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Academic literature on the topic 'Economic regionalism'

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Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 31 January 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Economic regionalism"

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HERRMANN-PILLATH, CARSTEN. "Endogenous regionalism." Journal of Institutional Economics 2, no. 3 (October 13, 2006): 297–318. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1744137406000427.

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For more than a decade regionalism has been on the rise in the global economy. Based on the concept of allocative efficiency, standard trade theory regards regionalism as a form of protectionism. The paper confronts this view with an institutionalist explanation and draws on recent research on the role of specific investments into international market access, uncertainty and asymmetric information in policy coordination. A distinction between regionalism and regionalist policies is proposed. Endogenous regionalism reflects the economic forces of path-dependent comparative advantage and manifests the embeddedness of trade relations in social networks. Regionalism translates into regionalist policies via political entrepreneurship in policy networks that aims at stabilizing expectations about future market access and balancing negotiation power in a multilateral setting. Regionalism is thus presented as the standard case in global economic integration between the two extremes of unilateral liberalization and complete multilateralism.
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Isobchuk, M. V. "SUPRA-REGIONALISM IN THE CONTEXT OF MULTI-LEVEL POLITICS IN THE EUROPEAN UNION." Вестник Удмуртского университета. Социология. Политология. Международные отношения 5, no. 4 (December 13, 2021): 511–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.35634/2587-9030-2021-5-4-511-516.

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Regionalism’s studies in the context of current political events remain relevant for the academic field. However, most of these studies are focused on regionalism, concentrated within one territorial-administrative unit. At the same time, in the European space there is a phenomenon, when regionalism is dispersed over the territory of several regions. Examples of such a world are Transylvania, Silesia, the Basque Country, etc. However, today in political science there is no theoretical framework for such cases. This article offers a conceptualization of this phenomenon, which is proposed to be called supra-regionalism and a typology of supra-regionalisms in the modern world is proposed. Supra-regionalism is a political movement that has a territorial base in several administrative-territorial units, and converts aspects of regional identity (ethnic, economic, political, etc.) into political action, the goal of which is to achieve/preserve the special status of the regions it represents. In the course of the study, a number of criteria were proposed to assess the effectiveness of supra-regionalism. These include its entire integrity - that is, the uniformity of electoral support within the region, as well as the presence of mechanisms for interregional integration and representation of the supra-region. These parameters were developed based on the concept of multilevel control. Among these parameters: political representation of supra-regionalism, constitutional foundations of identity, non-electoral representation, special meetings, representation in Brussels, cross-border regions, participation in European projects. Based on a low-casus comparison of seven European supra-regionalisms, conclusions are drawn regarding the consistency of supra-regionalism in Europe at the moment. First of all, it should be noted that the main (and almost the only) mechanism for the integration of supra-regionalism is party organizations. In general, supra-regionalisms use other opportunities, including the opportunities provided by the European Union for joint representation and implementation of policy in the interests of the supra-region. Moreover, there is a tendency towards a more effective disappearance of supra-regionalisms in the European Union.
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Hurrell, Andrew. "Explaining the resurgence of regionalism in world politics." Review of International Studies 21, no. 4 (October 1995): 331–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210500117954.

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The past decade has witnessed a resurgence of regionalism in world politics. Old regionalist organizations have been revived, new organizations formed, and regionalism and the call for strengthened regionalist arrangements have been central to many of the debates about the nature of the post-Cold War international order. The number, scope and diversity of regionalist schemes have grown significantly since the last major ‘regionalist wave’ in the 1960s. Writing towards the end of this earlier regionalist wave, Joseph Nye could point to two major classes of regionalist activity: on the one hand, micro-economic organizations involving formal economic integration and characterized by formal institutional structures; and on the other, macro-regional political organizations concerned with controlling conflict. Today, in the political field, regional dinosaurs such as the Organization of African Unity (OAU) and the Organization of American States (OAS) have re-emerged. They have been joined both by a large number of aspiring micro-regional bodies (such as the Visegrad Pact and the Pentagonale in central Europe; the Arab Maghreb Union (AMU) and the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) in the Middle East; ECOWAS and possibly a revived Southern African Development Community (SADC, formerly SADCC) led by post-apartheid South Africa in Africa), and by loosely institutionalized meso-regional security groupings such as the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe (CSCE, now OSCE) and more recently the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF). In the economic field, micro-regional schemes for economic cooperation or integration (such as the Southern Cone Common Market, Mercosur, the Andean Pact, the Central American Common Market (CACM) and CARICOM in the Americas; the attempts to expand economic integration within ASEAN; and the proliferation of free trade areas throughout the developing world) stand together with arguments for macro-economic or ‘bloc regionalism’ built around the triad of an expanded European Union (EU), the North American Free Trade Area (NAFTA) and some further development of Asia-Pacific regionalism. The relationship between these regional schemes and between regional and broader global initiatives is central to the politics of contemporary regionalism.
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BORONSKA-HRYNIEWIECKA, Karolina. "Regional competence: changing patterns of the Basque regionalism in the EU." RVAP 89, no. 89 (April 29, 2011): 239–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.47623/ivap-rvap.89.2011.08.

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LABURPENA: Artikulu honek, Euskadi adibidetzat hartuta, gaur egungo nazioz azpiko erregionalismoaren izaera aldakorra aztertzen du. Eta erakusten du euskal eskualde-estrategien bilakaera, eta nola lehengo jarrera probintziaren aldekoa bazen eta elkarren arteko lehia bultzatzen bazuen, oraingoa, berriz, irekia, kooperatiboa eta berritzailea dela, hobeto moldatzen dena Europako gobernantza-modu berrietara. Gaur egungo eskualde-ikerketek eskaintzen dituzten tresna teorikoak oinarri hartuta, artikulu honek euskal erregionalismotik sortzen den jarrera hibridoa aztertzen du. Horren osagaiak berriak, postmodernoak eta nazioz haraindikoak dira, eta eskualdearen ahalmen ekonomiko, politiko eta soziala indartzeko eta Europako kontuetan jokalari aktibo izateko balio dute. Europar Batasuneko eskualdeestrategien norabideak garrantzi berezia dauka Europan sortu den maila anitzeko gobernantza dela-eta, zeinetan agintea gobernu zentraletatik aldendu baita: gorantz, nazioz gaindiko mailara; beherantz, nazioz azpiko jurisdikzioetara; eta alboetara, estatu ez direnen sare publiko eta pribatuetara, eta horrek aukera berriak eskaini dizkie erregionalistei antzeko helburuak lortzeko. RESUMEN: Este articulo analiza la naturaleza cambiante del regionalismo subnacional contemporaneo a traves del ejemplo del Pais Vasco. Muestra de que maneras las estrategias regionales vascas han evolucionado desde un aspecto provincial y de confrontacion a uno abierto, cooperativo e innovador, que se adapta a las nuevas formas de gobernanza europea. A partir de los instrumentos teoricos ofrecidos por los estudios regionales contemporaneos este articulo explora el tipo hibrido que emerge del regionalismo vasco que consiste en componentes nuevos, postmodernos y transnacionales que sirven para fortalecer la competencia economica, politica y social de la region como un jugador activo en los asuntos europeos. La cuestion de la direccion de las estrategias regionalistas en la Union Europea resulta especialmente sobresaliente a la vista de la gobernanza multinivel europea emergente donde el poder ha sido apartado de los gobiernos centrales: hacia arriba al nivel supranacional, hacia abajo a las jurisdicciones subnacionales y a los costados a las redes publicas y privadas de los actores no estatales que ha dado a los regionalistas nuevas posibilidades de alcanzar similares objetivos. ABSTRACT: This paper analyses the changing nature of the contemporary subnational regionalism through the example of the Basque Country. It shows in what ways the Basque regionalist strategies have evolved from parochial and confrontational to outward looking, cooperative and innovative, adapting to the challenges of European integration and the emergence of new modes of European governance. On the basis of theoretical tools provided by contemporary regional studies this paper explores the emerging hybrid type of Basque regionalism consisting of the new, postmodern and transnational components which serve to strenghten the economic, political and social competence of the region as an active player in European affairs. The question of the direction of regionalist strategies in the EU seems especially salient in the view of the emerging European multi-level governance where power has been dispersed away from central governments; upwards to the supranational level, downwards to subnational jurisdictions and sideways to public and private networks of non-state actors which has given the regionalists new possibilities of achieving similar goals.
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Grabevnik, M. V. "ELECTORAL REGIONALISM: CASE OF DEMOCRATIC ALLIANCE OF HUNGARIANS IN ROMANIA." Вестник Пермского университета. Политология 16, no. 1 (2022): 31–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.17072/2218-1067-2022-1-31-39.

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The article analyzes the dynamics of the regionalism strategy of the Democratic Alliance of Hungarians of Romania (UDMR), representing the interests of the Hungarian minority, in the 1990s-2010s. The study uses official policy documents and manifestos of the Democratic Alliance of Hungarians in Romania, official electoral data, materials of coalition interactions and parliamentary debates, along with materials from the Manifesto Project Database. The results of the analysis show that the strategy of the regionalist party is transforming: from the rigid and consistent ethnolinguistic regionalism of the 1990s-2000s, in the 2010s the party is shifting to a more flexible adaptive strategy, which is a synthesis of moderate regionalism and competent positioning of the party as a coalition partner with a centrist social-economic agenda. The regionalist agenda is used by the party during the years of electoral activity, which serves as a tool for achieving institutional opportunities for participation in the national political process (shared-rule). The UDMR intention to expand the party's political subjectivity is not the main aim but the tool and opportunity for lobbying the interests of the regional community. The turn of the Hungarian regionalists from a strategy of confrontation with the Romanian unionist parties to a strategy of bargaining and cooperation is also the result.
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Khorev, B. S. "ECONOMIC DECENTRALIZATION AND REGIONALISM." Soviet Geography 31, no. 7 (September 1990): 509–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00385417.1990.10640840.

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Pandey, Divya, and Tamnna Tyagi. "Critical Regionalism in Architecture with Respect to the Jaipur City." International Journal for Research in Applied Science and Engineering Technology 10, no. 7 (July 31, 2022): 3971–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.22214/ijraset.2022.45877.

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Abstract: Critical regionalism has emerged as an attack on the universal and homogeneous image of utopian modernity in architecture. Critical regionalist theory is used to address the literal imitation of folk style and the importance of a universal architectural environment. Critical regionalism is an architectural concept that aims to remedy sterile and abstract modernism by focusing on local needs, native wants, and potential using contextual influences. Critical regionalism provides resistance to the homogenizing pressures of global modernism as economic processes disrupt and supplant local construction traditions in India's metropolitan centers. This study examines important architectural importance in Jaipur from history to the present day that incorporates critical regionalism ideas into their designs. The many strategies used by regionalist architects to deal with local climate, topography, materials, and socialism complexes are discussed. By focusing on urban regionalist works, the paper aims to emphasis that important regionalism is more than a collection of aesthetic preferences; it is a conceptual framework capable of producing varied types of architecture despite identical external forces coming from similar site conditions. (bahga, 1 May 2019). This post attempts to understand the main theory of critical regionalism as an approach to post-independence Indian architectural practices. The city of Jaipur, Rajasthan takes advantage of these qualities for research. The current discussion of critical regionalism is a case study of two institutional buildings in Jaipur, 20 years apart, with a critical regionalism of from a theoretical approach to a practical approach in two very different approaches. Analysing the translation. Supported by research. These studies will help determine how to translate and approach critical regionalism in more recent Indian architecture.
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Kim, Joongi. "Sub-regionalism, regionalism, trans-regionalism. Implications for economic integration and international trade policies." Asia Europe Journal 1, no. 2 (May 1, 2003): 183–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s103080300021.

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Spartak, A. "Contemporary Regionalism." World Economy and International Relations, no. 1 (2011): 3–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2011-1-3-15.

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The new trends in the field of regional economic integration, as well as the changing trade and the political configuration of the global economy cannot but affect integration processes within the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS). Russia seems to be somewhat late with the project of a “hard” regional integration involving supranational control formats. The globalization dictates economic feasibility of an open trade and this is increasingly becoming a significant centrifugal factor. Our main task now is to complete as soon as possible the institutional phase of the Customs Union and the Common Economic Space between Russia, Belarus and Kazakhstan. Only after accomplishment of this integration project we can start to position it as a full-fledged subject of the world trade policy. Simultaneously, we must emphasize our interest in expanding and deepening the cooperation with the third countries and their groupings, including the RTS format. The same consideration prompts us to be extremely careful and reserved concerning the prospects of enlarging the Customs Union. The only possible Commonwealth-wide integration project format can be “soft” integration. This supposes the establishment of a multilateral free trade area (MFTA) with the elements contained within the modern economic integration agreements.
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Fuentes Knight, Juan Alberto. "Open regionalism and economic integration." CEPAL Review 1994, no. 53 (August 18, 1994): 81–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.18356/17faf3f9-en.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Economic regionalism"

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Kabir, Mohammad Mahfuz. "Trade Response to Economic Regionalism in BIMSTEC." Thesis, Curtin University, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.11937/2185.

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The wave of globalisation gave rise to a number of regional arrangements. The notion of economic regionalism gained importance rapidly in international trade as well as regional diplomacy. The body of theoretical and empirical literature suggests that economic regionalism is beneficial for trade flows and economic welfare, but some studies find it as a stumbling block for multilateral liberalisation efforts. The fundamental analytical questions are whether the groups demonstrate significant impetus to expand intra-bloc trade and whether a preferential liberalisation within theregional arrangement results in non-trivial mutual gains. To address these queries,this thesis investigates the trade pattern, potential and effects of a comparatively newregional group, Bay of Bengal for Multi-Sectoral Technical and EconomicCooperation (BIMSTEC).To examine the trade pattern of BIMSTEC countries, it adopts an augmented panel gravity model. The results reveal that imports of the member countries follow the Linder hypothesis, while exports can be explained by Heckscher-Ohlin-Samuelson theorem. Controlling for behind and beyond the border constraints, the results of astochastic frontier gravity model also support these findings. Such constraints are found to explain most of the total variation in imports and exports. The results also suggest that the highest trade potential, estimated by the frontier gravity model, turns out to be significant. Every members of the group can substantially expand intra-BIMSTEC trade if the constraints are either removed or kept at the minimum.This thesis finally examines the possible effects of an FTA within BIMSTEC by trade policy simulation tools, Software on Market Analysis and Restrictions on Trade(SMART) and Global Trade Analysis Project (GTAP). The results of SMARTsimulations indicate that significant gains can be obtained from an FTA in terms of trade and welfare effects. Conversely, revenue effects appear to be disproportionate. Smaller members like Bangladesh, Bhutan, Myanmar, Nepal, and Sri Lanka would experience proportionately higher revenue loss compared to bigger members such asIndia and Thailand. It suggests that smaller members deserve technical support and compensation to offset negative incidences. The GTAP simulations suggest that only Bangladesh would incur a net welfare loss and a negative growth of real GDP by joining the FTA. The group as a whole would end up with a trade deficit, although India would enjoy a trade surplus. Intra-bloc trade would increase substantially in most of the sectors except for Myanmar. The simulation result also implies that despite some country-and sector-specific negative effects, the impact on overall economic growth would be positive by initiating an FTA.
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Lopez, Gonzalez Javier. "Vertical specialisation and new regionalism." Thesis, University of Sussex, 2012. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/43255/.

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The increased spread in the location of value added coupled with the growing impetus for new forms of bilateral integration are re-shaping international economic activity. The world is becoming more regional and more fragmented but little empirical work has been dedicated to examining the nature of the links between these processes. This thesis aims to fill this gap in the literature. The primary aim of the first essay of this thesis is to extend current indicators of international production so that the bilateral degree of vertical specialisation can be captured. This has been one of the major hurdles in examining the links between vertical specialisation and Free Trade Agreements (FTAs). The comparative static analysis of this first essay reveals that there appears to be a high incidence of regional value chain activity and this motivates the aims of the second essay. It attempts to isolate the impact of an FTA on these flows through a theoretically derived gravity model of input trade. The results suggest that an FTA increases the use of intermediate inputs that are part of a bilateral value chain by 65%. Moreover, the results identify the presence of ‘magnification' which implies that this type of trade is also more responsive to changes in trade costs and income variables. The third essay then looks at how the changing nature of trade affects the formation of new FTAs. It suggests that the propagation of international production alters the political economy dynamics of countries towards favouring further liberalisation. It also identifies regulatory quality and a growing FTA ‘contagion' as determinants of new FTAs.
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Francis, David J. "The Politics of Economic Regionalism: Sierra Leone in ECOWAS." Ashgate, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/3064.

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No
The primary objective of this book is to provide an analytical understanding of the nature, dynamics and complexity of the politics of economic regionalism through the prism of Sierra Leone in the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS). The book also discusses the following issues: the evolution of economic regionalism in West Africa and the conceptual framework for analysis; the expansion of the economic regionalism; developments within the West Africa sub-region with that of the transformation of the global economy and international political system; political, economic and security developments within ECOWAS; and the civil war in Sierra Leone.
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Francis, David J. "Sierra Leone in the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) : political and economic implications." Thesis, University of Southampton, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.264687.

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Westerlind, Wigstrom Christian Ernst Peter. "Beyond theatre regionalism : when does formal economic integration work in Africa?" Thesis, University of Oxford, 2013. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:e814b5ca-83d8-4bd3-bd38-e849d54357b4.

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For the most part, formal economic integration between African states can be characterised as ‘theatre regionalism’: governments sign regional economic agreements with no intention to implement them. Yet amidst widespread theatre there have been a few instances of actual integration. This thesis sets out to explain this variance: under what conditions do African governments implement – and not just sign – formal agreements on regional economic integration? To answer this question the dominant Eurocentric literature on comparative regionalism is amended with insights from the third worldist literature on African states to develop a new approach for comparative analysis, the ‘Regionalism as Policy Space’ (RPS) framework. This framework models African regionalism as a two-stage game. At the first stage, governments’ interests in regionalism are determined by perceptions of the existence of structural cross-issue linkages connecting implementation of regional agreements with the widening of government policy space. Given such linkages, at the second stage, governments of a region engage in a coordination game to establish the distribution of benefits from integration. Variance in the implementation of regional agreements, then, is explained by variance in the existence of perceived cross-issue linkages (the Benefits Existence Condition) and the ability of participating governments to ease distributional tensions (the Benefits Distribution Condition). Four African customs union case studies - the East African customs union of the 1960s and 70s, the customs union of the East African Community in the 2000s, the customs union of the Economic Community of West African States and the Southern African Customs Union – lend strong empirical support to the RPS framework. The thesis ends with a discussion of the role of hegemons and proposes a series of policy measures aiming to reduce the likelihood of theatre regionalism in Africa.
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Hwang, Sun-moon. "Economic impacts of open regionalism within APEC : a computable general equilibrium analysis." Thesis, University of Nottingham, 2004. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.410429.

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Buescher, Amanda Rose. "The Rise of Regionalism: The Challenge of Promoting Economic and Social Integration." Thesis, Boston College, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/525.

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Thesis advisor: David Deese
In recent years, the rise in the formation of regional organizations such as the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) and the Mercado Común Del Sur (Mercosur) has drawn an increasing amount of attention from political scientists and economists. However, countries preparing for entry into regional organizations have the challenging task of promoting both economic and social integration. When preparing for accession into regional organizations, Mexico and Argentina implemented multiple changes in their economic and political practices. As a result of these changes, citizens who perceived themselves to be excluded from the benefits of regional integration formed social movements such as the Zapatista Army for National Liberation and El Movimiento de las Mujeres en Lucha to voice their opposition. This thesis explores the policy changes made as Mexico and Argentina prepared for accession into regional organizations, the social movements formed in opposition to these changes, and the responses formulated by Mexico's and Argentina's leaders in reaction to these movements. I conclude that countries preparing for entry into regional organizations must implement policies which address the political concerns of these groups, rather than simply their economic concerns. Failure to do so will lead to deep social divisions which will hinder the formation and development of regional organizations
Thesis (BA) — Boston College, 2008
Submitted to: Boston College. College of Arts and Sciences
Discipline: Political Science
Discipline: Political Science Honors Program
Discipline: College Honors Program
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Lenz, Tobias. "The EU's inescapable influence on global regionalism." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2012. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:aed07c5f-37a3-4b05-a57b-2ac85cbc12d0.

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This thesis examines the EU's influence on regional cooperation in the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), Mercosur in South America and the Southern African Development Community (SADC) by drawing on concepts from diffusion studies. It argues that conventional perspectives have tended to view different cases of regionalism as independent phenomena reflecting particular structural, institutional or ideational conditions, mainly internal to the respective region itself. I propose instead to conceive of regional organisations as asymmetrically interdependent, in that the EU as the most successful regional grouping in the international system influences other regional organisations in important respects; yet in ways that are ill-captured by the conventional depiction of external influence as a form of coercion. The central question addressed in this thesis is thus: Under what conditions and in what ways does the EU affect the trajectory of formal rules in regional cooperation elsewhere? I advance three main arguments. First, I suggest that given the EU's ideational and material power in global regionalism, it is likely to act as a focal point in debates about regional rule change around which actors' expectations converge when being confronted with an exogenous cooperation problem. This renders EU influence difficult to escape. Second, I argue that there are two dynamics by which EU influence affects outcomes in global regionalism - the EU as switchman and as driver. While the former leads policy-makers to choose EU-type rules instead of similarly viable alternatives given a particular cooperation problem, the latter affects the very incentives for regional rule change and thereby acts as an independent driver of regional cooperation. Third, I argue that, in terms of outcomes, EU influence has been highest in SADC, lower in Mercosur and lowest in ASEAN, mainly reflecting different degrees of material and ideational interdependence between the EU and other regions. Yet, policy-makers' widespread reluctance to share national sovereignty has sharply delineated the boundaries of EU influence in all three regions. I test these arguments across three central areas of regional cooperation: market building, institution building and community building.
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Giordano, Benito. "A political-economic geography of Italian regionalism : the Northern League (Lega Nord), 1984-96." Thesis, Durham University, 1997. http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/5082/.

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This thesis contributes to the debates surrounding the resurgence of regionalism in contemporary Europe by examining the situation in Italy. The main theoretical perspectives of regionalism are examined as well as the historical development of the Italian national-state and the significant transformations it has undergone in recent years. The main focus of the study is the Northern League (Lega Nord) (LN) regionalist political party, which has risen to political prominence in Italian politics over the last ten years. The LN's claims for greater regional autonomy and its attempts to invent an identity for the North of Italy, or 'Padania' (as the LN calls it) have brought to the fore questions about the future structure of governance in Italy. The LN's claims for the secession of 'Padania' are a direct challenge to Italian national unity and identity. The LN claims to be the party of the North of Italy (or 'Padania') but its electoral support is not uniform across the whole of the territory. The thesis explores how and why the party's level of electoral support varies geographically, which involves examining the historical and electoral development of the LN; its organisational structures; how the party communicates its political rhetoric; and how the party’s discourses have evolved over time. The LN is analysed in three case-study areas within Northern and Central Italy in order to understand how different geographical contexts help or hinder the success of the party. The first case study area is the province of Varese, which is symbolically important for the LN and where the party is electorally strong; the second area is the autonomous province of Trentino where the LN is confronted with a distinct set of institutional and political structures; and the third is the province of Macerata in Central Italy where the LN is electorally weak.
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Pan, Shaohua. "Asia Pacific economic co-operation and regionalism in the world of globalisation and regionalisation." Thesis, University of Sheffield, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.299568.

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Books on the topic "Economic regionalism"

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Ahn, Choong Yong, Richard E. Baldwin, and Inkyo Cheong, eds. East Asian Economic Regionalism. Berlin/Heidelberg: Springer-Verlag, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/b105170.

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China and Asian regionalism. Hackensack, NJ: World Scientific, 2010.

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Cai, Kevin G. The Politics of Economic Regionalism. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230277267.

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Plummer, Michael G. Globalisation, regionalism, and economic reform. Dokki, Cairo: Economic Research Forum for the Arab Countries, Iran & Turkey, 1997.

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di Mauro, Filippo, Stéphane Dees, and Warwick J. McKibbin, eds. Globalisation, Regionalism and Economic Interdependence. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/cbo9780511576065.

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Filippo, Di Mauro, Dees Stephane, and McKibbin Warwick J. 1957-, eds. Globalisation, regionalism, and economic interdependence. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008.

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Dent, Christopher M. East Asian regionalism. Oxon [England]: Routledge, 2008.

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Dent, Christopher M. East Asian regionalism. Oxon [England]: Routledge, 2008.

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Mukherjee, Bharati. Regionalism in Indian perspective. Calcutta: K.P. Bagchi, 1992.

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East Asian regionalism and China. [Beijing]: World Affairs Press, 2005.

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Book chapters on the topic "Economic regionalism"

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Ji, Xianbai. "Regionalism." In Mega-regionalism and Great Power Geo-economic Competition, 1–28. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003177067-1.

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Daniels, Joseph P., and David D. VanHoose. "Regionalism and multilateralism." In Global Economic Issues and Policies, 138–77. 4th Edition. | New York : Routledge, 2017. |: Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315277080-5.

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Mistry, Percy S. "New Regionalism and Economic Development." In Theories of New Regionalism, 117–39. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781403938794_7.

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Stubbs, Richard. "Liberalization, Economic Crisis and Regionalism." In Rethinking Asia’s Economic Miracle, 184–217. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-11429-7_7.

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Cheung, Tai-Ming. "Profits Over Professionalism: The PLA's Economic Activities and the Impact on Military Unity." In Chinese Regionalism, 85–110. New York: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429046681-5.

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Puntasen, Apichai. "The Aftermath of Thailand’s Economic Crisis and Some Possible Ways Out." In New Asian Regionalism, 185–206. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230377561_10.

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Jiang, Yang. "China’s Policymaking for Financial Regionalism." In China's Policymaking for Regional Economic Cooperation, 111–48. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137347602_4.

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Spindler, Manuela. "New Regionalism and Global Economic Governance." In New Rules for Global Markets, 235–53. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230524361_12.

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Cai, Kevin G. "Regional Economic Integration in East Asia." In The Politics of Economic Regionalism, 91–131. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230277267_5.

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Harvie, Charles. "Regional SMEs and Competition in the Wake of the Financial and Economic Crisis." In New Asian Regionalism, 96–124. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230377561_6.

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Conference papers on the topic "Economic regionalism"

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Dinetc, Daria, and Mikhail Konotopov. "Trans-Regionalism and Fictitious Capital." In Proceedings of the Ecological-Socio-Economic Systems: Models of Competition and Cooperation (ESES 2019). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/assehr.k.200113.080.

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Büyükakıncı, Erhan. "Economic Regionalisation in the Russian Foreign Policy: Is it Possible to talk about the Eurasianist Model of Integration?" In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c04.00680.

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In this paper, we try how the idea of economic regionalism has developed within the framework of the interests of the Russian foreign policy, which adopted a Eurasianist rhetoric for nearly fifteen years. As the trends of globalisation spread over the world after the end of the Cold War period, the regional integration movements also gained speed with different forms and contents. Meanwhile the countries in the post-Soviet geography adopted different political approaches towards regionalisation and globalisation by taking into consideration their own capabilities and interests. At its own side, Russia was in search of integration within the world economy by trying to implement its own regionalist policies both at the level of the CIS area and with the neighbouring countries like China and the EU. The Eurasianist discourse has no doubt such impact on Russian leadership’s choices of partners and orientations for economic regionalisation. At this point, we want to discuss if it is possible to talk about some “Eurasianist model of regional integration” as a new idea which can combine, at one side, the institutional integration process within the CIS area and, at the other, the strong regional cooperation with the Asian economic partners like China. This model can be also Russia’s answer to embrace both globalism and regionalism by preserving its own hegemonic expectations after the Soviet legacy.
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Erdem, Ekrem, and Halit Mammadov. "Regionalism Tendency in Post – Soviet Countries." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c04.00698.

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We drew attention in our study to two directions of the growing regionalism in the Post – Soviet countries. The regionalism in the Post – Soviet Space has an indecisive character. A group of the country (Ukraine, Moldova, South Caucasus countries) is evaluating the regionalism as a medium of the integration with global markets and liberal world, but the other group (leading through Russia, Belarus and countries of Central Asia) see the regionalism as a factor, which is against the globalism. We made a conceptional analyze in the first part of our study. The second part of our study contents the implementation. The main these of our study “Regionalism processes in the Post – Soviet space” have been researched and analyzed under the title of Commonwealth of Independent States and Eurasian Economic Union. The foundation of the Eurasia Economic Union with the aim of more supporting of the economically integration in the Post – Soviet countries is a very important example of the new regionalism tendencies. There will be analyzed in our studies the phases of the Eurasian Economic Union – Eurasian Economic Community, Custom Union and Common Economic Space in scope of regionalism concept. It will be also explained the strategically aims of the mentioned regional structure.
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Ergül, Osman. "Regionalism in Russian Foreign Policy and Russian Integration Strategy through Eurasian Economic Community." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c03.00560.

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This paper aims to analyze how Russia could develop different regional models of economic cooperation in order to integrate better into the world economy. Russia’s new strategy especially after the establishment of the EurAsEC and its perception of regionalism, especially in the context of EurAsEC, is an important issue. This is valid not only for the specific analysis of the current concept of regionalism; but also for identifying the key variables of both the new international order and the changing character of new inter-state relations. With in this context, Russian foreign policies toward former Soviet republics in the areas of economy and energy have significant effects on the formation of a new world order. This article therefore aims at studying the attempts of the integration process within the EurAsEC that can be defined as a unique example combining both the process of old regionalism with the new one. Thus, EurAsEC is also worth analyzing not only for drawing inspiration from the EU; but also for being the only example declaring its ambition in its founding treaty of customs union to become a supranational integration process in the post-Soviet area.
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Can, Nurettin. "Economic Regionalism in Africa: A Study of Eccas(Economic Community of Central African States)." In 9th international conference on Management , Economics and Humanities. Acavent, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.33422/9th.icmeh.2019.09.995.

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Savrul, Mesut, and Ahmet İncekara. "The Effect of Globalization on International Trade: The Black Sea Economic Cooperation Case." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c06.01374.

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Globalization including political, social and economic processes is frequently associated with multinational companies and investment, international trade and regionalism, global finance and money. While globalization process reduced activity and control of national governments on their economy and trade their place is substituted by international companies. The national economies on the other hand try to keep pace with the change in economic system by deregulating their international trade barriers via regional trade agreements and economic integrations. Based on the assumption that the globalization has liberalized their infrastructure of trade, this study investigates the balance of trade in the member countries of The Black Sea Economic Cooperation Organization (BSEC). The data is collected from international trade database of UNCTAD and globalization index of KOF Swiss Economic Institute. The variables are evaluated using panel data analysis and the results have shown that globalization has a significant impact on international trade and the globalization process had a positive effect on the liberalization of trade in the member countries of the BSEC.
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De Jesus, Letícia, and Paulo Duarte. "The Geopolitics of Sino-Russian Regionalism in Central Asia: Kazakhstan in Analysis." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c14.02616.

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Central Asia is often seen as Russia’s near-abroad. Nonetheless, recent years have shown a more active China in quest for resources, stability, and an attempt to build a Eurasian land axis, to allow a faster connection between East and West within China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). Interestingly, both China (BRI) and Russia’s (Eurasian Economic Union) regionalist projects were launched in Kazakhstan, which shows the centrality of this country in the region. We will focus on the geopolitical impacts for Kazakhstan stemming from the overlapping synergies between both the BRI and the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU). We aim to understand whether this juxtaposition of regional initiatives could be beneficial or cause harm to Kazakhstan’s regional interests. In so doing, we aim at filling in a gap in literature, which has failed to provide a comprehensive assessment of the benefits versus handicaps caused by the overlapping generated by the EAEU and the BRI. Drawing on a qualitative methodology which encompasses primary sources (official speeches and news agencies) and secondary sources (the most respected authors on the field), we argue that Kazakhstan stance vis-à-vis the BRI and the EAEU has been proposedly ambiguous in order to maximize its interests. This being said, the conceptual lens that best serves our purposes is social constructivism. According to it, international relations are best explained by a moderate approach in which states cooperate instead of relying either on a search for survival (as realism defends) or on a utopia of liberal kindness (according to liberalism).
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Büyükakıncı, Erhan. "The Siberian Factor in the Russian Foreign Policy: Economic Instruments and Geopolitical Games." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c06.01297.

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In this paper, we try to discuss how the Siberian part of the Russian territory can present advantages and disadvantages for Russian foreign policy. Situated in the center of the Eurasian geography, Siberia offers many economic opportunities and energy reserves as well as a strategic value for Russia, whose population and interests are mostly concentrated in the western provinces. Long considered as an isolated continent for exile for political dissidents, Siberia has become nowadays a center of the economic strategies of the Russian administration, in relation with its foreign policy perspectives. As an energy source for natural gas and oil and transit corridor toward China and Kazakhstan, Siberia is now supported through governmental policies of restructuration and labour migration. This new perspective can lead to a new policy of regionalism in connection with foreign policy interests. For the federal center, there is an unavoidable correlation between the domestic and foreign policy stakes with Siberia’s integration in world and regional politics.
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Kayani, Farrukh, and Zhongxiu Zhao. "Chinese Rationale for Free Trade Agreements." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c03.00387.

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In East Asia economic regionalism and Free Trade Agreements (FTAs) are proliferating at tremendous pace despite being the latecomer as compared to Americas and Europe. Proliferation of FTAs in East Asia started to spread after the Asian financial crisis of 1997. The East Asian economies were dissatisfied with the way the IMF handled the crisis, particularly in Thailand and Indonesia. Presently, about over 100 FTAs are at various stages of development in East Asia. China is also actively engaged in FTAs like the other East Asian neighboring countries for achieving multiple objectives. In this paper we analyzed the detailed reasons that why China is pursuing FTAs? Furthermore, it is said that FTAs may jeopardize the multilateral trading system. As FTAs undermine the WTO policy of maintaining a liberal, non discriminatory and multilateral trading system by supporting the government interventions and prudential controls. Thus we would also explore that whether FTAs are building or stumbling blocks?
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Gubova, Olga. "MULTIPOLAR INTEGRATIVE REGIONALISM AND ITS POTENTIAL IMPACT ON INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS." In SGEM 2014 Scientific SubConference on POLITICAL SCIENCES, LAW, FINANCE, ECONOMICS AND TOURISM. Stef92 Technology, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.5593/sgemsocial2014/b21/s4.032.

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Reports on the topic "Economic regionalism"

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Wei, Shang-Jin, and Xinding Yu. Characterizing Regionalism in Asia: A Modern Global Supply Chain Perspective. Asian Development Bank, September 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.22617/wps220377-2.

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This paper quantifies economic interdependence among Asian economies and between Asia and the rest of the world using a modern global value chain decomposition framework. It shows that global value chain linkages in value-added terms across economies have grown faster than value-added linkages through final goods trade. Stronger value-added linkages between two economies tends to make it more likely for the pair to have membership in the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership or Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership.
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Bonilla-Mejía, Leonardo, and Luis Armando Galvis-Aponte. Centro de Estudios Económicos Regionales (CEER) : veinte años de investigación sobre economía regional. Bogotá, Colombia: Banco de la República, April 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.32468/dtseru.254.

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Meisel-Roca, Adolfo. Albert O. Hirschman y los desequilibrios económicos regionales : de la economía a la política, pasando por la antropología y la historia. Bogotá, Colombia: Banco de la República, September 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.32468/dtseru.106.

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Guerrero, Margaret. Boletín Económico Regional: Suroccidente, II trimestre de 2021. Banco de la República, September 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.32468/ber-surocc.tr2-2021.

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La economía de Suroccidente registró una caída anual respecto al mismo periodo del año anterior en el segundo trimestre de 2021, afectada por los extensos bloqueos sobre las vías interdepartamentales durante el pasado Paro Nacional. Las principales actividades económicas que más aportan al valor agregado tuvieron una profunda contracción, caso de la industria, en especial de alimentos, papel y cartón y la molienda de caña de azúcar; así mismo, en el comercio internacional cayeron las exportaciones. No obstante, el sector de la construcción y la venta de vivienda nueva sobresalieron por su crecimiento. Los resultados regionales contrastaron con el favorable incremento del PIB nacional, hecho que ratificó la recuperación del resto de regiones y el retraso en la de Suroccidente. Por último, cerraron al alza la tasa de desempleo en las zonas urbanas de la región, así como la inflación por baja entrada de alimentos a los grandes centros poblados desde las zonas productoras.
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Fairlie Reinoso, Alan. Informe de la Comunidad Andina: en búsqueda de convergencias. Edited by Jesica De Angelis, Kathia Michalczewsky, and Ricardo Rozemberg. Inter-American Development Bank, June 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0004278.

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El presente informe analiza la evolución reciente del comercio de la Comunidad Andina (CAN) y de las agendas internas y externas del proceso, considerando el contexto en el cual éstas se han venido desarrollando a lo largo de los últimos años. Y pone énfasis en las necesidades de profundizar la convergencia de la CAN con otras iniciativas regionales, teniendo en cuenta las particularidades y especificidades de cada país y bloque, pero con la certeza de que hay espacio para una mayor integración, tanto en los temas más tradicionales como facilitación del comercio, así como también en la agenda más reciente como la economía digital, el medio ambiente y género. Este documento es parte de la serie de Informe Subregionales de Integración que constituye un esfuerzo del Instituto para la Integración de América Latina y el Caribe (INTAL), del Sector de Integración y Comercio (INT) del BID, destinado a fomentar el conocimiento, la información y el análisis sobre el estado de situación y las perspectivas de los procesos de integración en América Latina y el Caribe.
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Pérez Urdialez, Maria, Ariel Yépez, Mauricio Tolmasquim, Claudio Alatorre, Alejandro Rasteletti, Marco Stampini, and Michelle Hallack. El papel de la transición energética en la recuperación sostenible de América Latina y el Caribe. Inter-American Development Bank, April 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0003214.

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Muchos países de América Latina y el Caribe (ALC) y del mundo se encuentran actualmente desarrollando ambiciosos planes para la reactivación económica y la generación de empleo en el período pospandemia. Estos planes representan una oportunidad única para la inclusión de medidas que, al mismo tiempo que reactivan la economía, también apoyan la transición energética de los países de la región. Esta nota técnica busca apoyar a los países de la región en el diseño de planes de recuperación sostenibles, presentando consideraciones que deben ser tomadas en cuenta para el diseño e implementación exitosa de estos planes. Los países de ALC presentan importantes ventajas comparativas para la transición hacia matrices más sostenibles. Particularmente, se destacan la gran cantidad de recursos naturales para la producción de biomasa, energía eólica y solar. Adicionalmente, las subastas para la adjudicación de nueva capacidad energética son habituales en la regionales y tanto desarrolladores internacionales de energías renovables como prestamistas internacionales presentan interés en el financiamiento de dichas inversiones. Es por ello que los países latinoamericanos y del Caribe tienen una oportunidad única para llevar adelante una transición energética sostenible que además incremente los recursos disponibles para dicho fin. Las inversiones sostenibles para fomentar la transición energética deben ser acompañadas de medidas que amplíen el espacio fiscal de los gobiernos, para no comprometer su sostenibilidad. Para alcanzar esto, la presente nota propone discutir los temas asociados a la introducción de mecanismos que permiten impulsar la transición abriendo espacios fiscales, como mecanismos de fijación de precios de carbono, como los impuestos al carbono o los permisos negociables de emisión de carbono. Adicionalmente, se propone la posibilidad de reducir los subsidios a energéticos con grande emisiones o aumentar la eficiencia de los instrumentos con diseños más focalizados, aprovechando el contexto de bajos precios internacionales de la energía.
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Salas, Humberto. Medición de la confianza empresarial: un enfoque regional desde la Araucanía. Universidad Autónoma de Chile, July 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.32457/2050012728/975520193.

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Toloza et al. (2018) describen una dificultad contingente al indicar que en nuestro país no se cuenta con “información robusta” a nivel regional y sectorial para el uso de los distintos agentes económicos. El autor resalta la insuficiente información para la toma de decisiones a nivel territorial y señala que esta es una limitante y un desafío país, por lo que es necesaria la “creación de sistemas regionales integrados de información territorial” (p. 194) para estos fines. El problema anterior, sumado al dilema de comprender el mecanismo bajo el cual estos agentes (empresas, familias y gobierno) forman sus expectativas, representa uno de los desafíos más importantes de la macroeconomía moderna, fundamentalmente en lo que refiere a los ciclos de negocios. Esto, dado que la gran dificultad para estudiar este fenómeno con mayor nivel de desagregación se centra en la disponibilidad de información (Borraz y Gianelli, 2011). Considerando el carácter social que tiene la economía, su comportamiento se ve influenciado por las percepciones de los agentes económicos, respecto de los escenarios futuros. Estas percepciones guardan relación con la coyuntura económica, la política, el resto del mundo y el marco jurídico en un país, entre otros elementos. Es en este contexto en que los gobiernos y el sector privado deben alcanzar un consenso sobre políticas económicas y sociales que produzcan un entorno estable para las regiones (Después de la crisis, 2010). La experiencia internacional indica que una consolidación y un buen manejo de la política fiscal influye fuertemente en el corto plazo en el “sentimiento empresarial” (Michail, et al., 2018). Esta tesis la refuerzan Bachmann y Sims (2012), quienes plantean que una política económica orientada a la consolidación tiene un impacto potente en la economía, a través del canal de confianza empresarial, con efectos que no deben ser subestimados. Considerando que en la Araucanía este componente es importante, la política fiscal juega entonces un papel relevante en las expectativas del empresariado. Es así como en la región, las empresas, gremios, consumidores, comerciantes, agricultores e inversionistas poseen visiones relativas de lo que podría acontecer, considerando su experiencia y apreciaciones, que son muchas veces subjetivas. Se formulan así, período a período, supuestos sobre acontecimientos que buscan explicar escenarios futuros; a este proceso mental colectivo lo llamamos expectativas. No cabe duda de que estas determinan el comportamiento futuro del consumo, del ahorro y la inversión, e incluso de la orientación de la política pública, al impactar directamente en la actividad económica y, más importante, en la generación de empleo e ingresos de la fuerza de trabajo. En consecuencia la situación en la Araucanía no es difiere del problema de cómo los agentes económicos se forman expectativas y cómo logran interactuar con la estructura institucional de la economía, habiendo históricamente interés de los investigadores por incursionar en estas temáticas (Rosser, 2001). La utilización de indicadores que reflejan las expectativas de agentes económicos levantados por medio de encuestas es desarrollada en muchos países que cuentan con un sistema de estadísticas avanzado. Lanzilotta (2014) establece que los indicadores de este tipo son ampliamente utilizados en investigación aplicada, con el fin de capturar y anticipar los movimientos de numerosas variables, para así dar cuenta de la formación de expectativas y los planes de las empresas. El autor plantea que los indicadores de expectativas elaborados a partir tanto de encuestas a empresarios como a consumidores son ampliamente divulgados, principalmente con dos objetivos: explorar los mecanismos de formación de expectativas e identificar su poder predictivo. Es válido, entonces, examinar la forma en que las expectativas locales tienen efectos concretos para la comunidad y los mecanismos en que estas perspectivas afectan realmente el desempeño económico de un territorio. Es en este contexto que según lo expuesto por Salas (2018), la Facultad de Administración y Negocios de la Universidad Autónoma de Chile —con metodología de la Universidad del Desarrollo y el apoyo de la Multigremial de la Araucanía, representante de SOFOFA en la zona— ha aunado esfuerzos para medir la confianza empresarial en la región, desde junio de 2017, creando así el primer Índice de Confianza Empresarial de la Araucanía (ICE Araucanía). Esta iniciativa es relevante, considerando la escasa información para la toma de decisiones del empresariado local en la zona y que la disposición de esta permite a los distintos sectores competir en entornos cambiantes. Así se busca contribuir y hacernos cargo en parte de un problema general que dejó la última crisis económica mundial. Esta manifestó la debilidad de América Latina y de las regiones para competir en una economía global y compleja, debido a la poca información disponible para la toma de decisiones empresariales (Después de la crisis, 2010).
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