komsomol. The main goal of the Sports Union was to give the physical education and sports movement in the USSR a mass and then a national character.
The theoretical provisions of literature of the 1960s are characterized. On the ratio of state and public principles in management under communism, the transition of individual state functions to public organizations, the strengthening of the role of public structures in communist society, etc. Estimates of modern domestic researchers of the goals and factors of changing the form of leadership in physical education and sports in Soviet society in the late 1950s are considered.
The formation of the Sports Union at the regional level is being studied in accordance with the decree of the Central Committee of the CPSU and the Council of Ministers of the USSR «On the Leadership of Physical Culture and Sports in the Country» of January 9, 1959 — in the Penza Region: the formation of an organizing bureau, the holding of constituent conferences, the state of the physical education and sports movement in the region in the late 1950s.
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Connelly, John. "East German Higher Education Policies and Student Resistance, 1945–1948." Central European History 28, no. 3 (September 1995): 259–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938900011845.
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Those who opposed Communist rule in East Germany often did so because Communism in practice strongly reminded them of the fascism they had experienced in the Third Reich. The new East German regime was also one that attempted total control of people's lives; therefore it became natural to describe it as totalitär. Most sensitive to the similarities between the old and new regimes were university students. They displayed stronger direct opposition to the Socialist Unity Party of Germany (SED) in the years from 1946–1949 than any other social group. This is reflected in the political battles that were fought in universities during these years, leading to SED election failures in the elections of the postwar years: 1946/47 and late 1947. The latter were the last freely contested elections in East Germany until 1989. It is also reflected in the disproportionate number of students arrested by Soviet and East German authorities in the early postwar years.
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Dobbins, Michael, Brigitte Horváthová, and Rafael Pablo Labanino. "Exploring interest intermediation in Central and Eastern Europe: is higher education different?" Interest Groups & Advocacy 10, no. 4 (October 22, 2021): 399–429. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/s41309-021-00136-x.
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AbstractHigher education interest groups remain somewhat understudied from a comparative theory-driven perspective. This is surprising because political decisions regarding higher education must increasingly be legitimized to students, taxpayers, the academic community and society. This article aims to advance our understanding of higher education stakeholders in post-communist Europe. In our view, the region deserves more attention, not least because students and academics were very instrumental in bringing down communism and institutionalizing democracy. First, we draw on Klemenčič’s (EJHE 2(1): 2–19, 2012; SHE 39(3):396–411, 2014) distinction between corporatist and pluralist as well as formalized and informal systems of representation in higher education. Looking at survey data from four countries—Poland, the Czech Republic, Hungary and Slovenia—we examine to what extent post-communist democracies have established corporatist institutions to facilitate the formal participation of various crucial stakeholder organizations, e.g. students’ unions, academic unions, rectors’ conferences, etc. Then we address whether higher education organizations enjoy privileged access to policy-makers compared to those from other policy areas, while engaging with the argument that higher education is a particular case of “stakeholder democracy” in a region otherwise characterized by weak civic participation and corporatism. To wrap up, we discuss different “mutations of higher education corporatism” in each country.
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Klehr, Harvey, and John Earl Haynes. "Revising Revisionism: A New Look at American Communism." Academic Questions 22, no. 4 (October 10, 2009): 452–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12129-009-9131-9.
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Velimirovici, Felician. "Invatamantul de partid si scolile de cadre in Romania comunista. Cazul scolii Interjudetene de Partid din Timisoara." Banatica 1, no. 33 (2023): 517–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.56177/banatica.33.1.2023.art.27.
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The present article raises the question of the necessity of a thorough study of a largely ignored chapter in the history of Romanian communism, namely the system of party education and cadre schools. If in a first phase, in Romanian post‑socialist historiography, the orientation towards the research of the extremes of the system, of terror and repression has prevailed, nowadays it is at least as necessary to understand the mechanisms by which the communist system was perpetuated and regenerated. Party schools were more than mere instruments of indoctrination, manipulation and propaganda, they represented key institutions that fully contributed to the construction and perpetuation of the system itself. The studying the archives of this school, which between 1948 and 1973 has produced almost 7,000 graduates, could yield relevant conclusions not only about the entire national system of party education and its network of cadre schools but, more importantly, about the ways into which power has been exercised by political elites throughout the communist period.
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Ghita, Ina Irina. "Altering Cooking and Eating Habits during the Romanian Communist Regime by Using Cookbooks." Encounters in Theory and History of Education 19 (November 30, 2018): 141–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.24908/eoe-ese-rse.v19i0.6752.
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This digital project examines the role of a cook book, Sanda Marin’s Carte de Bucate, first published in 1936, as a vehicle for social education in Communist Romania. The book was censored and transformed during the Communist regime as two interconnected phenomena were taking place: the reinforcing of the ideology of the Communist model and an increasing economic crisis that led to scarcity of food. The paper also pays attention to how the language and tone used in the book changed depending on the understanding of gender roles in different decades. In spite of Communist claims of an equal division of responsibilities, procuring of food and cooking was considered a woman’s task. By addressing equal responsibility in the public sphere, not at home, the progress toward gender equity reached after the War was completely erased during communism since women had to work and also be responsible for all domestic duties at home, a situation that has been similar in other eastern European countries to this day.
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Ford, Derek R. "Postmodern communism: An educational constellation." Educational Philosophy and Theory 50, no. 14 (November 25, 2018): 1543–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00131857.2018.1461360.
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Zolkos, Magdalena. "Book Review: Requiem for Communism." European Journal of Cultural Studies 8, no. 2 (May 2005): 267–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1367549405051849.
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Clarke, Frank K. ""Keep Communism out of Our Schools": Cold War Anti-Communism at the Toronto Board of Education, 1948-1951." Labour / Le Travail 49 (2002): 93. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25149215.
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Sokolov, E. G. "Sublime Theology of the Decline of the Soviet Empire. Akat K. Belykh." Discourse 6, no. 6 (January 15, 2021): 20–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.32603/2412-8562-2020-6-6-20-36.
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Introduction. Socio-political disciplines are an important component of the Humanities of the Soviet period of Russian history. Scientific communism, introduced as a compulsory subject in all Higher education institutions of the USSR in the last 30 years of the state's existence, was considered as the final expression of all the theoretical propositions of Marxism-Leninism. The article attempts to consider Scientific communism as a speculative speculative construction that, on the one hand, reproduces the terminological, logical, semantic and operational regulations of classical philosophical systems, and on the other hand, is a privileged mechanism of discursive production. As a typical example of how and through what tools the doctrine is legitimized, the texts of the work of A. K. Belykh, who for almost 30 years headed the Department of the theory of scientific communism at the faculty of philosophy of LSU (now SPBU).Methodology and sources. Methodologically, the work is based on a philosophical analysis of texts representative of the epoch (D. de Tracy, grammar of Port Royal, Soviet Russian philosophers who worked in the Marxist-Leninist tradition, monographs by A. K. Belykh), included in the approved canonical corpus of Marxism-Leninism.Results and discussion. Scientific communism, now virtually removed from historical memory, was an interesting example of how social thought evolved during the Soviet period of Russian history. The corpus of socio-political disciplines, which included Marxist-Leninist philosophy (dialectical materialism and historical materialism), political economy, history of the Communist party of the Soviet Union, and scientific communism, was a single complex of speculative doctrine. All these disciplines, positioned as scientific knowledge, can be fully evaluated only in the context of the main trends in the development of social and philosophical knowledge of the New time, set by the Enlightenment era. Symbolic points of reference here can be considered projects of ”universal grammar” (Port Royal) and ”ideology” (Destute de Tracy).Conclusion. Scientific communism is not an accidental, but characteristic of Russian thought, intellectual construct. Collective, i. e. a large number of people are involved in its implementation, which means it can be considered as a well-formed direction of social thought. Among the historical analogs that use the same strategic and tactical Arsenal of means of expression and discursive fixation, it can be compared and likened to the wellknown speculative constructs of a theological nature: high scholasticism.
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Clinefelter, Joan L. "Can You Spare 5 Minutes? Cold War Women’s Radio on RIAS Berlin." Resonance 1, no. 3 (2020): 279–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/res.2020.1.3.279.
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Throughout the 1950s, the American propaganda radio station RIAS Berlin transformed women’s radio into an anti-communist medium designed to enlist German housewives into the Cold War. Based in West Berlin, RIAS—Radio in the American Sector—broadcast a full array of shows deep inside East Germany as part of the U.S. psychological war against communism. One of its key target audiences was German homemakers. Drawing upon scripts held in the German Radio Archives in Potsdam, Germany, this article analyzes the program Can You Spare 5 Minutes? (Haben Sie 5 Minuten Zeit?). It explores how RIAS inscribed the international contest between democracy and communism onto the domestic lives of women. The show built a sense of solidarity by treating typical “female” topics such as cosmetics, childcare, and recipes. In this way it forged a bond between its listeners that provided an opening for political messaging. Programs contrasted access to food, marriage rights, and educational policy in the rival Germanies to demonstrate the benefits of democracy and the need to resist the East German state. Women’s radio on RIAS, far from offering mere fluff, provided its female audience a political education.
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Just, Daniel. "Art and everydayness: Popular culture and daily life in the communist Czechoslovakia." European Journal of Cultural Studies 15, no. 6 (November 30, 2012): 703–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1367549412450637.
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This article analyzes the interaction between art and practices of everyday life in communist Czechoslovakia in the 1970s and 1980s. Discussing various forms of adaptations to the politically repressive system – from photography and film to social activities such as ‘cottage homemaking’ and ‘cabining’ – the author describes ways in which popular culture under communism resisted the state-induced drive to modernize which, as a political tool, was designed to pacify the masses. The article suggests that by breaching the gap between the quotidian and the extraordinary, which as a systemic division has defined daily life in modernity, popular culture was instrumental in reinvigorating everydayness.
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Jia, Wei. "Reflections on the Integration of Red Culture into University Ideological Education." BCP Social Sciences & Humanities 14 (December 17, 2021): 143–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.54691/bcpssh.v14i.181.
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Ideological education should learn from our party's exploration of the historical development and great practice of socialism with Chinese characteristics, understand and grasp the historical inevitability of socialism with Chinese characteristics, and constantly establish the belief and confidence to fight for the lofty ideal of communism and the common ideal of socialism with Chinese characteristics. Red culture is a unique culture created by the Communist Party of China (CPC)and the people during the revolutionary period, and it is an important resource for ideological education. As for this area of Jilin Province, it is rich in red resources. If we can apply the red resources of Jilin Province in the teaching of university ideology and give full play to the value of the red resources of Jilin Province, we can enrich the basic content of university ideology teaching and correctly guide students' three views. This paper will briefly introduce the significance of the integration of red culture into university ideological education, analyze the specific application strategies, and provide reference for the development of university red culture education activities.
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Sookias, Roland B., Samuel Passmore, and Quentin D. Atkinson. "Deep cultural ancestry and human development indicators across nation states." Royal Society Open Science 5, no. 4 (April 2018): 171411. http://dx.doi.org/10.1098/rsos.171411.
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How historical connections, events and cultural proximity can influence human development is being increasingly recognized. One aspect of history that has only recently begun to be examined is deep cultural ancestry, i.e. the vertical relationships of descent between cultures, which can be represented by a phylogenetic tree of descent. Here, we test whether deep cultural ancestry predicts the United Nations Human Development Index (HDI) for 44 Eurasian countries, using language ancestry as a proxy for cultural relatedness and controlling for three additional factors—geographical proximity, religion and former communism. While cultural ancestry alone predicts HDI and its subcomponents (income, health and education indices), when geographical proximity is included only income and health indices remain significant and the effect is small. When communism and religion variables are included, cultural ancestry is no longer a significant predictor; communism significantly negatively predicts HDI, income and health indices, and Muslim percentage of the population significantly negatively predicts education index, although the latter result may not be robust. These findings indicate that geographical proximity and recent cultural history—especially communism—are more important than deep cultural factors in current human development and suggest the efficacy of modern policy initiatives is not tightly constrained by cultural ancestry.
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Leka, Agim. "Religion and the modern education." Academicus International Scientific Journal 27 (January 2023): 176–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.7336/academicus.2023.27.11.
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The purpose of the research is to solve the paradox of religion integration in education, by the new balance between religion, philosophy and science, during the post communism transition. In the field of thinking, the process is the transition from ideology to integral thinking. It is realized through the re-evaluation of the topics of the integration of religion, transitology and integral though, education, inclusiveness, solidarity, new laicity and new secularity. In the philosophical sense, integration is the objective process of being developed. This is understood as a return to identity towards a universal being. In the context of the social being, the process realizes the opening and cooperative development of all mental, spiritual-religious, scientific, creative-artistic, economic, cultural, material and non-material political fields. It includes the individual, the community, and all institutions of social life. The path of integration development is the transitive movement in a spiral form. In Albania, with the fall of communism, freedom of religion was legalized according to the standards of European democracy. The rehabilitation of religious figures that had been condemned and persecuted by the totalitarian regime began. The post-communist transition brought profound changes in the field of faith and religion such as the new dimension in the relationship of society with religion, new and unfamiliar attitudes of believers to religion, new relations between the state and religious institutions, new relations between education and religion in public institutions, opening of religious schools and increasing the influence of religion through the media and religious literature. What is considered tolerance in Europe, in the Albanian case is respect. Albanians are the best model for religious tolerance (respect). There has never been a religious clash in Albania for any reason. Respect for the religious affiliation and religious belief of the other in the Albanian case is modeled as the guiding value of their identity and appears in everyday life as the acceptance of the other. For this reason, they are the best model of respect and acceptance of the other, regardless of religious affiliation. This is an ontological value, built over the centuries and continues to this day. Albanians have not converted, but have adapted to a religious belief for economic and survival reasons. Marriages with different religions and keeping two names (Christian and Muslim) are natural phenomena among Albanians. In Albania, there are in the family and tribe people with Christian and Muslim religions individuals with two names, Christian and Muslim: Kristo and Muhamed. Albanians have lived in peaceful symbiosis with the Slavs in the centuries of the latter’s influx into Albanian lands. They have also lived peacefully with other neighbors, Greeks or Romans. This is even though the neighbors have not always been peaceful with the Albanians.
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Iliadou-Tachou, Sofia. "Communism, anti-communism and education in Greece from the Axis occupation until the early Cold War era (1944–1967)." History of Education 49, no. 3 (April 7, 2020): 362–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0046760x.2020.1731851.
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Pop-Eleches, Grigore. "Pre-Communist and Communist Developmental Legacies." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 29, no. 2 (May 2015): 391–408. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325414555761.
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This article discusses two distinctive approaches for thinking about historical legacies in the post-communist context. The first approach, which builds on the work of Ken Jowitt, emphasizes the distinctiveness of Leninist socioeconomic and political legacies, while the second approach, rooted in the writings of Andrew Janos, highlights the significant and resilient pre-communist, communist, and post-communist diversity of the countries of the former Soviet bloc. The empirical evidence reviewed in this paper suggests that both types of legacies continue to matter after a quarter-century of post-communist transitions. Thus, whereas we can still discern a distinctive and fairly uniform communist imprint in areas such as primary education and the importance of the state sector in the economy, in other areas of socioeconomic development, either communism was unable to reverse longer-term intraregional differences (e.g., with respect to GDP/capita or the size of the agrarian sector) or its initially distinctive developmental imprint has been fundamentally reshaped by post-communist economic reforms (as in the case of the massive increase in income inequality in a subset of ex-communist countries). In political terms, there is an interesting contrast between institutional trajectories (such as regime type), which largely follow pre-communist developmental differences, and individual political attitudes and behavior, where communist exceptionalism generally trumps post-communist diversity.
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Lee, Hyeon Ju. "Remembering and Forgetting the Korean War in the Republic of Korea." Suomen Antropologi: Journal of the Finnish Anthropological Society 35, no. 2 (March 3, 2023): 48–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.30676/jfas.127468.
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The Korean War had no official ending and has continued in a form of Cold War since 1953, the year the cease-fire agreement was signed, and yet, during the past five decades, it appears to have faded from South Korean memory. Anti-communism became a national ideology in post-war South Korea. For a country that was endeavoring to establish a national identity that differs from communist North Korea, the establishment of an anti-communist state was inevitable. However, the collapse of the Communist Bloc and a humanitarian crisis in North Korea in the 1990s led to attitudinal changes in the South Korean public toward North Korea. The forgetting and remembering of North Korea in conjunction with the memory of the Korean War has left the South Korean people ambivalent toward North Koreans. This paper explores social encounters between North and South Koreans in the late 2000s in Seoul that illustrate the uneasy interactions that stem from past anti-communist education as well as the subsequent erasure of social memory about North Korea as part of Korean culture.
Keywords: history, memory, migration, North Korean refugees
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Whitmarsh, Lona, and Ruxandra Ritter. "The Influence of Communism on Career Development and Education in Romania." Career Development Quarterly 56, no. 1 (September 2007): 85–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/j.2161-0045.2007.tb00022.x.
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