Journal articles on the topic 'Education and state – kosovo (republic)'
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MULOLLI-JAHMURATAJ, Maliqe. "Education Policies in Pre-University Education of the Republic of Kosovo for Non-Majority Communities of Roma, Ashkali and Egyptian." PRIZREN SOCIAL SCIENCE JOURNAL 4, no. 1 (April 30, 2020): 57–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.32936/pssj.v4i1.143.
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The Republic of Kosovo is a country that observes all the rights and obligations of its subjects with no discrimination in national, racial, linguistic sense. Even though we have these rights in place, in practice the situation is different and not very positive. This is since the non-majority communities Roma, Ashkali and Egyptian in Kosovo face several problems in different areas, especially when it comes to their right on integration to education. This paper will address and evaluate current policies and legislation of Kosovo for inclusion in education as a condition for completion of the education system.
This paper will be developed by considering the assessment of the Constitution and relevant legislation referring to the right to education for non-majority communities. Given all this legislation, it will be assessed in harmony with the practical problems that exist regarding access to the education system for non-majority communities. Therefore, this paper aims to bring innovation in this field of research aiming to identify how much the Republic of Kosovo is keeping a pace with the standards for inclusion in the education system, what are the reasons that in current state of play we do not have a satisfactory inclusion in the education by category of children from non-majority communities of Roma, Ashkali and Egyptian in pre-university education.
Key wordS: Inclusion, Children from Non-Majority Communities of Roma, Ashkali and Egyptian, Education Policy, Pre-University Education.
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Ibrahimi, MSc Shpresa, and Dr Sc Hamdi Podvorica. "Parental Responsibilities to Children in the Republic of Kosovo." ILIRIA International Review 4, no. 1 (June 30, 2014): 217. http://dx.doi.org/10.21113/iir.v4i1.62.
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For a long time, in Albanian customary law, parental responsibilities were an exclusive competency of fathers. In positive law, especially with the reform of the legal system in the Republic of Kosovo, now both parents are fully equal in exercising parental responsibilities. Children are the future of any society, and therefore, their upraising, education and proper welfare of children is an objective and responsibility not only for the parents, but also of societal and state institutions. Although parent-child relations incorporate moral, biological and legal elements, the absolute power of parents must be shared between parents and proper social and educational policies, in the heart of which are always the best interests of the child.Kosovo has already adopted a complete legal framework, approximated to the standards of the European Union and international instruments which clearly provide on the rights of the child and responsibilities of parents and institutions in enjoying such rights. Within the range of this new legal framework, we make an effort of addressing parental responsibilities, which are exercised in terms of personality of children, and derive as a result of personal non-material relations. Our work is focused on a study of parental responsibilities in terms of giving a personal name, healthy development, education and upraising. We have also analysed several court rulings related to the rights of the child and responsibilities of parents in enjoying such rights, which we believe are to enrich and render the paper more interesting.
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Stamova, Mariyana. "The Albanians in Yugoslavia from the late 1960s to the early 1980s." Historijski pogledi 4, no. 5 (May 31, 2021): 130–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2021.4.5.130.
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The paper focuses on the events after the Brioni plenum of the Central Committee of the LCY in 1966. The turning point for the development of the national relationships in the Yugoslav federation became namely the Brioni plenim. This plenum and its decisions led to a liberalization of the national relationships in Yugoslavia, thus to the outburst of the Albanian problem, which was severely suppressed to this moment. This is the first major victory for the Albanians in Yugoslavia. In this regard, a movement has begun among the Albanian population in the multinational federation with the main goal of achieving full national recognition, including republican status for Kosovo. This new policy towards the minorities in Yugoslavia was introduced after the middle of the 1960s. Its expression became the new constitutional definition of “Yugoslav peoples and ethnoses”, which had to substitute the term “national minorities”. That led to changes into the rights of Albanians in Yugoslavia, and as a result their socio-political activity drastically aroused. The Yugoslav party leadership started again to look for a solution of the Albanian issue. Significant Yugoslav financial aid and investments were directed towards Kosovo, aiming at a closer incorporation of the Albanians in the Yugoslav federation and an interruption of their connection with Albania. After the Brioni Plenum, the Albanian problem in the Yugoslav Federation entered a qualitatively new state. The events in the Autonomous Province of Kosovo and the neighboring Republic of Macedonia at the end of 1968 played an important role in the further development of this problem and in the changes in the constitutional, legal and socio-political development of the Yugoslav Federation. So after the demonstrations of the Albanian population in Kosovo and Macedonia at the end of 1968, a “creeping Albanization” started in Kosovo. The Albanian political elite and intelligencia played the most important role in the imposition of the “Albanization” as a political line at the end of the 1960s. Albanians hold all important posts in administration, culture, education and political life of Kosovo. That led to an increasing mistrust between the Albanian population and the Serbian-Montenegrin minority, and the last was forced to leave its homes and to migrate in other republics and regions. The political leadership in Prishtina insisted the autonomous region to get equal rights with the republics as a federal unit. That is how at the beginning of the 1970s Kosovo issue transferred into a problem of the whole Yugoslav federation, not only a Serbian one. The Albanians in Prishtina were involved into the confrontation Zagreb-Belgrade and acquired a support from the Croatian side, as well as the Slovenian one in the efforts to take their problem out of Serbia and to put it on a federal level at the League Communists of Yugoslavia (LCY) and the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (SFRY). The processes in the political life of the autonomous region Kosovo were not isolated and were connected with the events in the Yugoslav federation as a whole, and precisely in Croatia at the end of the 1960s and the beginning of the 70s, which culmination was so-called “Zagreb Spring” in 1971. The Croatian crisis had an important influence on the national relationships in the federation and led to an inflammation of the national disputes. That had a direct impact on the political life of Kosovo. Searching for allies against Serbian hegemony and unitarism, which were the main danger for the Croatian republic, Zagreb’s political leadership supported Kosovo pretensions for the extension of the autonomous rights and the freedoms of the Albanians. The amendments to the federal system of Yugoslavia (1968-1971) and the new Yugoslav constitution from 1974 are reflected in Kosovo, which makes the Albanian problem not only a problem of Serbia, but also a common Yugoslav problem.
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Koleci, Baki, and Redon Koleci. "PERSPECTIVE AND MANAGEMENT OF TOURIST ENVIRONMENT IN THE REPUBLIC OF KOSOVO." Knowledge International Journal 32, no. 4 (July 26, 2019): 435–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.35120/kij3204435k.
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Tourism in developed countries, but also in some transition countries, is an important export product and a generator of employment. It includes a wide array of phenomena and relationships that arise during the touristic journey, while in its realization it comes to the economic, but also the ecological, social and cultural aspect of life. Tourism in Kosovo is an important economic branch. The Tourism Industry of Kosovo has realized 10-12% of the domestic social product, depending on the year in question and whether all the direct factors (hotel industry, gastronomy) or indirect factors (agriculture, construction, etc.) have been taken into account. The large turnout of the tourism economy in the local social product reveals, in the first place, the weaknesses of other sectors of the economy, while the tourism potential has not been utilized as well. Intensive development is largely spontaneous and uncontrolled in post-war hotels, accompanied by imbalance in the environment and territory. These consequences are detrimental to the interests of the two groups: local residents and respective tour operators. Quality planning of space is one of the most important preconditions for the long-term and sustainable development of tourism in Kosovo. It is appreciated that after defining the status of Kosovo, the interest of investors to invest in the tourism sector is greater, but also in other sectors of the economy that directly or indirectly influence the development of the tourism sector so that the government most works for the development of tourism in different regions of Kosovo, is now in the final stage the international tender for the privatization of Brezovica, where according to the information there are a number of interested persons appearing in the tender for privatization of the tourist complex of Brezovica. Today's modern tourism does not ask where we are going but what we will do where we are going. Kosovo institutions are seriously involved in managing tourism firstly to build conditions to attract foreign tourists and to convince citizens themselves that there are conditions in their country, the money they spend in other countries can help the economy of Kosovo. However, the conditions and nature that nature has created in Kosovo requires a more serious approach to elevating it to a higher level given the conditions to be met to keep up the turret. Tourism is an industry characterized by intensive labor involvement. Human resources for this industry have been rated as "raw materials" or are anticipated by experts as the most important factor to be faced by this industry over the last decades and onwards the Kosovo government has set up a university education school for tourism which can be said that there are many well-prepared frames. Starting from this apparent tourism site, infrastructure and building up of incomparable units is progressing day by day. It is time to evaluate the motivation of visitors who pay for a couple of days of summer or winter in one place.
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Ahmeti, Aferdita, and Gordana Stankovska. "Self-esteem and job satisfaction among the academic staff in higher education." Corporate Governance and Organizational Behavior Review 7, no. 2, special issue (2023): 306–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.22495/cgobrv7i2sip9.
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Education in the 21st century is focused on knowledge based on collaboration, interaction, and creativity. We need knowledge, skills, competencies, and characteristics of individuals who will create knowledge with the assistance of university academics. So the objective of our paper was to determine the relationship between self-esteem and job satisfaction among 150 full-time academic employees, employed at three state universities in the Republic of Kosovo and the Republic of North Macedonia. We used the following measuring instruments: job satisfaction survey (JSS) and Rosenberg self-esteem scale (RSE). Results show that 86 (57.33%) subjects have high self-esteem, 38 (25.33%) have a medium level of self-esteem and 26 (17.34%) have low self-esteem. We found that the low self-esteem of the subjects does not depend on job satisfaction, while there is a significant correlation between the medium level of self-esteem and job satisfaction and the high level of self-esteem and job satisfaction. In addition, the self-esteem of the academic staff depends on the total job satisfaction, coworkers, and nature of work, communication, salary. The obtained results show that job satisfaction and job success are moderators of self-esteem in academic staff (Marcionneti & Castelli, 2022).
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Berisha, Hajdin, Agron Hoxha, and Yusof Ismail. "An Analysis of the Recognition of Prior Learning System in Vocational Education and Training Sector." Journal of Educational and Social Research 14, no. 1 (January 5, 2024): 173. http://dx.doi.org/10.36941/jesr-2024-0014.
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The aim of this study is to examine the current state of the Validation of Formal, Non-Formal and Informal Learning (VFNIL) system in the Republic of Kosovo and critically assess institutional policies for the establishment of an effective VFNIL system at the national level. In achieving the research objective, structured interviews with key representatives of central and local Vocational Education and Training (VET) institutions are conducted and key policy documents are analyzed. The study discovers that the Validation of Formal, Non-Formal and Informal Learning (VFNIL) system is in progress of development in the VET sector only and is at its infancy stage. Building on the best practices of more developed countries, relevant legal provisions and operational tools for the provision of VNFIL services have been developed and six institutions have been accredited, but the services have not yet been delivered to candidates. The complexity of the accreditation system, rigid and bureaucratic administrative requirements and financial implications associated with the accreditation process of institutions and with the enrolment process of candidates have been identified as the main obstacles for the operational arrangements of an effective VNFIL system. The study contributes to the advancement of the understanding and the significance of validation of skills through the VNFIL services and advocates for the need to establish a robust and sustainable VNFIL system in line with European practices.
Received: 13 July 2023 / Accepted: 20 October 2023 / Published: 5 January 2024
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Rajović, Jelena, and Milica Spasić-Stojković. "English for specific purposes in the curriculum of vocational secondary schools." Bastina, no. 51 (2020): 157–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/bastina30-26741.
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The curriculum is the starting point for effective teaching planning. The outcome of the teaching process in secondary vocational schools depends, to a large extent, on the conception of the curriculum prescribed by state bodies, which is the case with most countries of the Western Balkans, including Serbia. The paper deals with the issue of English for specific purposes in secondary vocational schools, the representation of English for specific purposes in the curriculum of secondary vocational schools in Kosovo and Metohija, which are under the jurisdiction of the Ministry of Education, Science and Technological Development of the Republic of Serbia. The research describes approaches to curriculum development and planning for English for specific purposes. The analysis of plans and programs for the English language showed that the needs of students of vocational secondary schools of technical orientation in terms of English for specific purposes are not fully met. The research defines the components that are important to include in order to harmonize goals, forms and educational activities that will improve students' knowledge and prepare them for future professional roles.
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Eminov, Ilhan. "IS THE WESTERN BALKANS A FAVORABLE REGION FOR RECRUITMENT OF JIHADISTS?" Knowledge International Journal 32, no. 1 (July 26, 2019): 187–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.35120/kij3201187e.
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There are over 5 million Muslims representing 25 % of the region's population living on the territory of former Yugoslavia which had roughly 20 million citizens. By comparison, there are also around 5 million Muslims living in France, a country that had several colonies in the Muslim world, but the population ratio is different compared to the 60 million of the French population. Unlike the developed countries of Europe, the economies of the Balkan countries were destroyed by numerous interethnic conflicts. After the war of the '90s, the Balkans were living in a longtime economic and social crisis and a state of organized crime. With the beginnings of party pluralism, the different religions gained their former religious identity back.In Croatia and Slovenia, the Catholicism experienced a renaissance, same as the orthodoxy did in Serbia, Macedonia and Montenegro and the Islam did in Bosnia, Albania, Kosovo, Western Macedonia and Sandzak. After the disintegration of Yugoslavia and the fall of communism in the Balkans, the opportunity for increased foreign religious influence became a reality.Today, the image of a tolerant, open Islam from the communist era is still present, although it too is affected. During the several decades of communist rule, the traditional religious networks that affirmed an Islam shielded from Wahhabist and Salafist influences were disintegrated.108The war in Bosnia and Herzegovina intensified the implantation of the mujahidin in Bosnia in 1995. The traditional Muslim imams gradually lost their authority to the newcomers in a large number of mosques. At the same time, in light of its powerlessness, the state began to lose control in the field. It is estimated that some 67 mosques are controlled by radical Islam today, especially in rural and mountainous regions.109Under the pressure of great financial resourced which flowed in from Gulf countries, the education of Bosnian imams in Egypt and Saudi Arabia began. Step by step, Salafist imams were installed in the region preaching a more radical Islam. In such a situation, it was easier to recruit future Jihadists, especially among the socially vulnerable population.110 For example, one graffiti in Pristina (Republic of Kosovo) states: "Every woman will receive 200 euro a month if she wears a niqab".111 The radicalization spread in Bosnia and Kosovo with the greatest intensity. "Bosnia and Kosovo remain the most dangerous countries in Europe due to their political weakness and the high corruption rate. More than 75.000 weapons circulate in Bosnia and Herzegovina, and one Kalashnikov can be bought for the price of 200 euro and easily brought into the Schengen region", a former police officer of the EU in Bosnia and Herzegovina points out
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Susuri, Driola, and Kadri Kryeziu. "Changing the manner of electing the President of the Republic of Kosovo." Technium Social Sciences Journal 23 (September 9, 2021): 354–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.47577/tssj.v23i1.4348.
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The Constitution of the Republic of Kosovo in its basic provisions has constituted the principle of separation and control of the balance between state powers as a fundamental principle of democracy, by designating representative bodies belonging to state powers such as Parliament, Government, and Judiciary. In addition, the Constitution sanctions other state bodies that have a constitutional character and together create the form of governance in the Republic of Kosovo. Among them also the President functions as a constitutional body exercising the executive duty and having ceremonial competencies. The President in Kosovo is a neutral authority because he/she is a representative of the people’s unity. The authorities in Kosovo create a "check and balance" among themselves for the normal functioning of the state. Kosovo is considered a parliamentary Republic, not sanctioned by the constitution but implied based on the decision of the Parliament of the Republic of Kosovo.In addition to electing the Government, the Parliament also elects the President of the Republic, so in this study, we will address the function of the President, the exercise of his duties, his competencies, and his relationship with other state bodies. We will also analyze the system of governance and the principle of separation and balance of powers, with special emphasis on the constitutional position of the President in the Republic of Kosovo. Among other things, we will address in particular the complexity of the procedures for the election of the President of the Republic of Kosovo. Considering the ongoing problems that have accompanied the presidential elections in the Republic of Kosovo and that continue to be so, it is necessary to clarify whether “the constitutional reform initiative for the President of the Republic of Kosovo to be voted by the people is considered the most current and best way of overcoming the present parliamentary stalemate in the election of the candidate for the President of the Republic, as well as whether the implementation of this reform is conditioned by the will of the political parties and the people”. In general, from the stated scientific elaboration of the topic, we can conclude that the intention of this paper consists in determining the constitutional regulation of the institution of the President of the Republic of Kosovo applied in the parliamentary system, empirical elaboration of problems that accompanied the election of presidents in the Republic of Kosovo as well as the immediate need to change the manner of electing the President of the Republic of Kosovo.
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Rexhaj, Xhavit. "Higher Education in Kosovo: A Prolonged Transition." International Higher Education, no. 84 (January 1, 2016): 29–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.6017/ihe.2016.84.9123.
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Susuri, Driola. "The relationship between the President of the Republic of Kosovo and the Assembly in general and in particular in the time period 2011-2016." Technium Social Sciences Journal 27 (January 8, 2022): 391–400. http://dx.doi.org/10.47577/tssj.v27i1.5641.
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The Constitution of the Republic of Kosovo in its basic provisions has defined the form of government and separation of state powers, as a fundamental principle of democracy, where the President of the Republic of Kosovo is not part of any of the state powers, but the constitutional powers he exercises affect that he has connections with all state powers. This paper addresses the relation of the President of the Republic of Kosovo with the legislative power, including the exercise of some of his constitutional powers, namely the convening of the constitutive session of the Assembly, the dissolution of the Assembly and the annual speech of the President in the Assembly of the Republic of Kosovo. The above-mentioned competencies, in addition to the theoretical aspect, are also analyzed in the practical aspect when these constitutional competencies of the President were materialized by President Jahjaga during the mandate 2011-2016. Also, the political stalemate and the actions taken by the President, Mrs. Atifete Jahjaga for his overcoming, criticisms and recommendations of the European Commission in the Progress Reports regarding the political stalemate in the country. since the declaration of Kosovo as an independent state in 2008, it has managed to complete a full constitutional mandate, five years, unlike its predecessors and successors until 2019. Therefore, this paper aims to elaborate the exercise of some constitutional powers and the practice of one of the most important constitutional institutions in the Republic of Kosovo, that of the President of the Republic of Kosovo.
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Mijalković, Saša, and Marija Popović-Mančević. "The ideology of 'Greater Kosovo' in the vision of Albanian narco-terrorist clans." Nauka bezbednost policija 25, no. 3 (2020): 31–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/nabepo25-27336.
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The paper reviews the evolution of the ideology and the path of creating the Albanian state in the Balkans, from the moment when it did not exist at all (during the Ottoman Empire) until today, when Albanians live in an internationally recognized state (the Republic of Albania) and in one self-proclaimed state (the so-called "Republic of Kosovo"). In that regard, this paper is based on two theses. According to the first, the focus of the original so-called state-building ideology about the need for all Albanians to live in one state, "Greater Albania", today is radically changed and diametrically opposed: "Kosovo Albanians" now do not want to join the Republic of Albania, but want an independent state - the so-called "Greater Kosovo", which would include parts of the territories of central Serbia, Montenegro, Northern Macedonia and Greece where Albanians live. The reason for the essential change of ideology is that the drug bosses of Albanian criminal clans that control the territory of Kosmet, and who were previously commanders of Albanian terrorist organizations, want their own "drug state", in which they would control all social flows and enjoy immunity from criminal prosecution. The second thesis on which this paper is based is that the attack on the Albanian mafia is at the same time a blow to the so-called quasi-statehood of the so-called Republic of Kosovo, i.e. on the levers of financial power, which is the backing for political power and international support for the so-called Republic of Kosovo.
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Tykhomyrova, Galyna, and K. Romanova. "INTERNATIONAL LEGAL PROTECTION OF CHILDREN IN ARMED CONFLICTS." Vìsnik Marìupolʹsʹkogo deržavnogo unìversitetu. Serìâ: Pravo 10, no. 20 (2020): 23–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.34079/2226-3047-2020-11-20-23-31.
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The article deals with the problems of involving children in armed conflicts and issues of their protection. The problems that children face during participation in hostilities have been identified. The realization of the rights of the child is a problem for all states. Nowadays, there is no state where this problem has been completely solved. It is difficult to exercise all the rights of the child in peacetime, but it is especially difficult to guarantee their exercise in times of armed conflict. The child during armed conflicts becomes the main victim of hostilities and terrorist acts. The armed conflict in Ukraine, which is lasting more than 5 years, and the political and military events in the Chechen Republic, the Autonomous Province of Kosovo, Afghanistan, Tajikistan, and South Ossetia, which show special vulnerability of children, are a clear confirmation of the urgency of this topic. Therefore, international law provides special forms of protection of children in hostilities. Since children are considered a vulnerable part of the population, armed conflicts have a tremendous impact on them. Children can be both victims of wars and their direct participants as combatants (members of the armed forces), being forcibly involved in the conflict. The military action of children-combatants in the world is an extremely hot topic due to the constant armed conflict and the very low economic level. This is especially true in some countries on the African continent (Somalia, Chad, Kenya), as well as in Afghanistan and Iraq. According to that fact, children do not have access to full-fledged upbringing and education; they are easily influenced or deceived by adults. They also do not have the opportunity to eat properly, which pushes them to take part in the armed conflict as soldiers, because only in this way will they be able to feed themselves and their families. Children, who are discriminated, including the discrimination on the grounds of gender, are most often recruited. Participation in the armed forces provides them with food, clothing and protection from such problems. The problematic issue of the child's age, before which he can take part in armed conflicts, has been studied. Violations against minors during armed conflicts are considered. Examples from the judicial practice on the topic of research are described. The directions of the solution of the considered problems are offered/
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Mokretska, Maryna. "CZECH REPUBLIC TOWARDS WAR AND INDEPENDENCE OF KOSOVO: MILITARY AND POLITICAL ASPECTS." Baltic Journal of Legal and Social Sciences, no. 3 (October 11, 2023): 175–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.30525/2592-8813-2023-3-21.
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Abstract. The subject of this work is the analysis of the war in Kosovo and the involvement of the Czech Republic in the conflict and independence of Kosovo. The research includes analysis of the participation of the Czech Republic in the ending of the war in Kosovo, and the participation of Czech politicians in resolving the Kosovo conflict. The aim of this article is to develop an evidence-based comprehensive study of the Czech approach to the conflict in Kosovo by showing and analyzing the key features of the conflict as well as the main issues of Czech participation in it. The key pillar of the approaches is a sovereign state acting in accordance with its national interests and important roles played by individual state agencies as well as by non-state, non-governmental and social actors, but also international organizations.
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Mokretska, Maryna. "KOSOVO INDEPENDENCY AND INTERNATIONAL STATUS IN THE 21ST CENTURY: ROLE OF POLAND AND CZECH REPUBLIC." Baltic Journal of Legal and Social Sciences, no. 4 (January 2, 2023): 146–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.30525/2592-8813-2022-4-17.
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This article is aimed to describe the process of Kosovo independence recognition, its main stages, chronology, and international status of Kosovo in 21th century under the scope of its economic and political engagement at the global arena through the reports and recommendations of international organization. Compliance of Kosovo state with the international criteria on the independency recognition is also presented in the article through overview of basic recognized legal requirements and approaches. Described the position of the sovereign state acting in accordance with its national interests and important role played by individual states, Poland and Czech Republic in particular, their military and political engagement, and social reaction to the conflict and Kosovo recognition, as well as by non-state, non-governmental and social actors, but also international organizations regarding path and recognition of Kosovo independency. Kosovo domestic state of play with respect to the independency path and international status are also presented for consideration.
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Fedorov, Aleksandr V. "The Kosovan Option of the Criminal Liability of Legal Entities." Russian investigator 10 (September 12, 2018): 75–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.18572/1812-3783-2018-10-75-80.
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The article is dedicated to a review of the laws on criminal liability of legal entities of a partially recognized state, the Republic of Kosovo. Its main acts are the Criminal Code of the Republic of Kosovo, the special Law on the Liability of Legal Entities for Criminal Offenses and the Criminal Procedure Code of the Republic of Kosovo, which came into force on January 1, 2013. The publication reviews statutory resolutions allowing considering a legal entity a criminal liability subject; pays attention to the fact that legal entities in the Republic of Kosovo may be brought to criminal liability for any actions acknowledged as crimes by the national criminal laws with no exceptions; specifies articles of the General Part of the Criminal Code of the Republic of Kosovo, provisions of which are applied to bringing legal entities to criminal liability; reviews such criminal sanction types applicable to legal entities as a fi ne, liquidation of a legal entity, property forfeiture; analyzes circumstances considered at punishment imposition and the conditions for release from punishment. The author notes the criminal procedure peculiarities of bringing legal entities to liability.
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Nikoçeviq, Elmedina. "THE ROLE OF CAPACITY- BUILDING FOR SCHOOL DECENTRALIZATION IN KOSOVO." Problems of Education in the 21st Century 41, no. 1 (April 5, 2012): 52–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.33225/pec/12.41.52.
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After the war in Kosovo (1999) many powers concentrated in school were drawn out the former Department of Education, led by UNMIK. Many responsibilities were transferred from central to local level in the period from 2003 until 2010, but there was no assignment at school. Obviously, the return of powers to schools is having many difficulties. The Ministry of Education, Science and Technology in Republic of Kosovo has still no clear strategy on how to make the decentralization of educational system. This paperwork deals with analysis of the existence of capacities for successful implementation of decentralization process of school system. It also identifies the challenges and difficulties faced by principals and teachers in meeting the school needs because of a lack of competencies in school management. The study uses survey data generated from 29 primary and secondary school principals and 172 primary and secondary school teachers in Republic of Kosovo. According to the survey and interview results, schools in Kosovo do not enjoy autonomy. Their needs are addressed at the municipal level. Key words: decentralization, capacities, roles, legal infrastructure, pre- university education.
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Nowak, Krystian. "Judicial Council in the System of Constitutional Bodies of the Republic of Kosovo." Przegląd Prawa Konstytucyjnego 66, no. 2 (April 30, 2022): 307–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2022.02.23.
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On February 17, 2008 Kosovo declared independence. The foundation for the creation of the Republic of Kosovo was the international community, which created the legal framework for the future statehood of Kosovo. The concept developed in the Athisari Plan of making the Judicial Council the guarantor of judicial autonomy and independence of judges was also a kind of anticipation of the subsequent fundamental changes in the system, introduced under the 2008 Constitution. This article attempts to analyze the systemic position of the Kosovo Judicial Council in the state system formed under the 2008 Constitution. It presents the composition of the Council, the procedure for the appointment of its members and the principles of its organization and functioning. The solution adopted in the Kosovo Basic Law is in line with the widely understood Southern European organizational model of judicial councils.
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Thaçi, Lulzim, and Xhevat Sopi. "The differences in formative assessment evaluation between teachers and students – a non- parametric analysis." Cypriot Journal of Educational Sciences 17, no. 5 (May 30, 2022): 1631–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.18844/cjes.v17i5.7256.
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This study aims to assess the impact of the application of formative assessment on student success in the Republic of Kosovo and to highlight the differences in assessment between teachers and students. The research included 217 teachers and 245 students from 34 lower secondary schools, from different cities and villages of the Republic of Kosovo. Separate questionnaires were prepared for both groups, while 5-point Likert questions were used to measure the evaluation of the effects of formative assessment. The non-parametric one-sample Wilcoxon signed rank test and Mann–Whitney U test methods were used to analyse the results and test the hypothesis. The results of the Wilcoxon test with 95% confidence level show that both teachers and students evaluate positively the effects of formative assessment, while the Mann–Whitney U test results show that for particular aspects there are significant differences in assessment between these two groups for the formative assessment method.
Keywords: Formative assessment, learning outcomes, teaching practice, curriculum, non-parametric methods, Kosovo.
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Brovina, Ngadhnjim. "Public Diplomacy in the Integration Plan of the Republic of Kosovo." South East European University Review 9, no. 1 (September 1, 2013): 63–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/seeur-2013-0006.
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Abstract The Integrations plan is a process that requires work, time and institutional commitment. The mobilization of all bring the success of acceptance into the Euro-Atlantic, which is main intention of the Republic of Kosovo to be part of European Union, NATO, etc.. In the phase where the new republic is found in Europe, is initial stage, figuratively speaking "as a child in the first steps of walking." The commitment of the Government of the Republic of Kosovo, especially the Ministry of Integration and Foreign Ministry, is not missing, even though is required work and cooperation from the other ministries, also by the citizens themselves, diaspora, businesses, etc.. As the newest state without any political and diplomatic influence, the Republic of Kosovo should strengthen the sector of public diplomacy which mobilizes all institutional structures, non-governmental organizations, individual citizens, etc.. Public diplomacy is seen as a way of achieving the goals by smaller states which do not have influence on other forms. This diplomacy also sends to achievement of goals for integration, and my suggestion about the fulfillment of conditions for integration is to use public diplomacy, about forms and methods that should be used by the Republic of Kosovo, I have explore and explain in the continuing of the paper
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Szeląg, Paulina. "The political engagement of women in post-conflict Kosovo." Rocznik Instytutu Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej 19, no. 4 (December 2021): 127–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.36874/riesw.2021.4.7.
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The Republic of Kosovo was created several years after the breakup of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. Its problems were visible during Josip Broz Tito’s presidency. Over the last ten years Kosovo has had two female presidents. The question is, what is the position of women on the Kosovan political scene? This phenomenon is particularly significant from the point of view of the post-conflict reconstruction of the state. The aim of this article is to analyse the evolution of the role of Kosovo Albanian women in the politics of Kosovo at the central level. For this reason, the article includes women involved in the armed conflict in Kosovo, especially in the activities of the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA, alb. Ushtria Çlirimtare e Kosovës, UÇK). The author also presents the role of women in the Kosovan political arena since 1999, with particular emphasis on changes that took place after the declaration of independence of Kosovo. Furthermore, the author examines the profiles of selected female politicians. The article is based on an analysis of primary and secondary sources, the comparative and historical method, and an analysis of statistical data.
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Stroup, Nicholas. "Program Accreditation and Anticipatory Socialization to Doctoral Education in Kosovo." Journal of Comparative & International Higher Education 11, Winter (March 15, 2020): 196–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.32674/jcihe.v11iwinter.1520.
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The study outlines labor market considerations for the Republic of Kosovo’s higher education institutions related to (1) the employment of doctoral degree holders and (2) maintaining program accreditation. It then identifies how discourses of accreditation at the national and supranational levels influence the anticipatory socialization of students to doctoral study in Kosovo. Future analysis willinvestigate popular discourses that contribute to graduate student anticipatory socialization, such as debates over degree quality or perceptions that higher education in Kosovo misaligns with the national labor market.
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Baliqi, Dr Sc Bekim, MSc Ngadhnjim Brovina, and BSc Fjolla Nuhiu. "Kosovar Public Diplomacy." ILIRIA International Review 3, no. 1 (June 30, 2013): 167. http://dx.doi.org/10.21113/iir.v3i1.106.
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We are being witnesses that the XXI century is characterized by the rise and rapid advancement of public diplomacy, particularly in small countries that are under development, or countries that do not have classical influence through diplomacy and military influence, therefore into the category of states in which the development of public diplomacy is needed, we have included the Republic of Kosovo.The Republic of Kosovo as a new state, with without diplomatic experience and that has started from scratch, should necessarily develop the public diplomacy, because it is listed in the category of countries that we have specified above.But how should the Republic of Kosovo develop a public diplomacy?For building the basement of public diplomacy, the main tool that Kosovo should develop is communicationThrough the communication are held discussions, negotiations, becomes the announcement about the steps of development of the state, becomes lobbying, rises the positive image, and all these lead to the recognition of the new state and to the multilateral and bilateral cooperation agreements.In order to explain the performance and the form of the use of communication in public diplomacy, which the Republic of Kosovo has begun to use and implement in practice, and which already has brought tangible results that need improvement, we think that still has remained very long road with many political, economic, diplomatic and democratic challenges until we achieve a satisfactory level.A deeper analysis of what has been done so far, and what needs to be done in the future is required, therefore the whole problem along with the possible functional solutions is explained more specifically with theories and examples below.
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Dimitrijevic, Dusko, Ivona Ladjevac, and Mihajlo Vucic. "The analysis of un activities in resolving the issue of Kosovo and Metohija." Medjunarodni problemi 64, no. 4 (2012): 442–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp1204442d.
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After the Security Council had established the international administration in Kosovo on grounds of the Resolution no. 1244 of 10 June 1999 for the construction and reconstruction of the legal and economic systems, the support and protection of human rights, the provision of humanitarian and other assistance, it adopted the conclusion that the achievement of a political settlement for the southern Serbian province would primarily depend on the development and consolidation of peace and security. Accordingly, in May 2001, the international administration adopted the Constitutional Framework for Provisional Self- Government in Kosovo, which defined the status of the Serbian southern province as a whole and indivisible territorial entity under the interim international administration. The Constitutional Framework is regulated as a substantial transfer of state responsibilities by the peoples of Kosovo and Metohija to the provisional institutions of self-government and it should ?enjoy substantial autonomy within the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia?. This institutional development is aimed at establishing constructive cooperation among various ethnic communities in order to build a common democratic state. Since this solution is not quite legally balanced, it could not go without any negative consequences in terms of national sovereignty. The suspension of sovereignty of the Republic of Serbia in Kosovo and Metohija has eventually contributed to creating of the conditions for the socalled unilateral declaration of independence of the Republic of Kosovo. The analysis of the activities undertaken in the field of resolving the status issue after the unilateral declaration of independence of 17 February 2008 suggests that the solution for the Kosovo and Metohija should be primarily sought within the United Nations system.
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Bobic, Mirjana, and Milica Veskovic-Andjelkovic. "Socio-psychological cost of childbearing in Serbia and political response." Zbornik Matice srpske za drustvene nauke, no. 167 (2018): 345–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zmsdn1867345b.
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Serbia is a part of the corpus of more than a half of world populations with very low fertility. According to census from 2011, none of the generations born between 1930 and 1962 in Serbia (without Kosovo and Metohija) gave birth to more than two children. The share of childless women aged 30-34 has been on rise, from 21.2% in census 2002 up to 30.3% in census 2011. These women are most often single, living out of unions, with tertiary education, economically active, employed, living in urban settings. Government of the Republic of Serbia has adopted revised Birth Promotion Strategy by the end of 2017 as the response to the problem of low fertility. It relies on the previous Strategy from 2008, but it upgrades and further evolves the document. This paper is aimed at short elaboration of the third goal of the revised Strategy (decrease of the socio-psychological cost of childbearing). Altogether with the second one (reconciliation of work and family), it should create conditions in favour of diminishing enormous exploitation of women/mothers? resources in parenthood and in household and thus alleviate transition to further birth parities. Empirical base consists of different sources of data, most prominent one being the last fieldwork carried out in 2017 by the Institute for Sociological Research, Faculty of Philosophy in Belgrade: ?Culture of Childbearing - Reproductive and Partnership Strategies of Women in Serbia today?. Results have demonstrated moderate patriarchal statements among females in Serbia, altogether with quite strong patriarchal practice in partnering and parenting. It is the persistence of the ideology of ?intensive motherhood? and divided female/male performance in the critical moment of ?early baby stage? and later on in the course of family life in the context of low quality of everyday life and vast impoverishment at the semiperiphery. Such ideology and reproductive behaviour are not conducive to increased childbearing which is well documented in literature and research. To the contrary, they lead to postponement and giving up births eventually, especially of higher parities. As a political response we recommend more active inclusion of males into parenthood, by, inter alia, introducing of ?daddy quota? in Serbia. This short term and fully compensated paternal leave is recommended to last two weeks. The measure should be followed by vast social promotion of fatherhood, especially in business, with employers, employees and other males.
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Robaj, Avdullah. "SOCIAL PROTECTION AND DEMOCRATIC TRANSITION." Journal Human Research in Rehabilitation 13, no. 2 (September 13, 2023): 321–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.21554/hrr.092315.
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Contemporary states take a variety of measures, ranging from economic, social, cultural, and health to legal ones, to ensure the protection of the individual and the family. Social protection is substantially a form or a field of fulfilment of human needs. Economic assistance, social services and social care are considered social programs which aim to alleviate poverty, eliminate social exclusion, provide social care, enable the reintegration of all individuals, families and groups in need. The Republic of Kosovo, through positive law, has undertaken a series of economic and social measures which ensure the protection of the individual and the family. Social protection in the Republic of Kosovo is not defined by a special law, but it is defined by a package of laws. Thus, currently, in Kosovo there is necessary legal infrastructure for social protection beneficiaries, although not complete in the desired form and quality.
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Filimonova, Anna Igorevna, and Kseniya Dmitrievna Kot. "The negotiation process and the Martti Ahtisaari Plan as a way to the unconditional state independence of the "Republic of Kosovo"." Uchenyy Sovet (Academic Council), no. 4 (March 18, 2021): 257 (322)—269 (333). http://dx.doi.org/10.33920/nik-02-2104-02.
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The article presents an analysis of one of the most acute and urgent problems of our time — the acquisition of the de facto independence declared by Pristina on February 17, 2008 by the separatist forces of the Kosovo Albanians, represented mainly by the former leaders of the so-called Kosovo Liberation Army, of the sabotage and punitive character of the fighting, and the Albanian politicians completely subordinate to them by that time. The authors focused on identifying the role of the UN (UN Security Council and the UN Civil Administration in Kosovo and Metohija — UNMIK), the United States, the EU, and Serbia since the beginning of the illegitimate process of negotiations, not on the implementation of the binding UN Security Council Resolution No. 1244, but on the completely contradictory negotiations on the status of Kosovo and Metohija, the failure of which, however, led, as planned, to the proclamation of the creation of the "Republic of Kosovo" and its subsequent strengthening on the basis of the principles underlying the preparation and conduct of these negotiations, as well as the Martti Ahtisaari Plan. The article covers the period from the end of the NATO military aggression against the FRY (June 1999) to February 17, 2008 – the starting point of the creation of the quasistate of Kosovo. The materials of the article can be used in the educational process within the "International Relations" and "Political Science" program tracks. English version of the article on pp. 322-333 at URL: https://panor.ru/articles/negotiation-and-martti-ahtisaariplan-as-a-path-to-the-unconditional-state-independence-of-the-republic-of-kosovo/65975.html
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Nowak, Krystian. "Legal status of judges in the Republic of Kosovo. Theoretical and legal analysis." Acta Iuridica Resoviensia 35, no. 4 (2021): 130–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.15584/actaires.2021.4.10.
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The status of a judge is a very important issue from the point of view of the standards of a democratic state and because of the role that judges play in the administration of justice. This article attempts to analyze the legal status of judges in the Republic of Kosovo by subjecting constitutional guarantees of judicial independence to theoretical and legal analysis. Indeed, the independent status of a judge is the minimum standard of legal protection that the state should provide to citizens. This study made it possible to formulate a statement that the mechanism of checks and balances of powers formed in the Constitution of Kosovo, which by its nature implies the possibility of some interference in the scope of judicial power, but it cannot touch the independence of judges in the exercise of their office. Some solutions in the Kosovo legal order that are unsatisfactory from the point of view of European standards were also pointed out.
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Hoti, Afrim, and Fitore Bekteshi. "Economic Sustainability of a New Born State." European Journal of Economics and Business Studies 1, no. 1 (April 30, 2015): 68. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejes.v1i1.p68-75.
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Sustainable development is the concept of a relationship between economic growth and the environment and especially when it comes to a new born country, such as Kosovo. It is naturally important for Kosovo as country, which used to be for a long time with no adequate attention in terms of the economic development under the Yugoslavian political, legal and economic development. Republic of Kosovo is among the richest countries in Europe and wider, seen on the perspective of natural and human resources as well as for geographical position. Nevertheless, the country never had the opportunity to develop itself, using its own resources. Internationally, based on Universal Declaration of Human Rights, International Covenants on Civil and Political Rights as well as the Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, when speaking for self-determination, apart from politics, these documents include the exclusive rights of nations to develop research as well as to orient its country economic resources and economic agenda. Therefore paper aims to present facts on the implication of domestic and international politics in relation to the economic development of a new born country. The analysis will be focused on the policies of Kosovo, as well as activities undertaken in the direction of building an attracting environment in Kosovo for Foreign Direct and Indirect Investments as well as to incite local and international initiatives for business, aiming the general economic growth and the economical sustainability of the state.
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Barišić, Igor. "Asymmetric threat to the security of the Republic of Serbia: Theoretical framework for the analysis of problems in Kosovo and Metohia." Politika nacionalne bezbednosti 26, no. 1 (2024): 83–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/pnb26-50171.
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The application of the concept of asymmetry in the domain of security enables a comprehensive overview of the strategic relations between the opposing parties, as well as the methods used by the adversaries in an effort to turn this type of inequality into a permanent strategic advantage. As a process, asymmetry can most often be reduced to the creation or exploitation of power inequality between adversaries, with the ultimate goal of generating strategic or political asymmetry. By skilfully exploiting the political and security asymmetry that arose after the NATO aggression in 1999, Pristina and its allies constantly constantly built statehood of the so-called "Republic of Kosovo". At the same time, they undertook various political, security and economic activities in order to reduce the effectiveness of the instruments of power of the Republic of Serbia in Kosovo and Metohija and neutralize Serbia's influence in the southern Serbian province. In addition to building institutions and developing various instruments of power, the Albanian political elite in Kosovo and Metohija worked intensively on building internal and external legitimacy. The key results of such activities of Pristina certainly represent: the extortion of the international community foreign policy attitude on the irreversibility of Kosovo's independence, the support of the USA, the EU and NATO members to the self-proclaimed independence, the relocation of Belgrade-Pristina negotiations outside the UN and the mediation of the European Union, the pressure of its international allies on Belgrade to "normalize" relations and stop the "de-recognition" campaign, in order to maintain the foreign policy asymmetry in international relations. In the domain of internal politics, Prishtina constantly exploits Serbia's key weakness, which is its inability to ensure security and normal living conditions for the local Serbian population in Kosovo and Metohija. A large part of the concessions that the Albanian side received, through a series of agreements with Belgrade, were achieved with combination of US and EU pressure on Serbia and internal political, security and socio-economic pressure on the Serbian population in the southern Serbian province. The above-mentioned activities of Pristina were especially intensified after the beginning of the war in Ukraine. Increasingly frequent instrumentalization of violence and demonstration of force and the undertaking of unilateral and provocative moves are evident. The authorities in Pristina are obviously counting on the preoccupation of the USA, the EU and NATO with the war in Ukraine. Albanian political elite from Kosovo and Metohija are actively exploiting US and EU efforts to prevent the aforementioned conflict from spilling over into the Balkan region. The analysis of Prishtina's actions so far, shows the implementation of the their's attrition strategy towards the USA, the European Union and Belgrade. At the same time they are gradually strengthening the institutions of the new Albanian state and establishing the new political order in the entire territory of the Kosovo and Metohija, with intention to strengthen the internal and build external legitimacy of the so-called "Republic of Kosovo". In this long-term process, violence is skilfully used to exploit the weaknesses of the policies of the European Union and the USA in the region and to reduce and neutralize the influence of the Republic of Serbia in Kosovo and Metohija. The strategy of the so-called "Republic of Kosovo" is not basically different from the rebel strategies of other non-state actors. The longterm goal of Pristina's strategy is to gradually build its own legitimacy and state institutions, while at the same time reducing the legitimacy and destroying political order of its opponents. In the last phase of this strategy, from the second half of 2023, the so-called "Kosovo Government", following Western counterinsurgency models, openly engaged on the complete dismantling of the "parallel" political system in the north of Kosovo and Metohija, using various instruments of political, security and economic coercion. Considering the weak reaction of the USA and the European Union, even more robust and energetic action by the government of the so-called "Republic of Kosovo" can be expected in order to completely remove any presence and influence of Serbia in the north of Kosovo. On the other hand, in the short term, Prishtina strives to make the concessions to the Serbian side as small and symbolic as possible. The formation of the Community/Association of Serbian Municipalities in Kosovo and Metohija with symbolic powers and responsibilities for them is a condition for the de-facto recognition of the so-called "Republic of Kosovo". In the long term, the constant and irreversible outflow of the Serbian population from Kosovo and Metohija, indicates that the actions of the so-called "Republic of Kosovo" on the ground are gradual assimilation, constant segregation and narrowing of the socio-economic and cultural space for Serbs, so that they would "voluntarily" leave Kosovo and Metohija and thus solve the Serbian problem according to the "Croatian model".
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Qerimi, Qerim, and Suzana Krasniqi. "Theories and Practice of State Succession to Bilateral Treaties: The Recent Experience of Kosovo." German Law Journal 14, no. 9 (September 1, 2013): 1639–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2071832200002455.
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This article explores the most recent practice, as exemplified by the case of Kosovo, concerning succession to treaties in international law. In doing so, it examines the precise meaning and legal effects under international law of relevant provisions of the Declaration of Independence (DoI) of Kosovo with respect to international treaties concluded by the United Nations Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK) and the former Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (SFRY) or, as applicable, any other predecessor entity. More specifically, the aim is to identify and comprehend the fundamental principles underlying the existing or developing practice of treaty succession, and to situate it within a broader framework of succession in international law. Kosovo's absence from key multilateral regimes, in particular the United Nations, dictates a focus on succession to bilateral treaties. Kosovo is in the process of establishing with its partners the status of its bilateral treaties undertaken by way of succession.
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Bujwid-Kurek, Ewa. "Państwa o proweniencji jugosłowiańskiej w procesie rozszerzania Unii Europejskiej – refleksja politologiczna." Politeja 15, no. 54 (February 10, 2019): 5–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/politeja.15.2018.54.01.
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Post‑Yugoslav States in the EU Enlargement Process – Political ReflectionThe main research goal of the article is the assessment of the degree of preparation Post‑Yugoslav state for accession to the European Union. The analysis included states such as the Republic of Macedonia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, the Republic of Serbia, Montenegro and the Republic of Kosovo (in the order of announcing independence). An in‑depth analysis confirms that the Republic of Macedonia, the Republic of Serbia and the Republic of Montenegro have the status of EU candidate states. The other two: Bosnia and Herzegovina and the Republic of Kosovo have the status of potential EU candidates. According to the European Commission, the Republic of Serbia and Montenegro have the highest chances of EU membership, probably in 2025. There are many problems that the Post‑Yugoslav states are struggling with. These states have to “learn” democracy. It should underline that there are still unregulated matters as like as rule of law (implementation in practice), corruption or crime (including organized crime) as well.
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Ukaj, Dr Sc Bajram, and Dr Sc Mejdi Bektashi. "Economic Criminal Acts according to Criminal Code of Republic of Kosovo." ILIRIA International Review 5, no. 1 (June 30, 2015): 163. http://dx.doi.org/10.21113/iir.v5i1.15.
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This article analyses the criminal offences against economy in the Criminal Code of Kosovo, which are increasingly becoming an important object of study, both at national and international levels. The criminal offences against economy are in principle blanket nature offences, guiding nature, since the vast majority of such norms are further delineated in other bylaws, while the criminal code provisions provide on criminal offences, thereby guiding towards another legal or sub-legal provision. Economic and financial crimes in Kosovo are already making a remarkable increase, as proven by statistical records of state authorities. The increased rate of economic crimes is a result of many factors and circumstances present in Kosovo, which may be different from regional countries. The inefficient fight and prevention of organized crime and corruption in the period between 1999-2010 was stimulated and favoured by several specific factors that are elaborated in this article.
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Brava, Feim. "POLICIES AND MANAGEMENT IN THE FIELD OF SECURITY IN KOSOVO." Knowledge International Journal 26, no. 6 (March 18, 2019): 1839–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.35120/kij26061839b.
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Writing for security and security policies in Kosovo is a special pleasure. As it is well known, the Republic of Kosovo is one of the newest states in the world since it was separated from the Republic of Serbia in 1999 after the NATO military intervention, internationally recognized as an independent state from 116 countries around the world it should be noted that only 23 European Union countries have been recognized as independent states by 28 as the EU has. Kosovo as a new country with about 1.8 million people has had great achievements in the field of national security. A serious problem is the non-recognition of Kosovo as an independent state from five European countries (Spain, Greece, Slovakia, Cyprus and Romania), problems which continue to this day because of Kosovo's need for support from these countries around the membership in International Security Organizations, where their vote is very important. Another challenge is the consequence of the first problem and not having the opportunity for the new state to join international security organizations (such as Europol, Interpol), mainly due to non-recognition by the five European countries, which mentioned above. A very important element is the control of Kosovo's territory by Kosovo's security forces, which is a constant challenge but with many achievements. It is worth pointing out that Kosovo's security organs are very well formed. The socio-economic situation and the global crisis that has affected especially Balkan countries, Kosovo is still in the process of pursuing its goals for its citizens and high security for foreign visitors.
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Terziev, Venelin, and Feim Brava. "The role of the security policy in Kosovo." Journal of Innovations and Sustainability 4, no. 3 (September 1, 2018): 69–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.51599/is.2018.04.03.69.
Full textAbstract:
Writing for security and security policies in Kosovo is a special pleasure. As it is well known, the Republic of Kosovo is one of the newest states in the world since it was separated from the Republic of Serbia in 1999 after the NATO military intervention, internationally recognized as an independent state from 116 countries around the world it should be noted that only 23 European Union countries have been recognized as independent states by 28 as the EU has. Kosovo as a new country with about 1.8 million people has had great achievements in the field of national security. A serious problem is the non-recognition of Kosovo as an independent state from five European countries (Spain, Greece, Slovakia, Cyprus and Romania), problems which continue to this day because of Kosovo's need for support from these countries around the membership in International Security Organizations, where their vote is very important. Another challenge is the consequence of the first problem and not having the opportunity for the new state to join international security organizations (such as Europol, Interpol), mainly due to non-recognition by the five European countries, which mentioned above. A very important element is the control of Kosovo's territory by Kosovo's security forces, which is a constant challenge but with many achievements. It is worth pointing out that Kosovo's security organs are very well formed. The socio-economic situation and the global crisis that has affected especially Balkan countries, Kosovo is still in the process of pursuing its goals for its citizens and high security for foreign visitors.
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Shabani, Halit, Valdrin Misiri, Duresa Kilaj, and Fisnik Morina. "The Impact of The Tax Revenue Structure on The Economic Growth of The Republic of Kosovo." European Journal of Sustainable Development 11, no. 2 (June 1, 2022): 51. http://dx.doi.org/10.14207/ejsd.2022.v11n2p51.
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Purpose: This scientific paper aims to analyze the impact of the structure of tax revenues on economic growth in the Republic of Kosovo. Based on the fact that taxes are unavoidable obligations for natural and legal persons, then the purpose of this paper was to see how they affect the case of the Republic of Kosovo.
Methodology: The empirical data that have been analyzed in this study are mainly secondary data which have been collected from the data of annual reports published by the Tax Administration of Kosovo, the Central Bank and the Kosovo Agency of Statistics, while the part of the literature review is referring to studies by other authors who have studied and analyzed similar tax-related issues.
Findings: Based on this scientific research and empirical findings, we can conclude that the structure of tax revenues and tax policy reform at the end of 2015 has positively affected economic growth in the Republic of Kosovo for the analyzed period (2010-2020).
Practical implications: This scientific research will serve as a good scientific reference basis for the Government of the Republic of Kosovo that the proper reform of fiscal policies for the benefit of businesses and households will have a substantial impact on savings and investments. On the other hand, the impact of the revenue structure from raising taxes has a positive impact on economic growth. As an important scientific result, regular payment of taxes by taxpayers will contribute to filling the consolidated state budget. Their proper channeling will suffice to improve infrastructure and facilitate the lives of citizens through adequate provision of public goods.
Originality: This study presents real and consistent results regarding the conclusions for the analyzed period (2010-2020).
Keywords: tax structure, tax policy, economic growth, VAT
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Podvorica, Dr Sc Hamdi. "Legal Inheritance in the Republic of Kosovo." ILIRIA International Review 1, no. 1 (June 30, 2011): 143. http://dx.doi.org/10.21113/iir.v1i1.205.
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Legal inheritance is one of the most important institutions of inheritance law which regulates the process of legal transition of property of the decedent to one or several heirs. The establish-ment of the legal framework has brought about new reforms to the Inheritance Law. This has enabled the enrichment and functio-ning of the law. A particularly important step was taken towards regulation of legal procedures regarding to how courts, other or-gans and other persons should act regarding inheritance issues. Concretization of the legal authorizations of bodies authorized to enforce the procedure of processing hereditary property has estab-lished the legal basis for realization of the iso jure principle, accor-ding to which, at the moment of death of the person, the heirs gain the right of inheritance and the hereditary property is never left without a titleholder. This is a great advantage that we have noted in undertaking this analysis of the norms in this work, because leaving hereditary property for a longer period of time without a titleholder would render the property vulnerable to des-truction, theft and extermination.The goal of this paper is to avoid focusing only on finding the positive sides of the normative regulation of the legal inheritance process, but also in finding practical deficiencies that are weighing down at the moment on this important process in Kosovo, and in proposing measures for overcoming them.The dark side of the legal inheritance process is linked to the inefficiency of courts and the still fragile legal system in Kosovo. By implementing empirical methods, we have come to the con-clusion that the low number of judges in proportion with the huge number of cases has become a key liability for practical implemen-tation of the principle of initiating the legal procedure ex officio. The failure in enforcing this principle and initiating the procedu-res for processing of hereditary property by courts, even though they are obli-gated by law (article 96 of the Non-contentious Procedure Law), has caused a chaotic state in legal proceeding of hereditary property, because many physical persons have died or have been declared dead, while legal procedures for pro-perty proceeding have not been initiated, or even if they have, cases remain pending for years in courts. To overcome this situation, it is imperative to increase the number of judges in a short period of time.
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Nielsen, Christian Axboe. "Serbian Historiography after 1991." Contemporary European History 29, no. 1 (November 12, 2019): 90–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s096077731900033x.
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Few countries in Europe have witnessed as much turbulence during the past quarter century as the seven states which emerged from socialist Yugoslavia after it dissolved amidst a catastrophic series of wars of succession. Although actual armed conflict only took place in Serbia (then still including Kosovo in the rump state Federal Republic of Yugoslavia) in 1998 and 1999, Serbia directly participated in the wars of Yugoslav succession beginning in 1991 in Slovenia, Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina, and then finally in Kosovo. For nearly a decade from 1992 until 2001 Serbia's economy languished under the combination of a kleptocratic regime, expensive and protracted military engagements and international sanctions. The long Serbian transition entered a new phase in October 2000, when Yugoslav President Slobodan Milošević was ousted by a very heterogeneous political coalition whose leaders shared only an intense antipathy for Milošević. The Federal Republic of Yugoslavia was transformed into the short-lived state union of Serbia and Montenegro, which disappeared when Montenegro declared its independence in 2006, followed by Kosovo in 2008.
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Todorović, Zoran D. "The Role of the Ministry of the Interior of the Republic of Serbia in the Conduct of Ethnic Cleansing of the Albanian Population in Kosovo and Metohija From 1998 to 1999." Kriminalističke teme 22, no. 1 (November 29, 2022): 73–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.51235/kt.2022.22.1.73.
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The paper presents a short chronology of the political conflict in the Autonomous Province of Kosovo and Metohija (Socialist Autonomous Province of Kosovo, until the constitutional changes of 1989), which in the 1990s turned into an armed conflict in which the security forces of the Republic of Serbia from October 1998 to June 1999, carried out a planned action of ethnic cleansing of Kosovo Albanians. In the action, several thousand Albanian civilians were executed extrajudicially and between 800,000 and 850,000 Albanians were forcefully expelled to Macedonia, Montenegro, Albania and Bosnia and Herzegovina. This paper is based on the final judgments of the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) by which the highest state officials and military and police generals in the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia and the Republic of Serbia were convicted of joint criminal enterprise aimed at altering the ethnic structure in at least 13 Kosovo municipalities, especially in the period of the NATO alliance campaign from March 24 to June 12, 1999. The role of the Ministry of Interior in the joint criminal enterprise (JCE), as established by the ICTY judgments to the then Ministry of Interior leaders: Vlastimir Đordđević, head of the Public Security Department, Sreten Lukić, head of the Ministry of Interior Staff for Kosovo, (Vlajko Stojiljković, the Minister of Interior, was also accused, but he committed suicide in 2002) - is undoubted. Therefore, it calls for a public analysis and presentation of the role of this part of the repressive apparatus of the state of Serbia in the ethnic cleansing of Kosovo Albanians, as well as its role in the planned and systematic concealment of crimes. The concealment of the crime was conducted from March to June 1999 by the Ministry of Interior forces through secret operations of transfer of bodies of Kosovo Albanians from primary graves in Kosovo and their burial in mass graves at secret locations in Serbia. Three graves were discovered in 2001 and one in 2013, with the assumption that there are more because they are looking for another 1,086 Albanian victims and 562 victims of Serbs, Roma, Bosniaks, Egyptians, Ashkali and others.
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Pavlenko, Alexander. "The Development of Internal Political Processes in Kosovo (1999-2017)." Mìžnarodnì zv’âzki Ukraïni: naukovì pošuki ì znahìdki, no. 26 (November 27, 2017): 325–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.15407/mzu2017.26.325.
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Influence of Yugoslavia’s collapse, as well as of external factors on Kosovo’s separation from Serbia is explored in this article. Particular features of Kosovo’s internal policy development and problems with a full international recognition of its independence are also highlighted. The problem of Kosovo’s status within the diplomacy of “power poles” in modern international relations system in the context of NATO’s war against Yugoslavia in 1999 is underlined. Kosovo is a multi-party parliamentary representative democratic republic. The State is governed by legislative, executive and judicial institutions which derive from the Constitution adopted in June 2008, although until the Brussels Agreement, North Kosovo was largely controlled by institutions of the Republic of Serbia or parallel institutions, funded by Serbia. The legislative power in Kosovo is held by Parliament. The executive authority is vested in the Government, headed by Prime Minister. The President is Head of State and represents the unity of the people, elected every five years, indirectly by the National Assembly, in a secret ballot by a two thirds majority of all deputies of the Assembly. Key trends in Serbian policy towards Kosovo after the democratic transformation of its political system and in conditions of Serbia’s aspirations for European integration was examined. The process of Kosovo’s recognition has shown that Kosovo is an irreversible reality and an essential factor for peace and stability in the Balkan region. This could be best proved by the recognition of Kosovo among all neighboring countries (except Serbia), by the vast majority of the countries in the region and the Euro-Atlantic community.
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Robaj, Avdullah. "The Rule of Law and Criminality in the Republic of Kosovo." AUC IURIDICA 69, no. 3 (September 15, 2023): 145–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.14712/23366478.2023.33.
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The principle of the state of law is undoubtedly one of the most important and essential principles for any state and democratic society. Its fullest realisation in everyday life is the best guarantee for the development of democracy as well as recognition and enforcement of citizensʼ fundamental rights and freedoms. To this end, the general principles of the rule of law today occupy a special place and are fixed explicitly in contemporary constitutions and democratic legislation. However, it should be borne in mind that the existence of the constitutional and legal framework is only a necessary premise for the rule of law. Equally important is the functioning of various control mechanisms for the implementation of constitutional and legal norms, and especially, the creation of a new mentality among both public officials and citizens expressed in the awareness to the needs for the implementation of these norms and in the reaction with legal and democratic means against their violation by anyone. The Balkan Peninsula represents great strategic importance, not only for the surrounding states but also for the criminal groups that interact in this region. Many Balkan states have been through and currently are in deep democratic transition and it is difficult to break away from their historical past. Although many law enforcement agencies in this region stand out for their professionalism, the impact of consecutive wars presents decisive factors for the triumph or failure of law enforcement institutions against various crimes in this European area. The last war was waged in Kosovo, which ceased in June 1999, has a significant importance in the increase of criminality in Kosovo. After 1999, due to poorly controlled borders, lack of legislation, creation of a new police, and the establishment of the justice system, many criminal groups from the field of narco-criminality took advantage of this situation by creating organized criminal networks for the purpose of trafficking narcotic substances and psychotropic substances from the country of origin, transiting through Kosovo, and continuing towards the country of destination which was in Western Europe. The current internal processes that Kosovo is facing are economic and social development, which are still far from regional and European development structures, which as a result of poverty and lack of perspective, for a significant part of Kosovan society, are resulting with a high crime rate. The geostrategic position of the Republic of Kosovo in the Balkans, as well as the created post-war conditions, enables various criminal groups to carry out organised crime activities. High levels of unemployment and poverty, high levels of corruption in state institutions, and lack of free movement outside Kosovo contribute to creating appropriate conditions for the development of criminality in general and organised crime in particular. In support of various analyses conducted during the research, is the author has noticed that the Republic of Kosovo, compared to EU countries, has a lower level of criminality, while compared to countries in the region where the criminality level is higher.
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Mladenovich, M., and M. Tomic. "The unilateral declaration of independence of Kosovo and Metohija is a precedent in international politics." Гуманитарные и юридические исследования 10, no. 1 (2023): 77–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.37493/2409-1030.2023.1.10.
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The attempt to secede from Kosovo, which began in the nineties of the twentieth century, ended with NATO’s aggression against Yugoslavia, which formally usurped the southern Serbian province by the most powerful Western countries. The threat to the national security of the Republic of Serbia by the armed aggression of the NATO Pact is a unique example of the violation of all existing international legal norms prohibiting aggression against a sovereign and independent state. It is emphasized that even with the introduction of the Interim International Administration (UNMIK), the security situation has not stabilized. The political decisions of the representatives of the international community were framed in the paradigm of “absolute independence” of Kosovo and Metohija, despite the dissatisfaction of the then top officials of the Republic of Serbia. The illegal attempt to secede from Kosovo and Metohija through the adoption of the Declaration of Independence in 2008 by representatives of the Albanian national minority raised a number of political, economic and social questions about the strategy of the subjects and forces of the national security system of the Republic of Serbia. It is indicated that the ongoing dialogue between representatives of the Provisional Kosovo Institutions and representatives of the Republic of Serbia contributed to the signing of agreements in various fields. However, their implementation has a negative impact on the sovereignty, i.e. the jurisdiction of the institutions of the Republic of Serbia. The international administration created to date has failed to ensure the implementation of UN Security Council resolution 1244. The article analyzes the dynamics of events that led to the unilateral declaration of independence in violation of all norms of international law, including the right to political self-determination. The results of the work indicate an uneven interpretation of some norms regulating the status of national minorities (in this case, Albanians), as well as an attempt by Western countries to impose a solution to the Kosovo problem on the Republic of Serbia exclusively through various forms of recognition of the so-called independence.
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Mirovic, Dejan. "Why Serbia is asked to recognize Kosovo with comparative examples of Bangladesh and Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus." Zbornik Matice srpske za drustvene nauke, no. 149 (2014): 991–1000. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zmsdn1449991m.
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In the context of public international law and relations between principles of territorial integrity and right to self-determination, independence of Kosovo will never be legal if it is not recognized by Serbia. This can be concluded from the examples of violent secession of Bangladesh and Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus. That is why Serbia still has a right to decide about the independence of Kosovo and Metohija despite signing Brussels Agreement and the fact that 100 UN member states recognized Kosovo as an independent state. Forty years after the secession of northern part of the island, Nicosia has not recognized Turkish republic of Northern Cyprus, which caused that this secessionist creation does not become a member of the UN. Its independence is not full from the perspective of international law, and this fact that cannot be disputed in spite of the factual occupation of the northern part of island by Turkey. On the other side, Pakistan recognized the independence of Bangladesh and forever lost half of its population and state territory. In return, half of its foreign debt was written off, 90,000 prisoners were released and 13,000 square kilometers of territory in western part of Pakistan, controlled by India, were returned. However, no one is offering anything similar to Serbia to recognize the independence of Kosovo. Debts of Kosovo towards IMF and World Bank are paid by Serbia. In addition, if Serbia recognized the independence of Kosovo, Serbia would lose about 100,000 Serbs living on that territory and about 1,200 square kilometers of territory in the northern part of Kosovo which is not controlled by Pristina. In that context, it is clear that principles of territorial integrity are still stronger in international law then right to self-determination. Postmodernist theories have a goal to hide that fact. Key of the independence of so-called ?Kosovo? is still in hands of Belgrade. That is why there are so many persistent attempts and strong pressures from the West to recognize the independence of ?Kosovo?. Example of Cyprus shows how to resist those attempts within the framework of public international law (by applying the principles of territorial integrity). However, if in the future Serbia chooses the same approach as Pakistan in the case of Bangladesh, Kosovo will be lost forever. At that moment, it would be clear that the relations of great powers in the world have changed.
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Shala, Nexhit, and Myrvete Badivuku-Pantina. "The Relationships of Schools Conditions and their Impact on Economic Growth." International Journal of Social Sciences Perspectives 11, no. 2 (August 29, 2022): 45–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.33094/ijssp.v11i2.639.
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The purpose of my research is to measure the relationship between school conditions and economic growth in the Republic of Kosovo. The research was conducted with vocational high schools during the period 2020-2021. The research was conducted through a closed-ended questionnaire of students and teachers of vocational schools in Kosovo, while the data were analyzed through the Statistical Package for the Social Sciences (SPSS) program (version 25). Descriptive analysis, Alpha Cronbach's reliability test, and normality analysis were first performed by Kolmogorov Smirnov and Shapiro Wilk. The results are presented in descriptive form through frequency and percentage, while the verification of hypotheses is performed through Spearman Correlation. I Can conclude that Kosovo is progressing well in terms of the implementation of vocational education, thus providing a link between vocational education and practice in business or economic development. The research was conducted over two years, during the time of the pandemic, and can be considered as a barrier to investment in school conditions. The research was conducted through questionnaires that I administered, and the data are relevant to the research issue. Research is of great importance in improving the school conditions of vocational high schools in the Republic of Kosovo.
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Leka, Dukagjin, Sabiha Shala, and Selim Daku. "ENVIRONMENTAL LEGISLATION AND HUMAN RIGHT VIOLATION IN REPUBLIC OF KOSOVO." SWS Journal of EARTH AND PLANETARY SCIENCES 1, no. 1 (June 1, 2019): 49–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.35603/eps2019/issue1.05.
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The Republic of Kosovo is one of the newest states in the world. Separated from a former communist federation – Yugoslavia and occupied for over a decade by Serbia, it turned out to be free after a systematic destruction and with great consequences in all respects, including the environment. And of course, being a new state, made Republic of Kosovo to inherit many problems, which were very difficult to solve, while the environmental issues did not even come into the agenda ever to be discussed, which should not have been done as it was. In other words, having many major problems, the environmental issue as to the international community that has governed Kosovo for more than a decade, as well as for Kosovo's institutions itself, has never become an issue of importance to be discussed nor to be protected. Almost same happened in every country, which was under the international community protection, as for them it is the importance of security rather than environment protection in a country, where they are serving and far from their home country. Even after some positive developments in Kosovo's environmental legislation, by adopting the law on environmental protection, by creating a state agency for environmental protection, by creating environmental directorates in municipalities, etc., which developments and steps failed to become successful, because they lacked their implementation in practice, and cases like this were also in Moldova, Ukraine, Georgia, etc.. ..
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CHESTERMAN, SIMON. "International Territorial Administration and the Limits of Law." Leiden Journal of International Law 23, no. 2 (April 27, 2010): 437–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0922156510000130.
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The year 2009 was one of many anniversaries for the state-building project. It marked ten years since the United Nations began its bold experiments of state-building in East Timor and Kosovo, now the independent state of Timor-Leste and the embryonic Republic of Kosovo respectively. It was twenty years since Namibia held elections in the course of becoming independent, heralding a new post-Cold War activism. It was also ninety years since the League of Nations established the mandate system, which – even though it applied only to the colonies of enemy states defeated in the Great War – marked the beginning of the end of colonialism.
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Qekaj-Thaçi, Aferdita, and Ledri Thaçi. "The Quality of E-Government Management, Information Security and Quality." Emerging Science Journal 7, no. 1 (November 7, 2022): 228–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.28991/esj-2023-07-01-016.
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The purpose of the presented paper was to present the state of e-government services in the Republic of Kosovo within the management of electronic services and the role of ICT in data security and quality. E-government is an important sphere in Kosovo, which has been shown to have positively influenced the provision of services to all stakeholders, taking care of the security and quality of these services. This paper belongs to the qualitative and quantitative types, where a total of 115 subjects, experts, and users of e-government services participated and gave their opinions against these services. A literature review was used to process qualitative data, while a questionnaire was used to process quantitative data with experts and users of e-government services. From the results of the research, we understood that the level of use of e-government services in the Republic of Kosovo is high and that there is a high level of data security and quality of services, where the role of ICT in the management of e-data-government is essential and very important. It is recommended that, according to the results of this study, direct access to the management of these services should be considered and offered to ensure the sustainability of e-government services in the Republic of Kosovo. Doi: 10.28991/ESJ-2023-07-01-016 Full Text: PDF
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Devolli, Ardita, and Naser Zabeli. "Attitudes of Parents of Children With Special Needs Towards Inclusive Education." Journal Human Research in Rehabilitation 14, no. 1 (April 5, 2024): 208–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.21554/hrr.042419.
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Inclusive education is very important for all children especially for those with special needs. In the Republic of Kosovo, the inclusion it is an approach in progress. This study aimed to explore the attitudes of parents of children with special needs towards inclusive education. The current findings of inclusiveness, challenges, risks, benefits and achievements of inclusive education in the Kosovo education system were also analysed. Through a semi-structured interview, ten parents whose children attend regular classes in various schools in pre-university education in Kosovo were interviewed. The results of the research indicate that parents of children with special needs have similar attitudes towards inclusion. In their opinion, it should occur, but they are worried about the challenges that appear. Inclusion is seen as a good opportunity, capacity building, equality, socialization and part of the overall development of the child. Parents recommend improvements in infrastructure conditions and human resources for successful inclusion.
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Robaj, Avdullah. "VOCATIONAL TRAINING AND LABOUR MARKET IN THE REPUBLIC OF KOSOVO." Journal Human Research in Rehabilitation 13, no. 1 (April 14, 2023): 82–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.21554/hrr.042310.
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To analyse democratic and legal labour relations in the current conditions of economic and social development means, first and foremost, to highlight their essence and main features, as well as the development trends and future improvements of these relations.The year 2021, like 2020, has been characterized, among others, by the COVID-19 pandemic. This has produced various effects. As an effort to mitigate these effects, the Government of Kosovo has undertaken measures to support employment through the economic recovery package. Based on this context, the main and only purpose of the 1st Measure of economic recovery is the support of employment. Active employment measures have played a very important role in the integration of unemployed persons into the labour market. One of these measures with the largest number of beneficiaries is Vocational Training. Vocational training is a fundamental and very important process to get a job. In this sense, even the latest statistical data (2021) of the official authorities of Kosovo prove that the largest beneficiaries of active labour market measures are the persons who have undergone vocational training. The purpose of Vocational Training is to enable an increase or adoption of professional knowledge, namely to acquire additional knowledge,skills and abilitiesto perform efficient work, in order to increase the prospect of employment or retain their employment. Based on the international aspect, employment and the labour market are under the pressure of many factors, such as demographic, technological, economic and political ones; therefore, vocational training is considered as one of the mostsuccessful active labour market measures.
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Curri, Fadil. "Challenges of Republic of Kosova in Her Fight Against Corruption." International Journal of Social Science Research and Review 5, no. 7 (July 18, 2022): 383–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.47814/ijssrr.v5i7.519.
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Corruption is a major problem, and it does not only affect developing countries. It hinders economic growth, weakens the rule of law and undermines the legitimacy of institutions. Although it has been studied nationally from different perspectives, recently we have seen growing bodies of research on local corruption. As far as we know, these recent studies focused on corruption and its effects on votes. The transformation of values and mentality as an integral part of the transition is slow and comes with certain consequences. The values that were favored in the old system (equality, union, collectivism), should be replaced by universal democratic values (individualism, democracy, human rights and freedoms, entrepreneurship, private property, fair privatization, etc.). This paper treats and analyzes corruption as a negative phenomenon which poses a risk to the development of the state. In this paper I aimed to provide more knowledge about corruption in general and inform about the challenges that Kosovo faces in fighting and preventing corruption. This paper is divided into three chapters. The first chapter talks about the concept of corruption and its historical development, definitions of corruption, types of corruption, the forms in which it occurs, the manner of corruption. The second chapter presents an executive summary of corruption in Kosovo. The third chapter deals with the institutions dealing with the fight against corruption in the Republic of Kosovo as well as the legislative basis and Chapter four deals with the risks and damages that corruption does to the economy of Kosovo.