Academic literature on the topic 'Economics – Political aspects – Policy sciences'
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Journal articles on the topic "Economics – Political aspects – Policy sciences"
Battaglini, Marco, and Eleonora Patacchini. "Social Networks in Policy Making." Annual Review of Economics 11, no. 1 (August 2, 2019): 473–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev-economics-080218-030419.
Full textKirichenko, I. "Finland's Innovation Policy: Sociohumanitarian Aspects." World Economy and International Relations 65, no. 12 (2021): 61–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2021-65-12-61-67.
Full textPogorelskaya, S. "Domestic Political Aspects of New German Foreign Policy." World Economy and International Relations, no. 7 (2001): 91–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2001-7-91-100.
Full textKelly, P. J. "Utilitarianism and Distributive Justice: The Civil Law and the Foundations of Bentham's Economic Thought." Utilitas 1, no. 1 (May 1989): 62–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0953820800000066.
Full textCherkasova, E. "Spain and Crisis: Political Aspects." World Economy and International Relations, no. 9 (2013): 33–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2013-9-33-41.
Full textLiu, Jian, and Abdul Razaque Chhachhar. "Policy Paradigm Shifts of Contemporary Chinese Media." Asian Social Science 13, no. 2 (January 19, 2017): 187. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ass.v13n2p187.
Full textVenckūnas, Aurimas. "POLITICAL COMMUNICATION OF CREATIVE SOCIETY: THE ASPECTS OF PUBLIC POLICY." Creativity Studies 15, no. 1 (March 7, 2022): 217–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.3846/cs.2022.15923.
Full textJotterand, Fabrice. "The Politicization of Science and Technology: Its Implications for Nanotechnology." Journal of Law, Medicine & Ethics 34, no. 4 (2006): 658–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1748-720x.2006.00084.x.
Full textRovinskaya, T. "Information Security of Russia: Political and Cultural Aspects." World Economy and International Relations, no. 11 (2011): 49–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2011-11-49-62.
Full textIvanova, N. "Innovation Policy: Theory and Practice." World Economy and International Relations 60, no. 1 (2016): 5–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2016-60-1-5-16.
Full textDissertations / Theses on the topic "Economics – Political aspects – Policy sciences"
KABA, Mustafa. "Essays on empirical political economy and public policy." Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2020. https://hdl.handle.net/1814/69197.
Full textExamining Board: Professor David K. Levine (European University Institute); Professor Arthur Schram (European University Institute); Professor Daniela Iorio (University of Bologna); Professor Cemal Eren Arbatli (National Research University Higher School of Economics Moscow)
This thesis is a collection of independent empirical essays in the field of political economy. The first chapter investigates the electoral effects of a local public good provision, using a local food subsidy program that took place in Turkey, 2019. Exploiting the variation in the geographical distances of voters to the food subsidy program groceries, I establish three results. First, the food subsidy program has a statistically significant positive effect on the incumbent vote share. Second, the effects of the program are conditional on partisanship. Although the effects of the incumbent vote share do not change across different partisan groups, the effects on turnout are heterogeneous and countervailing across partisans of incumbent and opposition party. Finally, I find that much of the electoral effects of the program come from areas where voters are uniformly partisans of either party rather than from areas with mixed partisan profiles. The second chapter investigates the evolution of class distinctiveness in economic preferences across countries and over time. To this end, I first develop a new measure of class distinctiveness by using predictive modeling. I then estimate this new measure for 18 European countries for three points in time using micro-level survey data. After validating the newly developed measure, I test whether the variation in the strength of class-based voting can be explained by the class distinctiveness in economic preferences. In the third chapter, co-authored with Nicole Stoelinga, we test whether hosting or bidding on the Olympic games leads to an increase in the exports of the host and bidding countries. Previous studies on this question provide mixed findings and typically suffer from empirical problems such as selection bias. We re-evaluate the problem by applying a synthetic control approach. Our results indicate that hosting or bidding on the Olympic Games may affect exports positively or negatively depending on the countries’ initial reputation in terms of trade.
-- 1. The Differential Electoral Returns to a Local Food Subsidy Program -- 2. Class Distinctiveness & Class Voting -- 3. Escaping the Reputation Trap : revisiting the Olympic effect
Ifestos, Panayiotis J. "Some aspects of external relations and foreign policy of the European Community: European political cooperation and defense / security issues." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 1986. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/213536.
Full textMandla, Bulelani. "BEE and Malaysia's NEP : a comparative study /." Thesis, Link to the online version, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10019/579.
Full textPapandropoulos, Sylvie-Pénélope. "Issues in european competition policy: lobbying, reputation and R&D co-operation." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 1998. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/211988.
Full textBROBERG, Nikolaj. "Essays in political economy, migration, and public economics." Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2022. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/74543.
Full textExamining Board: Prof. Andrea Ichino, (EUI, Supervisor); Prof. Andrea Mattozzi, (University of Bologna and EUI, Co-Supervisor); Prof. Frederico Finan, (University of California, Berkeley); Prof. Ekaterina Zhuravskaya, (Paris School of Economics and EHESS)
This thesis in four chapters focuses on political economy, migration, and public economics. The first chapter, joint with Vincent Pons and Clémence Tricaud, investigates the effects of campaign finance rules on electoral outcomes. In French departmental and municipal elections, candidates competing in districts above 9,000 inhabitants face spending limits and are eligible for public reimbursement. Using an RDD around the population threshold, we find that these rules increase competitiveness and benefit the runner-up of the previous race as well as new candidates, in departmental elections, while leaving the polarization and representativeness of the results unaffected. These results appear to be driven by the reimbursement of campaign expenditures, not spending limits. We do not find such effects in municipal elections, which we attribute to the use of a proportional list system instead of plurality voting. The second chapter, joint with Lars Ludolph, analyzes the effects of the migration wave from Central and Eastern European countries (AC-12) following their EU accession in 2004 on local level redistribution in England. We apply a difference-in-differences estimation strategy and find that greater migration flows led to spending on means-tested social care services to decrease in relative terms, while spending on education services increased. Our mechanisms suggest that, because of AC-12 migrants’ young age at the time of arrival, the 2004 EU enlargement alleviated some of the pressure faced by social care spending in England. We find no evidence that spending shifts are driven by a change in the local willingness to redistribute income. The third chapter investigates the effect of ideological distance between EU Commissioners for Agriculture and Regional Policy and heads of governments on the allocation of agricultural and regional funds flowing to member states. Results show that ideological distance is a strong deterrent of funds being channeled. The effects are strongest in pre-election years, for countries providing the Commissioners in charge of the given portfolios, and for countries that are single-party-ruled as opposed to coalition-ruled. These results provide first hand evidence that the behavior of European Commissioners follows similar principles to national level elected politicians and can help the debate surrounding EU reforms and the political independence of its executive body. The fourth chapter, joint with Pietro Panizza, exploits a reform in Italy that granted mayors the right to run for a third consecutive term in towns below 3,000 inhabitants. We employ a difference-indiscontinuity design and find evidence of pandering effects by mayors in both their first and second term at the time of the reform. Results differ depending on the term of the mayor reflecting the importance of the horizon of when mayors’ spending decisions pay off. We also find suggestive evidence of potential capture of first term mayors in the south of Italy.
1 The Impact of Campaign Finance Rules on Candidate Selection and Electoral Outcomes: Evidence from France 1.1 Introduction 1.2 Research setting 1.3 Empirical strategy 1.4 Effects in departmental elections 1.5 Effects in municipal elections 1.6 Mechanisms 1.7 Conclusion 2 Migration and Redistributive Spending: Evidence from Local Authorities in England 2.1 Introduction 2.2 Institutional setting 2.3 Sampling frame and data sources 2.4 Empirical strategy 2.5 Results 2.6 Robustness tests 2.7 Mechanisms 2.8 Conclusion 3 A Politically Independent Executive Arm? EU Commissioners’ Ideological Alignment and Budget Allocation in the European Union 3.1 Introduction 3.2 Institutional Setting 3.3 Data and Empirical strategy 3.5 Mechanisms 3.6 Conclusion 4 Term Limits and Accountability: Evidence from Italy 4.1 Introduction 4.2 Research setting 4.3 Research design 4.4 Main results 4.5 Mechanisms 4.6 Conclusion -- References -- A Appendix to Chapter 1 -- B Appendix to Chapter 2 -- B.1 Main results with controls - full table -- B.2 Local authority spending and funding -- B.3 Spatial distribution of other migrant groups -- B.4 2001 Census variables for matching -- B.5 UKIP results -- C Appendix to Chapter 3 -- D Appendix to Chapter 4 -- D.1 Figures -- D.2 Tables
Siddiqui, Asif. "Microeconomic theory and foreign policy crisis decisions : Bangla Desh, 1971." Thesis, McGill University, 1991. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=60684.
Full textTaylor, Ian. "Hegemony, 'common sense' and compromise : a neo-gramscian analysis of multilateralism in South Africa's post-apartheid foreign policy." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/51785.
Full textENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study attempts to overcome past failings in the analysis of post-apartheid South Africa's foreign policy. In contrast to "explanations" offered by most previous analyses, this work demonstrates that the behaviour exhibited by Pretoria is not immutable or simply subject to the global "realities", but is derivative of the specific historic conjuncture of forces that joined together during the transition from apartheid, and which remain open-ended. The changes in the African National Congress' economic and political policies during the transition period are seen as the key to any attempt to understand Pretoria's post-1994 foreign policy behaviour. This is intimately connected to the structural changes in the international political economy and the change in the balance of international class forces brought about by the neo-liberal counter revolution. Deploying a theoretical framework derivative of the work of the Italian Marxist, Antonio Gramsci, this study situates South Africa's foreign policy in a world where the ideology of neo-liberalism has achieved hegemonic status amongst the transnational elite class - fractions of national elites, representing and reflecting the interests of money capital. Such a hegemonic project informs the beliefs of the Government of National Unity and the subsequent foreign policy activities postured by Pretoria. This study attempts to understand how and why the ANCacceded to the dominant discourse of neo-liberalism and why this must be contextualised within the structural constraints brought to bear upon the GNUin an increasingly globalised world. This accession to neo-liberal beliefs has gIVen nse to contradictions within the domestic polity between contending class fractions and within the ANC'sown ranks. This has provoked a fundamental tension in Pretoria's overall foreign policy, where on the one hand South Africa accepts the fundamental normative world order, whilst on the other pushes various reformist initiatives which seek to re-negotiate Pretoria's standing within this framework. Specifically, South Africa's behaviour in multilateral organisations has been marked by a tactical middlepowermanship role, essentially problem-solving, which seeks to smooth out the international system so that the ongoing world order may function as "efficiently" as possible. Such behaviour has been qualitatively different from the activist role that was expected from an ANC-led administration. Indeed, the activism exhibited by South Africa has been largely centred around the promotion of the liberalisation of markets and free trade, albeit tempered by an awareness of the need to reconcile its acceptance of the hegemonic order, with that of the appeals of a historically important fraction of its support constituency: the Left and labour. Attempts to reconcile these two positions, of promoting "free" trade whilst at the same time demanding "fair" trade for example, mirror the broader contradictions that have been evident in South African foreign policy. They reflect the historic compromise that saw the ANCcome to administrative power, and also the desire by the government to balance its neo-liberal credentials with certain reformist convictions. This has been most evident in Pretoria's behaviour in multilateral organisations. SLXmultilateral initiatives, and Pretoria's role within each, are examined: the World Trade Organisation, the Cairns Group, the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development, the Non-Aligned Movement, the Commonwealth, and the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty. Implications for future South African foreign policy are drawn out, and a critical eye cast on whether such roles played out by Pretoria are immutable, or subject to change.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie studie poog om vorige tekortkominge in die analise van post-apartheid Suid-Afrika se buitelandse beleid te oorkom. In teenstelling met die "verduidelikings" wat deur meeste vorige analises gebied word, illustreer die werk dat Pretoria se buitelandse gedragspatroon nie onveranderlik is en bloot onderhewig is aan die globale "realiteite" nie, maar voortvloei uit die besondere historiese tydsgewrig van magte wat saamgevoeg is gedurende die oorgang van apartheid na 'n onvoorspelbare era. Die veranderinge binne die African National Congress se ekonomiese en politieke beleid gedurende die oorgang periode word voorgehou as die sleutel tot enige poging om Pretoria se post-1994 buitelandse gedrag te verklaar. Strukturele veranderinge in die internasionale politieke ekonomie en die veranderinge in die magsbalans tussen internasionale klasse as gevolg van neo-liberalisme, het 'n fundamentele impak op die aard van hierdie buitelandse gedrag. Met behulp van 'n teoretiese raamwerk gedistilleer uit die werk van die Italiaanse Marxis, Antonio Gramsci plaas die studie Suid-Afrika se buitelandse beleid in 'n wêreld waarin die neo-liberale ideologie hoogty vier veral onder die transnasionale elite klas - fraksies van nasionale elites verteenwoordigend van die belange van finansiële kapitaal. Sodanige hegemoniese projek onderlê die oortuiging van die Regering van Nasionale Eenheid (RNE) en voortvloeiende buitelandse beleidsaksies. Die studie probeer vasstel hoe en waarom die ANC toenemend gehoor gegee het aan die oorheersende neo-liberale diskoers en waarom hierdie toetreding gekontekstualiseer moet word in terme van die strukturele beperkinge waaronder die RNE onderhewig is in 'n immerglobaliserende wêreld. Hierdie toetrede tot neo-liberale oortuiginge het aanleiding gegee tot teenstrydighede intern, tussen strydende klasfraksies asook binne die ANC se eie geledere. Hierdie teenstrydighede word ook weerspieël in Pretoria se buitelandsebeleids aksies in die algemeen. Aan die een kant aanvaar Suid- Afrika fundamenteel die normatiewe basis van wêreldorde, terwyl daar ook aan die ander kant gepoog word om Pretoria se posisie binne hierdie wêreldorde te bowe te kom. Suid-Afrika se gedrag in multilaterale organisasies in die besonder word gekenmerk deur 'n taktiese intermediêre rol ("middlepower role") hoofsaaklik van 'n probleem-oplossende aard, wat daarop gemik is om die internasionale sisteem so glad moontlik te funksioneer en teenstrydighede binne die wêreldorde te oorkom. Hierdie rol konstitueer 'n fundamentele wysiging van die aktivistiese rol wat van 'n ANC-regeerde Suid-Afrika verwag is. Die aktiwiteite wat wel deur Suid-Afrika geopenbaar is, sentreer hoofsaaklik om die bevordering van vrye en regverdige handel, alhoewel gerigsnoer deur 'n bewustheid van die behoefte om sodanige posisie te versoen met die aanvaarding van die bestaande hegemoniese orde aan die een kant en die eise van arbeid en politieke steun aan die Linkerkant van die politieke spektrum. Pogings om hierdie twee posisies te versoen - om "vrye" sowel as "regverdige" handel te versoen byvoorbeeld, weerkaats die algemene teenstrydighede waardeur Suid-Afrikaanse buitelandse beleid gekenmerk word. Die paradokse is tekenend van die historiese kompromie wat tot die ANC se bewindsoorname aanleiding gegee het asook die regering se behoefte om sy neoliberale orientasie te balanseer met bepaalde hevormingsoortuiginge. Hierdie patroon is besonder merkbaar in die geval van multilaterale organisasies. Ses multilaterale inisiatiewe en Pretoria se verhoudinge met elk van die volgende internasionale organisasies word van naderby bekyk, veral ten opsigte van die Wêreldhandelsorganisasie, die Cairns Groep, die Verenigde Nasies Konferensie oor Handel en Ontwikkeling, die Onverbonde Beweging, die Statebond en die Kernspêrverdrag. Daar word gewys op die implikasies vir Suid- Afrika se buitelandse beleid, terwyl daar krities gevra word of sodanige rolle wat deur Pretoria gespeel word, 'n bepaalde onveranderlikheid geniet of ook onderhewig is aan veranderinge.
Tessely, Ruth. "Economic, social and political/institutional assessment of spatial development initiatives (in South Africa)." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/52249.
Full textENGLISH ABSTRACT: The Spatial Development Initiatives (SDIs) became the Department of Trade and Industry's (DTI) official policy in 1995/6 to accommodate problems, such as unemployment and empowerment, through sustainable development. We consequently pose the question whether the government has realised a strategic fit, i.e. whether the initial intention with the SDI strategy has consequently been achieved and, if not, what the main lessons are to fill the strategic gap? This question will be addressed in five chapters. The first chapter will provide the reader with the necessary background information on these initiatives. Before concluding (Chapter 6), the following three chapters will follow the inherent logic of the SDI strategy, i.e. economic investments are crowded in (Chapter 3) through a facilitating and mediating role of government (Chapter 4) in order to solve employment and empowerment (Chapter 5). Each realm, i.e. economic- political/institutional-and social, is evaluated on its contribution to the success of the Spatial Development Initiative. On the one hand it is difficult to say categorically whether or not there was a strategic fit, because the strategic aims were not initially written out in measurable detail. If the aim was to employ and to empower, while strengthening the institutions, we could qualitatively discern only when institutional capacity building (like in Lubombo) was a clear aim, that the resulting effect of the SDI strategy was significant. The employment and empowerment efforts may have been more disappointing than hoped for. But again this is difficult to discern because it may be too early to observe the trickle down effects. Neither is it easy to measure the many achievements that were recorded, and still then, they will probably look very relative because of the immensity of the problem. In 2001 the South African Government acknowledged that it has failed in its empowerment programme, while a Presidential Summit was convened in 1998 to search for employment solutions. Against this background and given that not more effort is made to measure the results of the efforts to create employment, has to indicate that the SDIs have not left behind an impression of having performed well in terms of their strategic aim. On the one hand this was because government strongly tended towards attracting foreign investment while paying too little attention to the subsequent needs of SMMEs. Moreover is there a need for an integrated and long-term development plan that allows rational choices to be made. Nevertheless, the fact that evaluations are commissioned and that government publicly admits a mistake could be the signs of a learning organisation, which again is the start of a positive process.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Ruimtelike Ontwikkelings Inisiatiewe (ROI's) het die Departement Handel en Nywerheid se amptelike beleid in 1995/96 geword om probleme soos werkloosheid en swartbemagtiging deur middel van volhoubare ontwikkeling aan te spreek. Ons stel gevolglik die vraag of die regering 'n strategiese plan gehad het waarbinne die ROI inisiatief gepas het, of dit gewerk het en wat die lesse te leer is? Hierdie kwessie sal in vyf hoofstukke aangespreek word. Die eerste hoofstuk voorsien die leser van die nodige agtergrondinligting oor dergelike inisiatiewe. Die samevatting is hoofstuk ses, maar dit word deur drie ander hoofdstukke voorafgegaan: 'n logiese beoordeling van die ekonomiese determinante (hoofstuk drie), die fasiliterende rol van die regering (hoofstuk vier) en die suksesse, al dan nie, van werkskepping en bemagtiging (hoofstuk vyf). Elke tema word beoordeel in die lig van die vraag of dit bydra to die sukses van ROI's. Aan die een kant is dit moeilik te verklaar of daar 'n strategiese plan was omdat so 'n plan nie vooraf uiteengesit was nie. Indien dit die bedoeling was om werkgeleenthede te skep en om bemagtiging te bevorder, sou mens slegs na enkele inisiatiewe hoef te kyk, bv die Lubombo Plan. In so 'n geval was die suksesse tog beduidend. In die algemeen was die werkverskaffings- en bemagtigingsresultate egter teleurstellend. Dit is moontlik steeds te vroeg om 'n finale oordeel uit te spreek. Op hierdie stadium is dit geen eenvoudige taak om prestasies in die lig van die groter problematiek te meet nie. Bv in 2001 het die regering bevestig dat bemagtigingsprogramme in die lig van die presidensiele beraad van 1998, misluk het. Teen hierdie agtergrond word die indruk geskep dat die ROI's moontlik nie hul strategiese doelwitte bereik het nie. Sedertdien het die regering daarna gestrewe om buitelandse direkte investering na Suid-Afrika te lok deur middel van privatisering en klein, mikro en medium ondernemings te vestig. Die planne was moontlik meer suksesvol. Al hierdie inisiatiewe behoort in 'n enkele langtermyn ontwikkelingsplan opgeneem te word sodat rasionele keuses gemaak kan word. Dan sal daar duidelikheid wees oor die rol en plek van ROI's. Dit bestaan nog nie. Nietemin doen die regering reeds beoordelings van hulle planne met die oog om dit te hersien en die erkenning dat sekere planne nie hulle mikpunte bereik nie, is tekens daarvan dat 'n leerproses aan die orde van die dag is wat tog 'n positiewe begin was.
Noury, Abdul Ghafar. "Essays on Economics of political Behavior." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/211488.
Full textRiviere, Anouk. "Countries, constituencies and parties: three essays in political economics and on the strategic aspects of voting." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/211906.
Full textBooks on the topic "Economics – Political aspects – Policy sciences"
Stone, Deborah A. Policy paradox and political reason. Glenview, Ill: Scott, Foresman, 1988.
Find full textA, Stone Deborah, ed. Policy paradox: The art of political decision making. New York: W.W. Norton, 1997.
Find full textPolicy paradox: The art of political decision making. New York: Norton, 2002.
Find full textArgyrous, George. Readings in political economy: Economics as a social science. 3rd ed. Prahan, Vic: Tilde University Press, 2011.
Find full textB, Stilwell Frank J., and Argyrous George 1963-, eds. Economics as a social science: Readings in political economy. 2nd ed. Annandale, N.S.W: Pluto Press Australia, 2003.
Find full textArgyrous, George. Readings in political economy: Economics as a social science. 3rd ed. Prahan, Vic: Tilde University Press, 2011.
Find full textPolicy paradox: The art of political decision making. 3rd ed. New York: W.W. Norton & Co., 2012.
Find full textBellinger, William Kenneth. The economic analysis of public policy. Abingdon [England]: Routledge, 2007.
Find full textC, Peterson Wallace, ed. Market power and the economy: Industrial, corporate, governmental, and political aspects. Boston: Kluwer Academic Publishers, 1988.
Find full textPietro, Navarra, ed. The economics of freedom: Theory, measurement, and policy implications. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2012.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Economics – Political aspects – Policy sciences"
Kriesler, Peter, and Joseph Halevi. "Political Aspects of “Buffer Stock” Employment." In Post-Keynesian Essays from Down Under Volume II: Essays on Policy and Applied Economics, 100–109. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137475350_10.
Full textFisher, William P. "Measurement Systems, Brilliant Processes, and Exceptional Results in Healthcare: Untapped Potentials of Person-Centered Outcome Metrology for Cultivating Trust." In Springer Series in Measurement Science and Technology, 357–96. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-07465-3_12.
Full textCrato, Nuno. "From Lack of Data to Data Unlocking." In Handbook of Computational Social Science for Policy, 125–39. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-16624-2_6.
Full textKhokhobashvili, Tamar. "Migration Policy Challenges and Management." In Handbook of Research on the Regulation of the Modern Global Migration and Economic Crisis, 223–38. IGI Global, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-6684-6334-5.ch014.
Full textDeeming, Christopher. "The ‘social’ in the age of sustainability." In The Struggle for Social Sustainability, 1–36. Policy Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/policypress/9781447356103.003.0001.
Full textMadai, Sándor. "The Impact of Economic Policy on Economic Crime." In Criminal Legal Studies : European Challenges and Central European Responses in the Criminal Science of the 21st Century, 361–70. Central European Academic Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.54171/2022.evcs.cls_12.
Full textAddink, Henk. "The Principle of Effectiveness." In Good Governance, 141–56. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198841159.003.0010.
Full textRothstein, Bo. "1. The Relevance of Comparative Politics." In Comparative Politics, 21–34. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hepl/9780198820604.003.0001.
Full textDebych, Mariia. "INTERNATIONALIZING HIGHER EDUCATION OF UKRAINE: NATIONAL POLICY." In Priority areas for development of scientific research: domestic and foreign experience. Publishing House “Baltija Publishing”, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.30525/978-9934-26-049-0-18.
Full textHand, David J. "6. Measurement in the social sciences, economics, business, and public policy." In Measurement: A Very Short Introduction, 90–105. Oxford University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198779568.003.0006.
Full textConference papers on the topic "Economics – Political aspects – Policy sciences"
Semenov, Oleg. "CONTEMPORARY SWEDISH SECURITY POLICY: NORDIC CONTEXT." In SGEM 2014 Scientific SubConference on POLITICAL SCIENCES, LAW, FINANCE, ECONOMICS AND TOURISM. Stef92 Technology, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.5593/sgemsocial2014/b21/s4.008.
Full textKutik, Jan. "PUBLIC SECTOR, PUBLIC POLICY AND PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION." In SGEM 2014 Scientific SubConference on POLITICAL SCIENCES, LAW, FINANCE, ECONOMICS AND TOURISM. Stef92 Technology, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.5593/sgemsocial2014/b23/s7.055.
Full textHM, Pahrudin, and Ratna Dewi. "The Political Policy of Muaro Jambi Local Government and It‘s Impact on People’s Welfare." In International Conference on Social Sciences, Humanities, Economics and Law. EAI, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4108/eai.5-9-2018.2281099.
Full textAndreeva, Elena. "RUSSIA AND GERMANY: SIMILARITIES AND DIFFERENCES IN TECHNOLOGICAL POLICY STRATEGIES." In SGEM 2014 Scientific SubConference on POLITICAL SCIENCES, LAW, FINANCE, ECONOMICS AND TOURISM. Stef92 Technology, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.5593/sgemsocial2014/b23/s7.066.
Full textRosoiu, Andreea. "A COMPARISON OF BAYESIAN MODELS FOR MONETARY POLICY TRANSMISSION MECHANISM." In SGEM 2014 Scientific SubConference on POLITICAL SCIENCES, LAW, FINANCE, ECONOMICS AND TOURISM. Stef92 Technology, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.5593/sgemsocial2014/b22/s6.001.
Full textSander, Priit. "DETERMINANTS OF DIVIDEND POLICY IN ESTONIAN FIRMS: AN EMPIRICAL ANALYSIS." In SGEM 2014 Scientific SubConference on POLITICAL SCIENCES, LAW, FINANCE, ECONOMICS AND TOURISM. Stef92 Technology, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.5593/sgemsocial2014/b22/s6.025.
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