Relevant bibliographies by topics / Ecuador. President

Academic literature on the topic 'Ecuador. President'

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Published: 26 July 2024
Last updated: 27 July 2024

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Journal articles on the topic "Ecuador. President"

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Galibina-Lebedeva, Elena S. "Presidential elections in Ecuador: progress, analysis, results." Latinskaia Amerika, no. 3 (December 15, 2024): 59–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s0044748x24030045.

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In mid-October 2023, the electoral cycle ended in Ecuador. Its results were the election of the youngest president in the country's history, center-right Daniel Noboa. With a difference of less than four percent, Noboa managed to defeat her opponent, ‘correist’ Luisa Gonzalez. The parliamentary elections demonstrated that today none of the political forces can propose a program supported by the major part of society, and therefore none of the factions received an absolute parliamentary majority. This made three influential forces – the Civil Revolution, the Social Christian Party and the ADN presidential party – to create a situational coalition to solve the primary problems in the country: reducing the high level of violence and providing employment for the population. However, if this coalition falls apart, there is a good chance that President Noboa will repeat the political fate of his predecessor. The very conduct of this election campaign became the implementation in the political field of articles 138 and 140 known as muerte cruzada (‘cross death’) implementation in the political field, meaning the mechanism for president impeaching and simultaneously dissolving Parliament, after which early general elections are called. The election campaign took place under conditions of a state of emergency declared in the country on the eve of the first round of elections due to the murder of one of the presidential candidates. The use of the historical-comparative method in the article allows us to compare the political landscape around the previous and new Ecuadorian leaders and identify the institutional political structures features. And the historical-systemic method allows us to analyze the causes of political turbulence and Ecuadorian society polarization, and conflict-consensual development relations between the president and parliament and to predict political steps of the new president.
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Cevallos, Stefany. "Public Service Management in Ecuador." Academic and Applied Research in Military and Public 19, no. 1 (2020): 37–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.32565/aarms.2020.1.3.

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This article addresses the perspectives of Public Service Management in Ecuador, a Latin American country which saw various social changes and political paradigms. The new Constitution of Ecuador was launched in 2008 in a scenario where nationalism replaced the liberal paradigm in Ecuador. Its main features were the defence of postliberal values and sovereignty as a superior principle. On the other hand, the role of the public sector in the economy of Ecuador grew after 1972 when petroleum revenues increased remarkably. Nowadays, the public sector reduction was entered into force after the collapse in the price of crude oil in 2014 and an earthquake of 7.8 Mw that devastated the coast of Manabí in 2016. In this context, during the presidency of the former president Rafael Correa, new principles were instituted, such as decentralisation, the new concept of public servant and new methodologies such as National Management for Results. The methodology used is secondary data sources including various types of books, journal articles, government and non-governmental reports, government implementation plans.
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Ponce, Karina, Andrés Vasquez, Pablo Vivanco, and Ronaldo Munck. "The October 2019 Indigenous and Citizens’ Uprising in Ecuador." Latin American Perspectives 47, no. 5 (June 22, 2020): 9–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094582x20931113.

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Once again the indigenous movement in Ecuador has shown its considerable capacity for mobilization and the creation of social alliances for change. Media coverage of the October 2019 uprising has been both weak and openly biased, giving credence to a mythical “enemy within.” A chronology of events from the social movements themselves shows that this insurgent event and the aftereffects now being felt have changed the political map of Ecuador and represent a significant blow to the neoliberal project of Lenín Moreno, who replaced President Correa in 2017. Una vez más, el movimiento indígena en Ecuador ha demostrado su considerable capacidad de movilización y de creación de alianzas sociales para el cambio. La cobertura en medios del levantamiento de octubre de 2019 ha sido poca y abiertamente sesgada, apelando a la idea de un mítico “enemigo interno”. Una cronología de los acontecimientos por parte de los movimientos sociales mismos muestra que este evento insurgente y las actuales secuelas han cambiado el mapa político de Ecuador y constituyen un golpe importante al proyecto neoliberal de Lenín Moreno, quien sustituyó al presidente Correa en 2017.
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Aguirre, Pablo Ruiz. "Estudo de caso: o que Rafael Correa disse? Comparando a atenção política em 10 anos dos discursos do presidente equatoriano." Revista de Administração Pública 54, no. 6 (December 2020): 1546–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/0034-761220190404.

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Abstract The “citizen revolution” was a political project executed mainly between 2007 and 2016 by the former president of the Republic of Ecuador, Rafael Correa Delgado, under the paradigm of 21st century socialism. The main characteristic of this project was to introduce a new political agenda to the country that was differentiated from past agendas, by focusing on issues such as the recognition of new rights, improvements to education, instituting a new economic model, and strengthening government and sovereignty, among others. Under this context, this work aims to analyze the political attention of the ex-president, explaining why some issues are more important than others, and why they varied over time. Based on a conceptual framework that takes ideas from the agenda-setting theory, the areas on which the political agenda concentrates are measured by the Shannon entropy index, and its various changes are explained as the results of preferences, institutional factors, and external events. The analysis is based on extensive database analyses of 10 years (covering Rafael Correa’s presidency) of government speeches, which are coded according to the methodology of the Comparative Agendas Project (CAP). To the best of our knowledge, this paper is the first work to apply the CAP methodology in Ecuador.
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Aguirre, Pablo Ruiz. "Case study: what did Rafael Correa say? Comparing political attention across 10 years of the Ecuadorian president’s discourses." Revista de Administração Pública 54, no. 6 (December 2020): 1546–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/0034-761220190404x.

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Abstract The “citizen revolution” was a political project executed mainly between 2007 and 2016 by the former president of the Republic of Ecuador, Rafael Correa Delgado, under the paradigm of 21st century socialism. The main characteristic of this project was to introduce a new political agenda to the country that was differentiated from past agendas, by focusing on issues such as the recognition of new rights, improvements to education, instituting a new economic model, and strengthening government and sovereignty, among others. Under this context, this work aims to analyze the political attention of the ex-president, explaining why some issues are more important than others, and why they varied over time. Based on a conceptual framework that takes ideas from the agenda-setting theory, the areas on which the political agenda concentrates are measured by the Shannon entropy index, and its various changes are explained as the results of preferences, institutional factors, and external events. The analysis is based on extensive database analyses of 10 years (covering Rafael Correa’s presidency) of government speeches, which are coded according to the methodology of the Comparative Agendas Project (CAP). To the best of our knowledge, this paper is the first work to apply the CAP methodology in Ecuador.
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Ames, Marty. "Reincorporación de tacna al perú (28 agosto 1929): Regreso a la Patria y expresión de patriotismo." REVISTA XAUXA AÑO III, NÚMERO 8 - 2022 III, no. 08 (September 30, 2022): 29–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.56374/xau.03.08.22.03.

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On July 4, 1919, Augusto Leguía led the coup against President José Pardo and proclaimed himself Provisional President. The Oncenio de Leguía begins (1919-1930). Once in control of the State and in relation to foreign policy, Leguía applies the necessary instruments and means to carry out the definition of limits with Chile, Colombia, and Ecuador, achieving it with the first two.
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CONAGHAN, CATHERINE M. "Prosecuting Presidents: The Politics within Ecuador's Corruption Cases." Journal of Latin American Studies 44, no. 4 (November 2012): 649–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x12000776.

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AbstractAcross Latin America, many former presidents have faced criminal prosecutions on corruption charges, with widely varied outcomes. As with an impeachment, law and politics intersect in the prosecution of a president. In this essay, I examine this nexus by mapping the actions of agents who mobilise to influence how the justice system processes presidential prosecutions: first, accountability actors located in state-based institutions and civil society; second, partisan actors in the executive and legislative branches; and third, defendants, and their partisan and civil society supporters. This study argues that variations in the make-up, resources and alignment of these sets of actors fundamentally shape the trajectory of legal cases. Proceedings against three former presidents of Ecuador are analysed: Abdalá Bucaram, Jamil Mahuad and Gustavo Noboa.
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Kajsiu, Blendi. "Public or private corruption?" Journal of Extreme Anthropology 5, no. 2 (December 26, 2021): 27–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.5617/jea.9243.

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This is a summary of some of the main arguments and findings of the book ¿Corrupción pública o privada? La dimensión ideológica de los discursos anti-corrupción en Colombia, Ecuador y Albania (Bogotá: Tirant lo Blanch, 2020). The book compares the official anti-corruption discourses of president Juan Manuel Santos (2010-2018) in Colombia, president Rafael Correa (2007-2017) in Ecuador and prime minister Edi Rama (2013-present) in Albania. It shows that although these three countries face very similar levels and perceptions of corruption their governments articulate this phenomenon differently due to their distinct ideological positions. While the neoliberal governments of Santos and Rama defined corruption primarily as abuse of public office and locate it mainly in the public sector, or in its interaction with the private one, the government of Rafael Correa, which embraced the 21st Century Socialism, defined corruption primarily as a problem of the private sector that captures and distorts the public sector.
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KAJSIU, Blendi. "Public or private corruption? The ideological dimension of anti-corruption discourses in Colombia, Ecuador and Albania." Polis 20, no. 1 (2021): 33–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.58944/rqpk9406.

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This is a summary of some of the main arguments and findings of the book ¿Corrupción pública o privada? La dimensión ideológica de los discursos anti-corrupción en Colombia, Ecuador y Albania (Bogotá: Tirant lo Blanch, 2020). The book compares the official anti-corruption discourses of president, Juan Manuel Santos (2010-2018) in Colombia, president, Rafael Correa (2007-2017) in Ecuador, and prime minister Edi Rama (2013-present) in Albania. It shows that although these three countries face very similar levels and perceptions of corruption their governments articulate this phenomenon differently due to their distinct ideological positions. While the neoliberal governments of Santos and Rama define corruption primarily as abuse of public office and locate it mainly in the public sector, or in its interaction with the private one, the government of Rafael Correa, which embraced the 21st Century Socialism, defines corruption primarily as a problem of the private sector that captures and distorts the public sector.
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Ortega Vásquez, Rosita. "Cuando se tejen los sueños. La voz de la mujer sapara y su pueblo." Ecología Política. Cuadernos de debate internacional, no. 61 (June 2021): 91–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.53368/ep61fcbr06.

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This article analyzes the relationship between the extractivist model in Ecuador and state violence against Amazonian women defenders based on the case of Nema Grefa, President of the Sapara Nation of Ecuador (NASE), who has been intimidated and threatened with death on several occasions. From the demand for protective action and request for precautionary measures in favor of the leader and the Sapara people. The analysis of this case discusses collective and women’s rights in a local justice scenario, where the articulation of indigenous organizations, organizations for the defense of women’s rights, ecofeminists and the Ombudsman’s Office (Defensoría del Pueblo) will be key.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Ecuador. President"

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Hjertstrand, Matilda, and Malin Ekberg. ""The president hates the media and we don’t like him either" : -Experiences concerning the freedom of the press among Ecuadorian journalists." Thesis, University of Kalmar, School of Communication and Design, 2010. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hik:diva-2616.

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The main purpose of this BA-thesis was to do a qualitative study of the Ecuadorian journalists' personal experiences of their work conditions in relation to freedom of the press. The aim has been to analyze their personal opinions regarding censorship, the media climate and if they feel there is press freedom for journalists in Ecuador.

The material has been analyzed and then complemented by theories and earlier research. Among other theories we have been using Denis McQuail's freedom principle and view of structural influences together with Graeme Burton's view of censorship. Together with earlier research about censorship and the status of freedom of the press in Ecuador we were able to put the interviewees' answers in relation to both theories and research.

Our analysis showed that the interviewed journalists felt there were many obstacles when it came to the freedom of the press. One obstacle was the strain on the relationship between the government and the press which affected the media climate in a negative way. The majority of the interviewees stated that there was no complete freedom of the press in Ecuador while the ones who opposed to this still felt there were difficulties. Some even questioned whether freedom of the press was possible anywhere in the world, which also shows the complexity of the subject.

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Narváez, Guerrero Diana Paulina. "El efecto de las políticas industriales en el comercio del sector automotriz implementadas en el gobierno del Presidente Rafael Correa en Ecuador." Tesis, Universidad de Chile, 2014. http://www.repositorio.uchile.cl/handle/2250/117374.

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Magíster en Estrategia Internacional y Política Comercial
En este estudio de casose aborda el efecto de las políticas industriales introducidas en el gobierno del Presidente Rafael Correa en el comercio del sector automotriz ecuatoriano. Las políticas implementadas en Ecuador a partir del 2007 se fundamentan en el modelo de sustitución de importaciones, con el objetivo que a un corto plazo el flujo de importaciones se contraiga en un plazo inmediato.El trabajo se enfoca en el sector automotriz ecuatoriano, el cual se desarrolló a partir de los años setenta y desde entonces no ha alcanzado los niveles de competitividad deseada;tal es así que la mayoría de vehículos y partes y componentes que se comercializan provienen de otros países. El impacto de las políticas industriales, mediante el decreto presidencial de compras públicas y el establecimiento de cuotas y licencias han reducidolas importaciones de vehículos y partes. Lo anterior demuestra que dichas políticas han logrado resultar ser eficaces hasta el momento.
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Lechner, Silke. "Presidents and economic policy-making : the politics of tax reform in Bolivia and Ecuador." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2006. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/1903/.

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This comparative study of Ecuador and Bolivia analyses the political dynamics of economic reforms in the last two decades. The question guiding this work is: under which conditions are presidents able to introduce the reforms they propose. and the focus is put on the political processes behind the tax reforms that were implemented and those that failed. The theoretical framework employs an institutionalist approach and focuses on how variations in institutional structures have shaped policy-making processes. Since most authors limit their analysis to institutional aspects, the thesis aims to make a contribution to this approach by analysing the influence of particular institutional aspects on the introduction of reforms. Other variables, such as the influence of private sector groups or popular protest, are included in the analysis to explore to what extent they challenge or complement the argument. The tax reforms of the last two decades are used as a case study to account for dynamics of economic policy-making in the two countries more generally. The study resulted in three main findings. Firstly, the institutional analysis proposed provides a coherent explanation as to why Bolivia was able to implement wide-ranging tax reforms during the 1980s and 1990s while presidents in Ecuador usually failed to introduce similar changes. Bolivia's particular form of presidentialism - featuring a parliamentary element of electing the president in Congress in the second round of elections - has produced coalition governments after 1985, which allowed presidents to introduce wide- ranging tax reforms. In Ecuador, on the other hand, tax reforms often failed due to the lack of institutional incentives for overcoming the political deadlock of a fragmented Congress. A second finding contributes to the economic crisis approach as hyperinflation proved to have an impact on the policy-making process (Bolivia after 1985), which has not necessarily been the case when countries experienced other types of economic crises (e.g. Ecuador in 1999). Thirdly, the change in the pattern of policy-making within Bolivia is examined. It is argued that the extra-institutional processes Bolivia experienced during the recent years have been caused by the same institutional mechanism that had brought political stability during the 1980s and 1990s as coalition politics was dependent on patronage payments and the political parties lost more and more support. This thesis, in short, fills a gap by connecting institutional analysis to actual economic reforms; it establishes a link between political structures and their effect on policy-making as regards the case of tax reform.
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Tenesaca, Manzano Klamaide Elicia. "El programa de “convivencia armónico institucional” y su relación con los estándares de calidad de la convivencia escolar de la escuela Presidente Jaime Roldos Aguilera, cantón Huaquillas-Ecuador, periodo 2013-2014." Master's thesis, Universidad Nacional Mayor de San Marcos, 2015. https://hdl.handle.net/20.500.12672/9355.

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Determina en qué medida el programa de convivencia armónico institucional se relaciona con los estándares de calidad de la convivencia escolar de la escuela presidente Jaime Roldos Aguilera, Cantón Huaquillas- Ecuador en el periodo 2013-2014. Desde la perspectiva de una investigación de tipo descriptivo utilizando el diseño correlacional; se lleva a cabo un conjunto de actividades utilizando los conceptos teóricos básicos del programa de convivencia armónico institucional y los estándares de calidad de la convivencia escolar a través del muestreo no probabilístico se elige una muestra de 70 estudiantes, 15 docentes, 20 personal administrativo y 50 padres de familia, a quienes se les aplica mediante la técnica de la encuesta a través de un cuestionario. Con la presente investigación se logra determinar que el programa de convivencia armónico institucional se relaciona significativamente con los estándares de calidad de la convivencia escolar de la escuela presidente Jaime Roldos Aguilera, existiendo una relación positiva, como el Valor p = 0.005 < 0.05, se puede afirmar con un 95% de probabilidad que existe incidencia significativa entre ambas variables de estudios.
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Tenesaca, Sánchez Abelino Eliseo. "Actitud emprendedora y su influencia en el mejoramiento de la gestión educativa, en el nivel medio de la Escuela Presidente “Jaime Roldós Aguilera” del Cantón Huaquillas, provincia de El Oro - Ecuador, periodo 2012-2013." Master's thesis, Universidad Nacional Mayor de San Marcos, 2015. https://hdl.handle.net/20.500.12672/8584.

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Determina la actitud emprendedora de la gestión educativa y cómo influye en el mejoramiento de la educación en el nivel medio de la escuela presidente “Jaime Roldós Aguilera” del Cantón Huaquillas, Provincia de el Oro-Ecuador, durante el periodo 2012-2013. La presente investigación es de tipo cuantitativo, descriptivo; utiliza el diseño correlacional causal. Se realiza un conjunto de actividades utilizando los conceptos teóricos básicos de la actitud de emprendimiento y gestión educativa, por medio del muestreo no probabilístico se tiene una muestra de 35 Estudiantes, 20 docentes y 36 padres de familia, a quienes se les realiza la encuesta a través de un cuestionario. Se obtiene como resultado de estudio, que entre ambas variables existe una correlación significativa de acuerdo a la correlación de Pearson.
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Ortega, Rivas Rosa Olga. "Modelo de la gestión educativa actual y el proceso de evaluación institucional para el mejoramiento de la calidad del servicio educativo que brinda la Institución Educativa “Presidente Jaime Roldós Aguilera” de la parroquia Nueve de Mayo de la ciudad de Machala periodo lectivo 2013-2014." Master's thesis, Universidad Nacional Mayor de San Marcos, 2016. https://hdl.handle.net/20.500.12672/8354.

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Determina la relación entre la evaluación del modelo de gestión administrativo y la calidad de los servicios educativos que presta la Institución Educativa “Presidente Jaime Roldós Aguilera” de la parroquia 9 de mayo de la ciudad de Machala periodo lectivo 2014-2015. La gestión administrativa está ligada a la planificación ya que de eso depende el desarrollo institucional para proyectarnos al futuro deseado y los medios efectivos para conseguirlos, impulsando la conducción escolar hacia determinadas metas para garantizar un servicio de calidad en la educación. Como también cada institución es encargada de visualizar su postura filosófica, psicológica, pedagógica con la finalidad de conseguir el objetivo deseado siempre en armonía con el marco filosófico, con un equipo humano dispuesto a cambiar el rumbo de la educación, direccionadas con un buen gerente educativo. Al hablar de una organización se tiene que mencionar que todas pasan por el proceso administrativo: planeación, organización, dirección y control; indiscutiblemente el papel dominante y decisivo lo juega la alta gerencia o el mando directivo ya que es él quien debe estar involucrado para definir el rumbo de la organización ya que todo proceso sirve para ofrecer resultados que se ven reflejados en la toma de decisiones y esta lleva a posicionar a la organización en su ramo. Los principales hallazgos de esta investigación son que ante una mejor evaluación del modelo de gestión administrativa se da una mejor calidad del servicio educativo que presta la Institución Educativa “Presidente Jaime Roldós Aguilera”. Existe un buen desempeño, un óptimo aprendizaje significativo y las estrategias según los docentes son favorables en la institución educativa “PJRA”.
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Books on the topic "Ecuador. President"

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Borja, Rodrigo. Rodrigo Borja, el presidente de la paz. Edited by Núñez Jorge. Quito, Ecuador: Editora Nacional, 1992.

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Rega, Frank M. The greatest Catholic president: Garcia Moreno of Ecuador 1821-1875. Kansas City, Mi: Angelus Press, 2009.

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Salgado, José Chalco. Principio democrático y la facultad reglamentaria del Presidente de la República. Quito, Ecuador: Universidad Andina Simón Bolívar, Sede Ecuador, 2017.

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Aguilera, León Roldós. El abuso del poder: Los decretos-leyes económicos urgentes aprobados por el gobierno del Ing. León Febres Cordero. Quito, Ecuador: Editorial El Conejo, 1986.

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Presidentes del Ecuador. Ibarra [Ecuador]: Pedidos al autor, 1986.

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Cantero, Rodolfo Aguado. Juan José Flores: El fundador de Ecuador. México, D.F: REI, 1990.

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Cantero, Rodolfo Aguado. Juan José Flores: El fundador de Ecuador. Madrid: Anaya, 1988.

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1946-, Clinton Bill, and United States. Congress. Housse. Committee on Ways and Means., eds. Designating Ecuador as a beneficiary: Communication from the President of the United States transmitting his intent to designate Ecuador as a beneficiary of the trade-liberalizing measures provided for in the Andean Trade Preference Act, pursuant to 19 U.S.C. 3202. Washington: U.S. G.P.O., 1993.

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General Juan José Flores, fundador del Ecuador. Caracas: [s.n.], 1994.

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Ecuador. Investment treaty with the Republic of Ecuador: Message from the President of the United States transmitting the treaty between the United States of America and the Republic of Ecuador concerning the encouragement and reciprocal protection of investment, with protocol and a related exchange of letters, signed at Washington on August 27, 1993. Washington: U.S. G.P.O., 1993.

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Book chapters on the topic "Ecuador. President"

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Grimm, Linda. "United Nations and President Moreno Call for Peace during Protests in Ecuador : October 11 and 15, and November 29, 2019." In Historic Documents of 2019, 568–76. 2455 Teller Road, Thousand Oaks California 91320: CQ Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4135/9781544384641.n46.

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Polga-Hecimovich, John. "Reshaping the State: The Unitary Executive Presidency of Rafael Correa." In Assessing the Left Turn in Ecuador, 15–39. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-27625-6_2.

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Tobias, Michael Charles, and Jane Gray Morrison. "Ecuador’s Vice President Lenĩn Morẽno, 2012 Nobel Peace Prize Nominee, Reflects on Human Welfare and the Rights of Nature." In Why Life Matters, 377–83. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-07860-1_48.

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"You Are Not My President." In The Ecuador Reader, 163–66. Duke University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9780822390114-020.

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Ibarra, José María Velasco. "You Are Not My President." In The Ecuador Reader, 163–66. Duke University Press, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/9780822390114-019.

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Vidal, Analía Gómez, and Sebastián Vallejo Vera. "Ecuador." In The Politics of Legislative Debates, 260–84. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198849063.003.0014.

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In this chapter, we describe the institutional settings of legislative debates in the Ecuador Congress and evaluate the speechmaking patterns using original data from 1988 to 2018. We show that the main determinants of participation in debates in Ecuador are whether legislators hold positions of power within the legislature and whether the legislator is from the same party as the President of Congress. In addition, we highlight the significance of gender as a determinant for access to the floor and floor time. Specifically, we find that women speak less and for a shorter time than men. We also show that increasing descriptive participation of women in the legislature is not enough to increase participation on the floor and find that women in positions of power are able to eliminate the participation gap with men.
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Lupien, Pascal. "Ecuador." In Indigenous Civil Society in Latin America, 49–99. University of North Carolina PressChapel Hill, NC, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469672625.003.0003.

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Abstract During the era of popular President Rafael Correa (2007-2017), Indigenous CSOs in Ecuador were forced to adjust to a new political context and citizenship regime that simultaneously extended social citizenship and provided new opportunities for participation while imposing limitations on civil rights and restricting space for CSOs. They turned their attention to “civic” practices permitted by the state. When the gains they had achieved over the years were threatened, and the political opportunity structure shifted again, they were able to build on their experience to assume a leadership role within Ecuadorian civil society. The relatively solidarity and cohesive structure of Indigenous civil society, supported by the skillful use of ICTs, demonstrated that Indigenous CSOs remain a strong political force in Ecuador. They adapted their approach to political participation, resource mobilization, and communication, and they have continued to develop an expanding repertoire of tactics through multi-scalar positioning. The chapter also looks at how community work in the territories is used to gain support. Finally, it demonstrates that there is considerable variation with respect to use of digital technologies, but that they played a central role in the 2019 protests that threatened the survival of the government.
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Long, Kathryn T. "Leaving Ecuador." In God in the Rainforest, 258–72. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190608989.003.0017.

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This chapter describes opposition to the Summer Institute of Linguistics in Ecuador that had been building throughout the 1970s and that crested with the decision in May 1981 by President Jaime Roldós to issue Decree No. 1159, ending Ecuador’s contractual relationship with the Institute. The decree gave SIL a year to complete projects or turn them over to Ecuadorians. Although Roldós did not expel SIL, he curtailed the organization’s size and influence. He was responding to political supporters, to critical books by David Stoll and others, and to voices like that of Dayomæ’s son Sam Padilla Cænto, who characterized missionaries as the “worst enemy” of the Waorani. Some SIL staff, including Catherine Peeke and Rosi Jung, were allowed to stay to finish translation projects. Amid the upheaval, 1981 also marked the twenty-fifth anniversary of the five missionaries’ deaths, bringing with it scrutiny and unwanted publicity.
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Braver, Joshua. "The Enemies Clash." In We the Mediated People, 103—C3.N129. Oxford University PressNew York, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197650639.003.0004.

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Abstract Chapter Three addresses pathological and lawless constitution-making in Venezuela and Ecuador. Venezuela was a lost opportunity. For ten months and across nine cases, the Supreme Court pitted its vision of extraordinary adaptation against President Hugo Chávez’s lawless vision of the people. Chávez triumphed and his lawless people empowered him to exclude the opposition from the Constitutional Assembly and centralize power in his own hands. Since the court had to invent its theory on the fly, its efforts were troubled from the start: it stumbled onto the idea too late and failed fully understand its implications. My goal is to complete the work the court began so that future courts will fare better in battles against populist presidents. A similar story played out in Ecuador, but in an even more hopeless way. Unlike in Venezuela or my other cases, there was no true potential for extraordinary adaptation. The Ecuadorian system was so corrupt and the president’s electoral wins so large that no alternative center of power existed to resist the president. The system easily and almost immediately collapsed under the president’s weight. Almost from the beginning, law simply ran out.
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"Ethical Complications during an Investigation of Malaria Infection in Native Amazonian Populations in Western Brazil." In Ethical Issues in International Biomedical Research, edited by James V. Lavery, Christine Grady, Elizabeth R. Wahl, and Ezekiel J. Emanuel, 203–16. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195179224.003.0013.

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Abstract The largest and most populous country in South America, Brazil borders the Atlantic Ocean and all other countries in South America except Chile and Ecuador. Claimed by the Portuguese in 1500, Brazil was ruled from Lisbon until 1808, when the royal family fled Napoleon’s army for Rio de Janeiro and made Brazil a kingdom. The country gained independence in 1822, and became a federal republic in 1889. In the subsequent century, the political situation was tumultuous, characterized by corrupt officials and a number of military coups. Open elections for the presidency were held beginning in 1989, and Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva was elected president in January 2003.
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Conference papers on the topic "Ecuador. President"

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Arias-Flores, Hugo, Sandra Sanchez-Gordon, and Tania Calle-Jimenez. "E-Democracy and Accessibility: Challenges in the Ecuadorian presidential elections of 2021 in the midst of the Covid-19 pandemic." In 13th International Conference on Applied Human Factors and Ergonomics (AHFE 2022). AHFE International, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.54941/ahfe1001716.

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People living with some type of disability continue to encounter barriers that prevent them from participating in society on equal terms and their rights continue to be violated. Among these rights, the full enjoyment of communication in an independent and accessible manner, using information and communication technologies, is a commitment acquired by the signatory countries of the Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities. Inclusive and equitable access to full participation in democratic processes is fundamental. Elections to designate constitutional president and vice president of the Republic of Ecuador for the period 2021-2025 were held on February 7, 2021. Some 13 million citizens were called to vote, including more than 425,000 citizens with disabilities. In Ecuador, voting is compulsory for citizens between 18 and 65 years of age, and the voting document is requisite for access to services in government offices. Ecuador was the sixth country in Latin America to call its citizens to the polls amid the pandemic. This unprecedented situation forced the National Electoral Council to change the traditional voting process, including a larger number of polling stations and ordering voters to go to the polls unaccompanied to avoid crowds and minimize contagion. In this context, the National Electoral Council made available to citizens a website that allowed, among other features, to consult the voting location and follow the election results in real-time. The objective of this study was to identify accessibility barriers in these web pages for users using assistive technology. The methodology employed for the analysis was experiential introspection complemented with the use of two automatic evaluation tools based on the W3C Web Content Accessibility Guidelines and the Usability.gov guidelines. Accessibility and usability problems were found on the voting location consultation page. Additionally, the voting results page presented very serious accessibility problems to the extent that prevented blind users from obtaining such information.
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Reports on the topic "Ecuador. President"

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Mila-Maldonado, Andrea, and Álvaro García-Mayoral. Elecciones en Ecuador 2023: ¿Cambio o continuum? Fundación Carolina, October 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.33960/ac_13.2023.

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El 15 de octubre de 2023 Ecuador celebró la segunda vuelta de las elecciones presidenciales para el periodo noviembre 2023-mayo 2025, de las que resultó ganador Daniel Noboa, candidato de centroderecha y líder de la alianza Acción Democrática Nacional (ADN). Este análisis se estructura en ocho secciones que analizan las principales propuestas del recién electo presidente, y abarca aspectos ideológicos, políticos, de seguridad, relaciones internacionales, visión del Estado y políticas públicas, dolarización y disciplina fiscal, así como las perspectivas del Yasuní ITT. Como principales reflexiones, estos 16 meses de gobierno que inician tienen como reto central la seguridad —principal issue de las agendas políticas y de los medios— cuya gestión en esa área fijará en buena medida el éxito del nuevo gobierno. Asimismo, la fórmula de gobierno deberá dirimir diferencias sustanciales de orden ideológico, ya que determinan la propia visión del Estado, la economía y las políticas públicas.
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Hurtado, Osvaldo. Elementos para una reforma política en América Latina. Inter-American Development Bank, August 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0009850.

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Este estudio presenta un diagnóstico institucional de los problemas de gobernabilidad democrática en la región. Se basa para ello en trabajos y publicaciones anteriores como La política importa: Democracia y desarrollo en América Latina (BID-IDEA, 2003), cuyas principales conclusiones se ven ilustradas y completadas por la larga experiencia política y académica del autor, el jurista y politólogo Osvaldo Hurtado, ex Presidente del Ecuador. El informe parte de dos supuestos que guían el análisis y sustentan las recomendaciones. Primero, que el diseño de las instituciones políticas debe tener en cuenta la necesidad crucial de facilitar la correcta conducción de la economía, en razón de que de ella depende el progreso de los países, el bienestar de los pueblos, la legitimidad social del sistema político y la supervivencia de los gobiernos democráticos. Segundo, que en el caso de que las propuestas de una reforma política llegaran a enfrentar el dilema participación-gobernabilidad, es necesario optar por la gobernabilidad, naturalmente si se hallan garantizadas las formas de participación de los ciudadanos en la vida pública inherentes a la democracia representativa.
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New Visions: 2008-2011: A Selection of the Latest Acquisitions from the IDB Art Collection. Inter-American Development Bank, November 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0005967.

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This catalog belongs to the exhibition that celebrates the 19th anniversary of the Inter-American Development Bank Cultural Center, originally inaugurated on May 15th, 1992 by the President of Chile, Patricio Aylwin. On this occasion the IDB Cultural Center is pleased to present an exhibit of the artworks that became part of the Collection through the acquisition fund, gifts and permanent loans. It features 25 art works by 17 artists featuring: Federico Martino, Sebastián Spreng, and Susana Sulic (Argentina); Gastón Orellana (Chile); Ana Isabel Díez Zuluaga and Omar Rayo (Colombia); Silvia Elena Monge Puig (Costa Rica); Niurka Barroso (Cuba-Canada); Carmen Herrera and Emilio Sánchez (Cuba-United States); Julio Valdez (Dominican Republic); Geovanny Verdezoto (Ecuador); Luis González Palma (Guatemala); Mireille Délice (Haiti); Antonio López Sáenz and Alberto Alejandro Millares Méndez (Mexico); and Naúl Ojeda (Uruguay).
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