Journal articles on the topic 'Economic history, United States, 1904'
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1
MAURER, NOEL, and CARLOS YU. "What T. R. Took: The Economic Impact of the Panama Canal, 1903–1937." Journal of Economic History 68, no. 3 (September 2008): 686–721. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050708000612.
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The Panama Canal was one of the largest public investments of its time. In the first decade of its operation, the canal produced significant social returns for the United States. Most of these returns were due to the transportation of petroleum from California to the East Coast. The United States also succeeded in leveraging the threat of military force to obtain a much better deal from the Panamanian government than it could have negotiated otherwise.“I took the Isthmus.” President Theodore Roosevelt, 1904“Why, it's ours, we stole it fair and square.” Senator Samuel Hayakawa, 1977
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Rosenberg, Emily S. "Foundations of United States International Financial Power: Gold Standard Diplomacy, 1900–1905." Business History Review 59, no. 2 (1985): 169–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3114929.
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From 1900 to 1905 the United States government, working with a small group within the emerging profession of economics, developed—for the first time—a financial policy toward foreign dependent areas. The policy devised and carried out by this first generation of experts in foreign currency reform—who included Charles Conant, Jeremiah Jenks, and Edwin Kemmerer—sought to bring nations onto a gold-exchange standard, with their gold funds deposited in New York and their coinage denominated on American money. In this article, Professor Rosenberg describes this gold standard diplomacy, suggesting that it reflected the nation's growing economic power; its increasing stake in maintaining an integrated, stable, and accessible international order; the emergence of a new profession of foreign financial advising; and the government's new desire to play a leading role in international currency matters. She concludes that policymakers and economists would build on this foundation in developing the gold-exchange standard and currency stabilization programs of the 1920s.
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Best, Michael H. "Organizing America: Wealth, Power, and the Origins of Corporate Capitalism. By Charles Perrow. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2002. Pp. ix, 259. $34.95." Journal of Economic History 63, no. 1 (March 2003): 283–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050703461809.
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Charles Perrow is interested in big organizations and how they shape communities, the distribution of wealth, power and income, and working lives. Today, organizations with over 500 employees employ more than half the working population in the United States. There were no such organizations in 1800. Referring to William Roy (Socializing Capital: The Rise of Large Industrial Corporations in America. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1997) and Naomi Lamoreaux (The Great Merger Movement in American Business, 1895–1904. New York: Cambridge University Press, 1985) Perrow argues that corporate capitalism was entrenched in five short years (1898–1903) during which more than half the book value of all manufacturing capital was incorporated. The firms were made giant by consolidating the assets of several firms in the same industry.
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James, Harold. "Networks and financial war: the brothers Warburg in the first age of globalization." Financial History Review 27, no. 3 (November 5, 2020): 303–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0968565020000141.
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This article examines the geo-economic consequences of the financial panic of October 1907. The vulnerability of the United States, but also of Germany, contrasted with the absence of a crisis in Great Britain. The experience showed the fast-growing industrial powers the desirability of mobilizing financial power, and the article examines the contributions of two influential brothers, Max and Paul Warburg, on different sides of the Atlantic. The discussion led to the establishment of a central bank in the United States and institutional improvements in German central banking: in both cases security as well as economic considerations played a substantial role.
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Guth, Christine M. E. "‘The Japanese Stand Today as Teachers of the Whole World’: American Food Reform and the Russo-Japanese War." Journal of American-East Asian Relations 28, no. 3 (September 8, 2021): 193–217. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18765610-28030001.
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Abstract Japanese food first became the focus of serious attention in the United States during the Russo-Japanese War (1904–1905), when Japan’s victory over the Russian empire signaled that nation’s arrival as a new world power. This newfound interest had nothing to do with gastronomy. The conviction driving it was that diet and preventative health care in the Japanese military, which had been critical to its unexpected success, could serve as models for the United States. Military doctors, home economists, dietitians, businesses, vegetarians, and physical fitness fans joined this discourse, each with their own agendas. Many participants were women whose advocacy linked the supposed innate feminine propensity for nurturing and care giving with a shared faith in science to solve the problems facing the modern world. All believed Japan’s rice, vegetable, and fish-based diet contributed to the exceptional physical strength and stamina of the Japanese people because, unlike their own, “it was plain, rational, and easily digested, metabolized and assimilated.” More enthusiasm than knowledge in their claims, but this mattered little since the goal was not to popularize Japanese culinary culture, but to reform U.S. eating habits. This article examines the American discourse on Japanese food and health and how it shaped and reflected domestic political, social, and economic priorities in the 20th Century’s first decade.
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Salisbury, Richard V. "Great Britain, The United States, and the 1909–1910 Nicaraguan Crisis." Americas 53, no. 3 (January 1997): 379–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1008030.
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Victory over Spain in 1898 provided the United States with the opportunity to pursue the various options that imperial status now offered. Indeed, under the influence of the strategic precepts of an Alfred Thayer Mahan, the messianic expansionism of a Josiah Strong, the extended frontier concept of a Frederick Jackson Turner, and the now seemingly obtainable economic aspirations of a James G. Blaine, North Americans looked to their newly established imperial arena with anticipation and confidence. It would be the adjacent circum-Caribbean region, for the most part, where the United States government would attempt to create the appropriate climate for the attainment of its strategic, economic, and altruistic goals. Acquisition of the Canal Zone in 1903 served in particular to focus U.S. attention on the isthmus. Accordingly, whenever revolutionary violence erupted in Central America, the United States government more often than not took vigorous action to ensure the survival or emergence of governments and factions which were supportive of North American interests.
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Schoonover, Thomas. "A United States Dilemma: Economic Opportunity and Anti-Americanism in El Salvador, 1901-1911." Pacific Historical Review 58, no. 4 (November 1, 1989): 403–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3640172.
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Butler, Mary, and Charles Carreras. "United States Economic Penetration of Venezuela and Its Effects on Diplomacy: 1895-1906." Hispanic American Historical Review 69, no. 4 (November 1989): 772. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2516124.
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Butler, Mary. "United States Economic Penetration of Venezuela and its Effects on Diplomacy: 1895—1906." Hispanic American Historical Review 69, no. 4 (November 1, 1989): 772–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-69.4.772.
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Cienciala, Anna M., and Manfred Berg. "Gustav Stresemann and the United States of America: World Economic Interconnections and Revisionist Policy, 1907-1929." Journal of American History 81, no. 2 (September 1994): 752. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2081331.
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Zegarra, Luis Felipe. "Transportation Costs and the Social Savings of Railroads in Latin America. The Case of Peru." Revista de Historia Económica / Journal of Iberian and Latin American Economic History 31, no. 1 (March 2013): 41–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0212610913000013.
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AbstractThis article estimates the social savings of the railroads in Peru in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. The construction of railroads made it possible for Peruvians to substitute the traditional system of mules and llamas, although only for a few routes. Using primary and secondary sources, I estimate the social savings for 1890, 1904, 1914 and 1918. Social savings ranged between 0.3 per cent and 1.3 per cent of GDP in 1890, but then increased to a range between 3.6 per cent and 9.4 per cent of GDP in 1918. The social savings of railroads in Peru were comparable to those for the United States and Great Britain but were much lower than those for Mexico, Brazil and Argentina, largely because Peru had very few railroads.
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Carruthers, Bruce G., Timothy W. Guinnane, and Yoonseok Lee. "Bringing “Honest Capital” to Poor Borrowers: The Passage of the U.S. Uniform Small Loan Law, 1907–1930." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 42, no. 3 (November 2011): 393–418. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jinh_a_00256.
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The Uniform Small Loan Law (usll)—the primary tool of the Russell Sage Foundation (rsf) intended to improve credit conditions for poor people in the United States during first decades of the twentieth century—created a new class of lenders who could legally make small loans at interest rates exceeding those allowed for banks. By the 1930s, about two-thirds of the states had passed the usll. Econometric models show that urbanization, state-level economic characteristics, and the nature of a state's banking system all affected the chance of passage. That party-political affiliations had no effect is consistent with the usll's “progressive” character. The passage of the usll in one state, however, made passage less likely in neighboring or similar states. The evidence suggests that the rsf only imperfectly understood the political economy of the usll, and that a different overall approach might have produced a result closer to its real aims.
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Pytlovana, Liliia. "The prohibition movement in the United States: the Prohibition Party in cartoons of the late 19th and early 20th centuries." American History & Politics: Scientific edition, no. 11 (2021): 23–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2521-1706.2021.11.2.
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The present paper has three main objectives: 1) to cover the history of American temperance movements at the turn of the 19th-20th centuries, and their key characteristics; 2) to trace the Prohibition Party history and activity; 3) to do a content-analysis of «Prohibition Cartoons» published in 1904 to support the Prohibition Party candidates to the House of Representatives. Research methodology provides a critical approach to interpreting cartoons based on E. Panofsky’s three strata analysis from the primary subject through conventional subject matter to intrinsic content. Quantitative and qualitative content analysis of images and accompanying texts revealed the frequency of specific themes, images, allusions that authors had used. The scientific novelty lies in studying the history of the Prohibition Party through the prism of its propaganda visual materials, the possibilities of their influence on voters. The Conclusions. Alcohol consumption was a part of Americans’ usual way of life and diet. The American Revolution and postwar economic and financial troubles were the main circumstances that formed this habit. Temperance organizations, both national and local, have been active since the 1820s and were closely associated with denominational groups. Saloons as a source of liquor, gambling, prostitution, and crime were the main objects of their criticism. They also condemned the governmental license system as a promoter of liquor traffic. Lack of systemic funding and propaganda, and the split of 1896 sharply reduced the Prohibition Party chances of becoming a real opponent for the Republicans or Democrats. Content analysis of cartoons demonstrated a range of symbols, allusions, and metaphors, which should influence public opinion. The majority of them called to vote for the Prohibition Party. Cartoons content a lack of emphasis on the harm of alcohol to human physical and mental health.
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Marin, Séverine Antigone. "DID THE UNITED STATES SCARE THE EUROPEANS? THE PROPAGANDA ABOUT THE “AMERICAN DANGER” IN EUROPE AROUND 1900." Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 15, no. 1 (January 2016): 23–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781415000584.
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During a brief period—1898 to 1907—the “American danger” proved a powerful slogan in Europe. Propaganda campaigns were launched that targeted the new ambitions of the emerging economic power. Historians have studied this episode but only as one among many examples of anti-Americanism embedded in European intellectual traditions. This paper insists on the distinctive character of this episode. It refutes the notion of anti-Americanism as the explanation most relevant to this episode and even questions the possibility of opposing Europe to the United States at a time of constant transnational circulation inside the “Atlantic world.” Disputing the idea that a common fear of American superiority united Europeans, the study reveals how people in England, France, and Germany used the “American danger” to put forward their own ideas of the national interest, which explains why the theme did not meet with the same success in each of these countries. Finally, the author offers the hypothesis that the “American danger” was less the expression of fear—as the Yellow Peril could be—and more a rallying cry for economic circles motivated by defense of their sectional interests and by a desire for national union in a time of deep political division.
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Tiagi, Raaj. "Economic gains from migration to the urban western frontier in the United States, 1900–1910: A longitudinal analysis." Historical Methods: A Journal of Quantitative and Interdisciplinary History 49, no. 3 (June 17, 2016): 157–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01615440.2016.1145564.
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Kinghorn, Janice Rye, and John Vincent Nye. "The Scale of Production in Western Economic Development: A Comparison of Official Industry Statistics in the United States, Britain, France, and Germany, 1905–1913." Journal of Economic History 56, no. 1 (March 1996): 90–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002205070001603x.
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We use census data and information on large firms to generate descriptions of structural features of Western industry around 1906. We find that although the United States conforms to existing stereotypes, most other nations do not. German industry stands out as having the smallest plants and firms and the lowest concentration levels both in the aggregate and when grouped by industrial classifications. Equally startling, French levels of plant size and concentration are comparable to those of the United States. We speculate on the importance of these results for rethinking the traditional analysis of industrial development in the early twentieth century.
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Woirol, Greg. "Peter Speek and Migratory Labor: An Estonian Revolutionary Finds the Real America." Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 4, no. 3 (July 2005): 293–313. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781400002668.
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Peter Alexander Speek arrived in the United States in the fall of 1908 at the age of 35, “having in my pocket only 4c and knowing hardly more English words.” A leader of revolutionary activities against Russian rule in his native Estonia, Speek came to the U.S. a committed socialist intent on developing worker awareness and leading the class struggle. After two years in New York, Speek traveled to the West Coast, entered the graduate program i n economics at the University of Wisconsin, and worked two years as an investigator for the United States Commission on Industrial Relations (CIR). During his time with the CIR, Speek traveled widely across the United States, “visiting labor camps, cheap city lodging houses, gatherings of hoboes and tramps in so-called ‘jungles’, interviewing employers and various public agencies.” Speek wrote dozens of reports during these investigations that served as the foundation for official CIR policy recommendations and for a series of popular press articles on current migratory conditions. In doing this work, Speek became a recognized authority on migratory labor issues. Reference to Speek's reports can be found in studies of early-twentieth-century migratory labor conditions, but a specific evaluation of Speek and of his contributions has not been written. Speek's work for the CIR is of interest because of its subject matter and its comprehensive coverage. Speek's work is also of interest because it was during this period that Speek rejected his revolutionary socialism and became a structural reformer, accepting the basic U.S. economic and political system and working to improve the details of its institutions.
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Beauchamp, Christopher. "The Telephone Patents: Intellectual Property, Business, and the Law in the United States and Britain, 1876—1900." Enterprise & Society 9, no. 4 (December 2008): 591–601. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1467222700007539.
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This dissertation summary introduces a new perspective on the legal and economic history of patents in the late nineteenth century. Through a case study of the early telephone industry in Britain and the United States, the dissertation explores interactions between business strategies and national legal regimes, and proposes a revised view of the multi-layered relationship between patents and industrial organization.
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Schorman, Rob. "“This Astounding Car for $1,500”: The Year Automobile Advertising Came of Age." Enterprise & Society 11, no. 3 (September 2010): 468–523. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1467222700009277.
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In 1906, a writer declared that it remained an “unsolved problem whether the automobile is to prove a fad like the bicycle, or a lasting factor in the industry of the country.” A few years later, concerned with the possibility of overproduction and market saturation, auto executives and other commentators were writing articles for the advertising trade press with titles like “Why Auto Production Must Be Curtailed” and “The Fading of the Automobile Rainbow.” Considering that by the early twenty-first century, the United States had a population of nearly 300 million people and an average of 2.1 registered motor vehicles per household, it is difficult to appreciate how uncertain the industry’s status seemed in its early years. Yet although contemporary observers may not have known it, in many ways by the end of 1908 the foundation stoneswere already in place for a hundred years of automotive economic and cultural preeminence in the United States. Two events from that year are well known as harbingers of the industry’s future. In September, General Motors was established, and in October, Ford introduced its Model T to the nation's auto dealers. In time, these developments had a profound impact on American automobile manufacture and management.
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Fridenson, Patrick. "Mira Wilkins and Frank Ernest Hill, American Business Abroad: Ford on Six Continents." Business History Review 88, no. 4 (2014): 791–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007680514000774.
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Arthur L. Honiker, from “Brooklyn, New York,” reviewed American Business Abroad: Ford on Six Continents, first published in 1964, in the Autumn 1966 issue of the Business History Review. His review was sober, yet quite positive: “This is a thoroughly researched, straightforward account of the overseas expansion of the Ford Motor Company during the sixty years from its founding in 1903.” He praised the book's contextualization of “the vast economic and political changes in the world during that period” and “its objective evaluation of the consequences to the corporation, to the United States, and to the host nations from Ford's activities abroad” (Business History Review 40, no. 3 [1966]: 395).
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Phillips, Ronnie J., and Harvey Cutler. "Domestic Exchange Rates and Regional Economic Growth in the United States, 1899–1908: Evidence from Cointegration Analysis." Journal of Economic History 58, no. 4 (December 1998): 1010–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050700021707.
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This article examines one feature of the pre—Federal Reserve financial system that has not been widely researched: the market for bank drafts (the “domestic exchanges”). Though the exchanges existed for nearly a century, critics argued that exchange rate fluctuations exacerbated financial panics. We find, using cointegration analysis over the period from 1899 to 1908, that differences in growth rates across regions caused predictable movements in rates. We conclude that the exchanges promoted efficiency in the payments system. This supports the view that the private sector might have developed a unified national system had the Fed not abolished the exchanges.
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Weinhauer, Klaus. "Labour Market, Work Mentality and Syndicalism: Dock Labour in the United States and Hamburg, 1900–1950s." International Review of Social History 42, no. 2 (August 1997): 219–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859000114890.
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SummaryThis international comparison firstly examines labour market organization, casual labour and work mentality in North American seaports and in Hamburg. By contrast to British ports, these ports finally dispensed with casual labour between the world economic crisis and the Second World War, and labour markets there were centralized. Secondly, the industrial militancy of mobile dockworkers without permanent jobs is examined through a consideration of syndicalist organizations (1919–1921), and interpreted as an interplay of experiences with power in the network of labour market, workplace and docklands. The study refers repeatedly to the decisive dividing line between regularly and irregularly employed dockworkers. National differences in trade union representation and dispute behaviour are analysed by reference to dockworkers' direct actions.
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Burlak, Oksana. "The Emergence of Social and Economic Rights as the New Era in the International Community’s Development: History and Contemporary." Yearly journal of scientific articles “Pravova derzhava”, no. 34 (August 1, 2023): 650–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.33663/1563-3349-2023-34-650-662.
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Introduction. The world economic crisis of 1900-1903, which was accompanied by a crisis in the social sphere and resulted in the emergence of protests among the working class, became one of the significant factors that led to the First World War of 1914-1918. Therefore, there was the keen necessity to form a new international law and order with social and economic components. The League of Nations’ creation ensured its establishment, and the social and economic cooperation of states was concentrated within the framework of the ILO, in order to resolve social conflicts, protect the rights of workers, improve working conditions and increase their living standards. However, the continuation of the crisis was the next stage of the Second World War of 1939-1945 and taking into consideration the duration of this crisis in the XXI century the threat of a new world war in the nearest future cannot be excluded. The instability of international relations is the result of the destruction of the international law and order, which is replaced by protectionism in the form of regionalism. Conclusions. Within the framework of international organizations, in particularthe UN, ILO, EU a set of anti-crisis measures is adopted in order to overcome the consequences of the global crisis. However, they are not sufficient, often improvisational ,and the urgency of crisis management requirements leads to non-optimal solutions. Current legal order cannot be considered without the social and economic rights and activities of the ILO. The organization is designed, in particular, to ensure the establishment of universal peace based on social justice; develop and implement norms and principles in the field of labour; provide decent employment and social protection for all; develop international measures and programs for the implementation of human rights, improving working and living conditions; develop international labour standards etc. The states’ efforts to overcome this crisis should cover all levels of cooperation between states in the social and economic sphere, the adoption of appropriate effective measures, and decisions that would be characterized not situationally, but by systematic preparation for various crisis situations, including more active application of forecasts and different scenario planning. Key words: International Law, Social and Economic Rights, League of Nations,United Nations, International Labour Organization, World Economic Crisis, Anticrisis Measures in the Social Sphere.
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Anderson, Elisabeth, Bruce G. Carruthers, and Timothy W. Guinnane. "An Unlikely Alliance: How Experts and Industry Transformed Consumer Credit Policy in the Early Twentieth Century United States." Social Science History 39, no. 4 (2015): 581–612. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ssh.2015.72.
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Despite the recently demonstrated importance of consumer credit for the economic health of nations and families, little is known about the history of consumer credit markets and their regulation. An important chapter in the history of consumer credit regulation came between 1909 and 1941, when policy experts at the Russell Sage Foundation (RSF) engaged in a national campaign to transform small loan markets and policy in the United States. Concentrating its efforts on state-by-state passage of the Uniform Small Loan Law, the foundation's political success hinged upon an alliance with the American Association of Personal Finance Companies. While most scholarship portrays experts as being dominated or co-opted by industry, our case provides a countervailing example. Far from controlling RSF experts, lenders became dependent on the foundation for legitimating their political lobbying and their business activities. We explain how the foundation built its expert reputation through a process of reputational entrepreneurship, and we trace how RSF experts deployed this reputation as a power resource in their negotiations with small loan lenders.
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Gratton, Brian, and Emily Klancher Merchant. "An Immigrant's Tale: The Mexican American Southwest 1850 to 1950." Social Science History 39, no. 4 (2015): 521–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ssh.2015.70.
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Recent scholarship on Mexican Americans in the United States, relying largely on qualitative evidence, sees racism and exploitation as the major explanatory factors in their history. Using representative samples of persons of Mexican origin, we argue that immigration is fundamental to their historical experience. A small, beleaguered community in 1850, the Mexican-origin population grew during the late nineteenth century due to greater security under US jurisdiction. However, immigration between 1900 and 1930 created a Southwest broadly identified with persons of Mexican origin. Economic development in Mexico, restriction of European immigration to the United States, and extreme cross-border wage differentials prompted extensive emigration. Despite low human capital, circular migration, and discrimination, immigrant Mexicans earned substantially higher wages than workers in Mexico or native-born Hispanics in the United States. They followed typical immigrant paths toward urban areas with high wages. Prior to 1930, their marked tendency to repatriate was not “constructed” or compelled by the state or employers, but fit a conventional immigrant strategy. During the Depression, many persons of Mexican origin migrated to Mexico; some were deported or coerced, but others followed this well-established repatriation strategy. The remaining Mexican-origin population, increasingly native born, enjoyed extraordinary socioeconomic gains in the 1940s; upward mobility, their family forms, and rising political activity resembled those of previous immigrant-origin communities. In the same decade, however, the Bracero Program prompted mass illegal immigration and mass deportation, a pattern replicated throughout the late twentieth century. These conditions repeatedly replenished ethnicity and reignited nativism, presenting a challenge not faced by any other immigrant group in US history.
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McDonagh, Eileen Lorenzi. "Electoral Bases of Policy Innovation in the Progressive Era: The Impact of Grass-Root Opinion on Roll-Call Voting in the House of Representatives, Sixty-third Congress, 1913–1915." Journal of Policy History 4, no. 2 (April 1992): 162–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s089803060000693x.
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The 1900–1920 decades of the Progressive Era constitute a seminal period in American political history, evinced by successful invocation of government authority to contend with consequences of life in an urban, industrial, multicultural society. Legislative precedents established at the state and national level used public power to meet the needs of citizens unable individually to defend themselves against social and economic problems stemming from the brutal, take-off stage of industrial capitalism in the United States. Many scholars view the political transition marking these decades as profoundly significant for the development of public policies, if not for the very creation of the modern American state. This research investigates the electoral bases of national policy innovation in the Progressive Era.
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Poutanen, Mary Anne, and Jason Gilliland. "Mapping Work in Early Twentieth-Century Montreal: A Rabbi, a Neighbourhood, and a Community." Articles 45, no. 2 (September 18, 2018): 7–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1051383ar.
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Rabbi Simon Glazer’s 1909 daily journal provides a window onto his role as an orthodox rabbi of a largely Yiddish-speaking immigrant community, his interactions with Jewish newcomers, the range of tasks he performed to augment the inadequate stipends he received from a consortium of five city synagogues where he was chief rabbi, and the ways in which Jewish newcomers sought to become economically independent. Using a multidisciplinary methodology, including Historical Geographic Information Systems (HGIS), Glazer’s journal offers a new lens through which to view and map the social geography of this community. Our study contributes to a growing body of literature on immigrant settlement, which has shown that such clustering encouraged economic independence and social mobility. Characterized by a high degree of diversity in ethnicity and commerce, the St. Lawrence Boulevard corridor was an ideal location for Jewish newcomers to set down roots. We argue that the community served as a springboard for social mobility and that Simon Glazer played an important role at a critical moment in its early development. It was on its way to becoming one of Canada’s most significant Jewish communities. Over the eleven years that he worked in Montreal (1907–18), Glazer carved out a vital place for himself in the city’s Jewish immigrant community and honed skills that would serve him well when he returned to the United States.
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Veeser, Cyrus. "Concessions as a Modernizing Strategy in the Dominican Republic." Business History Review 83, no. 4 (2009): 731–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007680500000891.
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In the late 1800s, Latin American modernizers faced major obstacles to economic growth. In the Dominican Republic, elites embraced concessions as a policy to attract foreign capital to infrastructure, industry, and cash-crop agriculture. In contrast to Mexico, where concessions were public and impersonal but failed to create viable firms, Dominican concessions were public, yet corrupt, formally opposed to monopoly, yet prone to convey exclusive privileges. Dominican modernizers recognized that concessions created “monopolies that are always a hateful tyranny,” yet found no better way to attract investment. Only after the United States took control of Dominican finances in 1905 were the “burdensome” contracts canceled as an “impediment to future progress.”
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Wang, Xindi, Zeshui Xu, Xinxin Wang, and Marinko Skare. "A review of inflation from 1906 to 2022: a comprehensive analysis of inflation studies from a global perspective." Oeconomia Copernicana 13, no. 3 (September 25, 2022): 595–631. http://dx.doi.org/10.24136/oc.2022.018.
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Research background: Inflation has always been the core issue of economic research and there are many academic research achievements in this field. In recent years, global inflation has intensified, and many scholars focus on research in this field again, providing certain reference value for countries around the world to formulate corresponding macro policies. Purpose of the article: The five-year impact factors are used as the evaluation criteria in this paper, and 1,637 high-quality documents on inflation from 1906 to 2022 are collected from the Web of Science Core Collection database. Using bibliometrics, a comprehensive review of influential literature in the field of inflation is conducted to reveal the evolution and trends of the field. Methods: First, we focus on these high-quality documents about the descriptive statistical characteristics, high cited documents and high impact factor journals. Then, based on the visualization tool, the cooperative network of countries/regions, authors and institutions is depicted and the cooperative relationship between them is determined. At the same time, the most influential countries/regions, authors and institutions are identified by analyzing the citation structure. In addition, through thematic and keyword analysis, the topic hotspots and future research trends of high-quality literature in the field of inflation are deduced. Findings & value added: On the whole, the research on inflation in the United States is relatively mature, and has produced a large number of influential academic cooperation results. Finally, we have a series of discussions on the history of inflation in the United States and policy suggestions. In the future, governments of various countries, especially the United States, will still face certain challenges in how to formulate policies and measures to mitigate the impact of inflation.
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Bértola, Luis, and Gabriel Porcile. "Convergence, trade and industrial policy: Argentina, Brazil and Uruguay in the international economy, 1900–1980." Revista de Historia Económica / Journal of Iberian and Latin American Economic History 24, no. 1 (2006): 37–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s021261090000046x.
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AbstractThis paper discusses the economic performance of three Latin American countries (Argentina, Brazil and Uruguay) from a comparative perspective, using as a benchmark a group of four developed countries (France, Germany, the United Kingdom and the United States). The focus is on the relative performance within the region and between the Latin American countries and the developed countries in the period 1900–1980. The paper argues that Argentina and Uruguay benefited from a privileged position in international markets at the beginning of the 20th century and this allowed them to converge. However, they failed to adjust to the major long-run change in the pattern of world trade brought about by World War I and the Great Depression, which implied a persistent decline of their export markets. On the other hand, Brazil, after having been much less successful until 1930, grew at higher rates thereafter based on rapid structural change and the building up of competitive advantages in new industrial sectors. The more vigorous Brazilian policy for industrialization and export diversification may explain why Brazil succeeded in changing its pattern of specialization, while Argentina and Uruguay were locked in to the old pattern. A typology of convergence regimes is suggested based on the growth experience of these countries.
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Burrow, J. W. "Victorian Historians and the Royal Historical Society (The Prothero Lecture)." Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 39 (December 1989): 125–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3678981.
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SUPERFICIALLY regarded, the foundation of the Royal Historical Society a hundred and twenty years ago belongs to that spate of foundations of academic societies and specialised disciplinary journals, on the continent and in the United States as well as in Britain, which occurred in the concluding decades of the last century and around the beginning of this. Indeed if mere date of foundation were all that counted the Society is considerably more venerable than, for example, the Royal Economic Society, which, even under its earlier title as the British Economic Association, will not celebrate its centenary until 1900, and the British Academy which will not do so for two years beyond that. The Royal Anthropological Institute is three years younger than ourselves, though admittedly it represented an amalgamation of two earlier societies, the Anthropological Society of London which enjoyed a somewhat notorious existence through the eighteen sixties and the still older Ethnological Society. Our Transactions had been published, albeit intermittently, for fifteen years before the first issue of the English Historical Review in 1886. They had not, it has to be admitted, been fifteen glorious years. Although by the mid-'eighties matters were beginning to improve and the names of some notable historians, Acton, Creighton, Seeley, appear on the membership rolls, the productions of the Society and much of its membership were far from distinguished and it still had some way to go to establish itself as a respected institution.
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Rizescu, Marilena. "U.S. TRADE STRATEGY (1890-1909): PROTECTION AT HOME VERSUS FREE TRADE ABROAD." Analele Universităţii din Craiova seria Istorie 27, no. 2 (January 23, 2023): 73–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.52846/aucsi.2022.2.05.
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American trade strategy is defined by a combination of economic interest groups and competition between political parties. In the economic acts passed by Congress the almost infinitely divisible nature of the tariff, which often allowed the charges to be tailored to particular producers, created a norm of mutual noninterference and a process of legislative award in which virtually all claimants could be satisfied. As a result, the American tariff aimed for equality and uniformity in universally applied taxes. The role of political parties fluctuates depending on the interest group. The Republicans, who had an electoral base in the Northeast and Midwest, were identified as the party of protection, and the Democrats, relying increasingly on the traditionally trade-dependent South, asserted themselves as the party of free trade. From this perspective, tariff fluctuations were explained by changes in party dominance. There were multiple rapid and dramatic changes in American trade strategy; after the Civil War and before 1887, the United States was a relatively passive and highly protectionist nation-state. The rates set were high, non-negotiable and non-discriminatory. The transition from America's passive protectionism of the mid-19th century to its active liberalism of the mid-20th represents an extreme turning point. During the period 1890-1909, there was no unidirectional position regarding American trade strategy on a regular or periodic basis. Rather, trade strategy oscillated and was inferred from debates over tariff policy, the central trade issue of the age and the main instrument through which the strategy was implemented. Trade strategy is, however, different and more general than tariff policy; two (or more) tariff acts may differ in their details, but reflect a single commercial strategy. During this period, five tariff acts were passed by Congress: McKinley Tariff (1890), Wilson-Gorman Tariff (1894), Dingley Tariff (1897) and Payne-Aldrich Tariff (1909).
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Bonnell, Andrew G. "Transnational Socialists? German Social Democrats in Australia before 1914." Itinerario 37, no. 1 (April 2013): 101–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115313000284.
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Emigration from the German states was a mass phenomenon in the “long” nineteenth century. Much of this migration was of course labour migration, and German workers were very much on the move during the nineteenth century: in addition to the traditional Wanderschaft (travels) of journeymen, the century saw increasing internal migration within and between German-speaking lands, migration from rural areas to cities, and the participation of working people in emigration to destinations outside Europe. Over five million Germans left the German states from 1820 to 1914, with a large majority choosing the United States as their destination, especially in the earliest waves of migration. By comparison with the mass migration to North America, the flow of German migrants to the British colonies in Australia (which federated to form a single Commonwealth in 1901) was a relative trickle, but the numbers were still significant in the Australian context, with Germans counted as the second-largest national group among European settlers after the “British-born” (which included the Irish) in the nineteenth century, albeit a long way behind the British. After the influx of Old Lutheran religious dissidents from Prussia to South Australia in the late 1830s, there was a wave of German emigrants in the 1840s and 1850s, driven by the “push” factor of agrarian and economic crisis in the German states in the 1840s followed by the attraction of the Australian gold rushes and other opportunities, such as land-ownership incentives. While the majority of German settlers were economic migrants, this latter period also saw the arrival in the Australian colonies of a few “Forty-Eighters,” radicals and liberals who had been active in the political upheavals of 1848–9, some of whom became active in politics and the press in Australia. The 1891 census counted over 45,000 German-born residents in the Australian colonies.
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Teorell, Jan. "Partisanship and Unreformed Bureaucracy: The Drivers of Election Fraud in Sweden, 1719–1908." Social Science History 41, no. 2 (2017): 201–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ssh.2017.8.
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This paper explains election fraud historically in the case of Sweden, drawing on original data from second-instance election petitions filed in 1719–1908. These petitions reveal systematic procedural violations committed by local election officials toward the end of the Age of Liberty in the eighteenth century. By the mid-nineteenth century, however, fraud had been largely purged from Swedish elections, and most petitions instead concerned unclear regulations pertaining to suffrage and eligibility criteria. I argue that this development cannot be explained by changes in electoral rules, the degree of competitiveness, or shifts in economic development or inequality. Instead, the ebb and flow of electoral fraud in Sweden could best be understood as stemming from the professionalization of the bureaucracy in combination with the extent to which elections were partisan. This novel mechanism for generating election fraud is corroborated qualitatively in a within-case longitudinal analysis and from quantitative data on city elections in 1771. I argue that similar processes may explain the rise and fall of election fraud historically in other established Western democracies, such as Britain and the United States.
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Seavey, Ian. "A Tale of Two Storms: U.S. Army Disaster Relief in Puerto Rico and Texas, 1899–1900." Journal of Advanced Military Studies 13, no. 1 (April 26, 2022): 15–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.21140/mcuj.20221301001.
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This article argues that the disaster relief efforts following hurricanes in Puerto Rico in 1899 and Galveston, Texas, in 1900 represent a watershed in American military history. These two cases highlight a critical juncture where the U.S. Army became the lead federal agency in imperial and domestic disaster relief and established a precedent that lasted well into the twentieth century. By declaring martial law, directly overseeing relief efforts, and plugging into existing social hierarchies, the Army and local elites completely reconstructed the political, economic, and social order of both locales. As this was a relatively new role for the Army, they relied on the local social hierarchy as a matter of expediency because of the absence of any existing doctrine to guide their disaster relief efforts. These Army relief efforts culminated in fostering two antidemocratic governments: a colonial regime in Puerto Rico and the first commission-style government in Galveston that upheld Jim Crow policies that were eventually replicated throughout the United States.
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Moss, David A. "Kindling a Flame under Federalism: Progressive Reformers, Corporate Elites, and the Phosphorus Match Campaign of 1909–1912." Business History Review 68, no. 2 (1994): 244–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3117443.
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In 1909, the leaders of the American Association for Labor Legislation launched a campaign to eradicate phosphorus matches from the American market. Because phosphorus match workers often contracted a hideous disease called phosphorus necrosis (or “phossy jaw”), many European countries had already prohibited the poison matches from their markets. In the United States, nearly all interested parties supported legal abolition but found that the nation's federal system constituted a formidable obstacle. No state wanted to be the first to act (for fear of driving industry from its borders), and the federal government lacked the power to regulate intrastate economic activity. This article examines how, in order to circumvent the federalism obstacle, an alliance of academic reformers and business leaders worked to tax phosphorus matches out of existence—that is, to use the federal taxing power as a regulatory instrument.
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IMLAY, TALBOT C. "THE ORIGINS OF THE FIRST WORLD WAR." Historical Journal 49, no. 4 (November 24, 2006): 1253–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x06005826.
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Anticipating total war: the German and American experiences, 1871–1914. By Manfred Boemeke, Roger Chickering, and Stig Förster. New York and Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999. Pp. ix+506. ISBN 0-521-62294-8. £55.00.German strategy and the path to Verdun: Erich von Falkenhayn and the development of attrition, 1870–1916. By Robert T. Foley. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005. Pp. xiv+316. ISBN 0-521-84193-3. £45.00.Europe's last summer: who started the Great War in 1914? By David Fromkin. New York: Knopf, 2004. Pp. xiii+368. ISBN 0-375-41156-9. £26.95.The origins of World War I. Edited by Richard F. Hamilton and Holger H. Herwig. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003. Pp. xiii+552. ISBN 0-521-81735-8. £35.00.Geheime Diplomatie und öffentliche Meinung: Die Parlamente in Frankreich, Deutschland und Grossbritanien und die erste Marokkokrise, 1904–1906. By Martin Mayer. Düsseldorf: Droste, 2002. Pp. 382. ISBN 3-7700-5242-0. £44.80.Helmuth von Moltke and the origins of the First World War. By Annika Mombauer. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001. Pp. xvi+344. ISBN 0-521-79101-4. £48.00.The origins of the First World War: controversies and consensus. By Annika Mombauer. London: Pearson Education, 2002. Pp. ix+256. ISBN 0-582-41872-0. £15.99.Inventing the Schlieffen plan: German war planning, 1871–1914. By Terence Zuber. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002. Pp. xi+340. ISBN 0-19-925016-2. £52.50.As Richard Hamilton and Holger Herwig remark in the introduction to their edited collection of essays on the origins of the First World War, thousands of books (and countless articles) have been written on the subject, a veritable flood that began with the outbreak of the conflict in 1914 and continues to this day. This enduring interest is understandable: the First World War was, in George Kennan’s still apt phrase, the ‘great seminal catastrophe’ of the twentieth century. Marking the end of the long nineteenth century and the beginning of the short twentieth century, the war amounted to an earthquake whose seismic shocks and after-shocks resonated decades afterwards both inside and outside of the belligerent countries. The Bolshevik Revolution, the growth of fascist and Nazi movements, the accelerated emergence of the United States as a leading great power, the economic depression of the 1930s – these and other developments all have their roots in the tempest of war during 1914–18. Given the momentous nature of the conflict, it is little wonder that scholars continue to investigate – and to argue about – its origins. At the same time, as Hamilton and Herwig suggest, the sheer number of existing studies places the onus on scholars themselves to justify their decision to add to this historiographical mountain. This being so, in assessing the need for a new work on the origins of the war, one might usefully ask whether it fulfills one of several functions.
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van der Putten, Frans-Paul. "Small Powers and Imperialism The Netherlands in China, 1886–1905." Itinerario 20, no. 1 (March 1996): 115–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300021562.
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Ever since its publication in 1966, Tussen Neutraliteit en Imperialisme (‘Between Neutrality and Imperialism’) has been the standard work on Dutch policy towards China between 1863 and 1901. In this study the author, F. van Dongen, stresses the adherence to neutrality towards the strong European neighbour states as the fundamental guideline for Dutch foreign policy, not only within Europe but also in the Far East. This policy stemmed from the fact that the European balance-of-power system had been extended to China in the late nineteenth century, through the participation of most European states in imperialist policies concerning that country. According to Van Dongen this adherence to neutrality slowed down imperialist tendencies, as the Netherlands were anxious to avoid entering in conflicts between the great powers, but at the same time the Dutch were forced to ‘play a modest part in the common Western policy towards China’. Whenever the great powers took a united stand the Netherlands must follow suit. So as a result of its European policy the Netherlands joined the imperialist powers in China, although usually careful not to take the initiative. The Netherlands were, therefore, classified by Van Dongen as a reluctant and generally passive element of imperialism in China: ‘the Dutch were at worst accessories after the fact’. Finally he concluded that whenever Dutch actions concerning China ‘savoured of imperialism, this was not the result of a deliberate policy to exercise control over the empire or to obtain Chinese territory, but an almost accidental by-product of the general aim of promoting the Netherlands’ economic interest'.
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Schwartz, Thomas A., and John Yoo. "Maritime Territorial Disputes in Asia and the Relaxation of Cold War Tensions: The Case of Dokdo and the 1965 Japan-Korea Normalization Agreements." Chinese Journal of International Law 20, no. 4 (December 1, 2021): 727–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/chinesejil/jmab038.
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Abstract This article continues the legal and historical inquiry into the dispute between Japan and Korea over Dokdo, an island that sits in the sea between the two nations, by examining the 1965 normalization agreement between Japan and Korea. Japan has argued that the agreement, in which Japan provided economic aid to Korea, settled all outstanding claims stemming from World War II between the nations, including those over territory. We analyze the meaning of international agreements by combining traditional international legal analysis with U.S. archival records, the standard tools of diplomatic history. Our conclusion from these materials is consistent with our earlier work on the 1951 San Francisco Peace Treaty. The face of the 1965 Agreement does not mention Dokdo. There are no supplemental materials to the agreement from the parties that expressly address the island. Under standard approaches to international legal interpretation, we cannot read a text to resolve an issue that it does not specifically address. Because it did not seek to change the legal status of the island, the 1965 Agreement merely requires that the analysis fall back to the 1951 San Francisco Peace Treaty, which itself did not seek to change the status quo as it existed before 1905. American diplomatic materials confirm this reading of the 1965 Agreement. The United States played an all-important role in Asian security affairs. After the Korean War, U.S. leaders in the Eisenhower, Kennedy, and Johnson administrations wanted Korea and Japan to cooperate on security issues. American leaders believed that rehabilitating Japan and encouraging Japanese aid to Korea would reduce U.S. defense burdens in Asia and support more self-sufficiency on the part of its two closest Asian allies. The U.S. sought to defer any issues that might disrupt an agreement. The United States had pursued a similar kick-the-can-down-the-road strategy in the 1951 Peace Treaty. Dokdo became one of those intractable issues that the United States successfully excluded from the 1965 Agreement and left its resolution to the future.
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Uhlman, James Todd. "Dispatching Anglo-Saxonism: Whiteness and the Crises of American Racial Identity in Richard Harding Davis's Reports on the Boer War." Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 19, no. 1 (November 5, 2019): 19–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781419000434.
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AbstractU.S. opinion of the Second Boer War (1899–1902) was highly divided. The debate over the war served as a proxy for fights over domestic issues of immigration, inequality, and race. Anglo-American Republicans’ support for the British was undergirded by belief in Anglo-Saxon racial superiority. Caucasian but non-Anglo Democrats and Populists disputed the Anglo-Saxonist assumptions and explicitly equated the plight of the Boers to the racial and economic inequalities they faced in the United States. They utilized Anglophobia, republican ideology, and anti-modernist jeremiads to discredit their opponents and to elevate an alternative racial fiction: universal whiteness. Reports written by the celebrity journalist Richard Harding Davis while covering the Boer War, along with a wide array of other sources, illustrate the discursive underpinning of the debate. They also suggest the effectiveness of the pro-Boer argument in reshaping the racial opinions of some Anglo-Saxon elites. Although Davis arrived in South Africa a staunch supporter of transatlantic Anglo-Saxonism, he came to link the Boers with the republican values and frontier heritage associated with the U.S.’ own history. The equation of the South African Republic's resistance against the British Empire with that of the U.S.’ own war of independence highlighted contradictions between Anglo-Saxonism and American exceptionalism. As a result, Anglo-Saxonism was weakened. Davis and others increasingly embraced a notion of racial identity focused on color. Thus, public reaction to the Boer War contributed to the ongoing rise of a new wave of herrenvolk democratic beliefs centered on a vision of white racial hybridity across the social and political divisions separating Americans of European descent.
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Zhabskiy, M., and K. Tarasov. "Globalization of Cinematographic Communication." International Trends / Mezhdunarodnye protsessy 20, no. 3 (June 5, 2023): 28–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.17994/it.2022.20.3.70.4.
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The article examines the globalization – in its Americanization format – of the international cinematic communication within the perspective of the cultural diversity issue. The globalization process is comprehended as a result of the historical succession of market formations: from free competition in American cinema to an oligopoly and on to a national and an international monopoly. During the period of polipoly, the trail for globalization was blazed by the grande dame of the cinématographe: France. The United States, where in 1908 the market share of French films equaled 70%, mounted a resolute challenge. Under consideration are three factors – institutional, geopolitical, and creative – of the loss by the French of their domination over the American and, then, their own market. To the soft power of American cinema, the French state responded with the quota stimulation for the exhibition of national films, motivating it, among other things, by the necessity of providing for the external and internal security of the state, by the guardianship of customs and national traditions. To the quotas as a means of mitigating the soft power of the United States did recourse some other countries too: larger ones, for economic considerations; smaller ones, for cultural. The globalizational might of the American film industry is explained through the rational choice of the main line for its stylistic development and the filmmakers’ masterfulness, as well as through the professionalism of managemental and marketing actors, investment from big capital, and through support from government in its push for the «cultural hegemony» of the United States. The major studios that emerged during the period of oligopoly (1909– 1929) competed with one another on the terms of a certain accord. With the means of competing by supercostly investments, far beyond the capabilities of smaller studios, the majors established for the domestic market a regime of national monopoly (1930–1946). On the world market the elected method of competition enabled the American film industry, in the second half of the 1940s, to gain the position of the international monopolist. An important role in the process was played by Motion Picture Export Association, established in 1945: a sort of «a diplomatic service» that functioned with permission from and under the support of the U.S. government. From its position of the global monopolist the American film industry strives not only to dominate in the intercultural cinematic communication, but, in this status and as a means of the popular geopolitics, to control it through lobbying and by exporting capital and goods. The transborder circulation of products by various national cinemas and cultural diversity of cinematography have largely fallen prey the globalization process. On the basis of vast factual research is recreated the state of the art for the imbalance in the intercultural film communication. When, in a socialfunctional respect, the importing of films mainly supplants their production in a certain country, the socium, by a large magnitude, is deprived of the chance to reproduce its culture and, accordingly, its identity with the means of depicting its own image and of mastering it. The making of national cinematic picture of the world and its integration into the communicative process becomes a topical task of providing for cultural diversity.
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Bross, Benjamin A. "Embodied Contradictions and Post-Industrial Built Environments." Enquiry The ARCC Journal for Architectural Research 20, no. 1 (August 31, 2023): 20–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.17831/enqarcc.v20i1.1186.
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In October of 2004, the Museo de Medicina Laboral (Museum of Labor Medicine), opened to the public in Real del Monte, State of Hidalgo, Mexico. The museum, located on the grounds of what had been the Hospital Minero (Mining Hospital), was a building complex conceived, built, and operationalized at the height of Mexico’s Industrial Revolution and the region’s only medical facility specializing in the healthcare needs of miners and their families. Utilizing historical analysis, the hospital reveals contradictions frequently embodied by the era’s Modernist built environments. Inaugurated in 1907, the hospital was the culmination of the United States Smelting Refining and Mining Company (USSRMC) and its Mexican subsidiary, Compañía Real del Monte y Pachuca’s (CRMyP) efforts to bring healthcare to its employees while maximizing production. On one hand, the hospital’s design and operation expressed an optimism wrought by the dissemination of positivist and utilitarian philosophies and economic growth spurred by technological innovation; on the other, growing wealth inequality and deteriorating, often brutal, labor conditions. Nearly 120 years later, the hospital again embodies a global reality. In contemporary post-industrialist economies, once these built environments cease being productive, they are usually abandoned or demolished; only a few are transformed and repositioned for other uses. As the region’s mining industry ceased productivity, the hospital was first abandoned and later rescued by a newly privatized enterprise that donated the medical building complex to a non-for-profit civil association focused on mining heritage. Now the Museum, an architectural expression that fused global and local economic, technological, and aesthetic sensibilities, has become an example of commodified didactic heritage.
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Gaines, Stanley O. "W. E. B. Du Bois on Brown v. Board of Education." Ethnic Studies Review 27, no. 1 (January 1, 2004): 23–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/esr.2004.27.1.23.
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The 1960s have been described as the “civil rights decade” in American history. Few scholar-activists have been identified as strongly with the legal, social, economic, and political changes culminating in the 1960s as has African American historian, sociologist, psychologist W. E. B. Du Bois. Inexplicably, in 2003, the 100-year anniversary of Du Bois' classic, The Souls of Black Folk (1903), came and went with little fanfare within or outside of academia. However, in 2004, the 50-year anniversary of the initial U. S. Supreme Court decision in Brown v. Board of Education (1954) presents an opportunity for ethnic studies in general, and Black studies in particular, to acknowledge the intellectual and political contributions of Du Bois to the civil rights movement in the United States. In the post-Civil Rights Era, some authors have suggested that Du Bois opposed the initial Brown v. Board of Education (1954) ruling. In contrast, I observe in the present paper that Du Bois (1957) opposed the U. S. Supreme Court's subsequent (1955) ruling that invoked the much-criticized term “with all deliberate speed,” rather than the initial (1954) ruling that rendered the “separate but equal” doctrine unconstitutional. Moreover, I contend that Du Bois' own values and attitudes were fully consistent with his position on the (1954, 1955) decisions.
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Narotzki, Doron, and Tamir Shanan. "Corporate Income Tax: We Tried the Stick, How About the Carrot?" Michigan Business & Entrepreneurial Law Review, no. 12.1 (2023): 45. http://dx.doi.org/10.36639/mbelr.12.1.corporate.
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Due to their ongoing focus on tax planning and continuous efforts to find new tax minimization strategies, multinational corporations have not been paying their fair share of taxes for a long time. As a result, the federal government is unable to generate much revenue through taxes levied on corporations. The government’s response to this problem has always been the same: introduce new tax laws and regulations, revise old tax laws to close “loopholes,” and hope that this will solve corporate tax evasion. For decades, this approach has failed. This Article examines the history of the corporate income tax in the United States and the parallel evolution of an industry dedicated to helping corporations avoid those taxes. This Article finds that the development of this industry has had significant influence on the federal government’s decisions with respect to how it taxes corporations, usually opting to adopt anti-abuse, -avoidance rules in an effort to crack down on perceived bad actors. These policy choices, though, have had little success over the years. Instead, tax revenue generated from large-scale corporate groups has been modest, and there appears to be a consensus that these entities don’t pay their fair share. We propose a different course. Instead of anti-abuse and -avoidance rules, the tax code should use tax and other economic incentives to encourage entrepreneurs and corporations to invest in the domestic economy. Economic activity creates positive externalities in the domestic economy specifically and United States generally. Congress should amend the tax code to better allocate the proceeds of these positive externalities between the Internal Revenue Service, corporations, and stakeholders. Since the Internal Revenue Code for corporations was enacted in 1909, Congress has attempted to block abusive tax planning. However, its chosen method–deterrence– has had little positive impact on the U.S. economy. In many instances, deterrence has even had a negative impact, encouraging corporations to shutter their U.S. plants and dismiss hundreds of thousands of American employees in favor of foreign operations. Such legislative measures have “trapped” billions of dollars overseas by making the distribution of these profits to U.S. shareholders too costly. Instead, Congress should adopt tax incentives that balance the positive externalities of economic activity on local communities with the need to protect small- and medium-sized businesses’ ability to compete with the entities that will be most advantaged by these favorable incentives. This approach would reduce the advantages built-in to existing complex corporate structures that enable the largest corporations to easily shift revenue and profits to lower-tax jurisdictions. This approach, however, does not jeopardize recent attempts to set a global minimum tax aimed at reducing the tax incentive driving corporations to move operations overseas in search of a lower tax rate. Instead, this Article’s recommendation focuses on rewarding the positive externalities such operations create for domestic communities.
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ODELL, KERRY A., and MARC D. WEIDENMIER. "Real Shock, Monetary Aftershock: The 1906 San Francisco Earthquake and the Panic of 1907." Journal of Economic History 64, no. 4 (December 2004): 1002–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050704043062.
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In April 1906 the San Francisco earthquake and fire caused damage equal to more than 1 percent of GNP. Although the real effect of this shock was localized, it had an international financial impact: large amounts of gold flowed into the country in autumn 1906 as foreign insurers paid claims on their San Francisco policies out of home funds. This outflow prompted the Bank of England to discriminate against American finance bills and, along with other European central banks, to raise interest rates. These policies pushed the United States into recession and set the stage for the Panic of 1907.San Francisco's $200,000,000 “ash heap” involves complications which will be felt on all financial markets for many months to come [and] the payment of losses sustained … represents a financial undertaking of far-reaching magnitude….The Financial Times [London], 6 July 1906
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Nebrat, Victoria. "American political and economic doctrine in post-war reconstruction of Europe (the second half of the 1940s – early 1950s): historical lessons for Ukraine." Ìstorìâ narodnogo gospodarstva ta ekonomìčnoï dumki Ukraïni 2022, no. 55 (December 10, 2022): 9–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.15407/ingedu2022.55.009.
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In the context of the current tasks facing Ukraine as a result of the ongoing armed aggression of the Russian Federation and growing human losses and destruction of economic potential, it is important to rethink the historical experience of reconstruction plans and foreign aid to European countries in the second half of the 1940s – early 1950s. The purpose of the article is to assess the possibilities and reservations regarding the provision of large-scale foreign aid to Ukraine based on a study of the setting and implementation of the goals of the US foreign economic policy during the reconstruction of Europe after World War II. General scientific approaches of interdisciplinarity, synergetics and evolutionism, methods of empirical history, hermeneutic analysis of historical documents, and a systemic approach to generalizing economic trends and determining cause-and-effect relationships are used. It was established that the prerequisites for the provision of foreign aid were strong mutual interest: the US economy needed market expansion, and European countries needed humanitarian aid and restoration of economic potential. The political determinants of the development of post-war reconstruction projects were opposition to Soviet expansion and socialist ideology, which was gaining popularity. The ideas of spreading the principles of democracy and free trade, promoting investments, and stabilizing economies for general security and development served as the doctrinal basis of the US foreign policy. The principles of American aid envisaged ensuring the growing self-sufficiency of the economic revival of Europe; receiving dividends from reconstruction assistance; stimulation of technological renewal of the US economy. The organizational, financial, and technological components of the post-war reconstruction plans ensured the achievement of the main goals – restoration of production, modernization of infrastructure, stabilization of finances and international settlements. The formed institutional structure of economic cooperation and management of post-war recovery contributed to the realization of the objective function of providing foreign aid - the return to self-sustaining economic development of Europe and the expansion of the area of the free market for the international movement of goods and capital. The criteria for achieving the goals of the United States, which were established during the development of plans for assistance in the post-war reconstruction of European countries, are defined as: creation of new markets for American goods, return of investments and receipt of income; ensuring high rates of economic growth both in the USA and in the countries of Western Europe; reduction of investment risks; technological renewal of production; reduction of trade barriers in international trade; institutional support for US global leadership; effective opposition to the Soviet bloc and the international communist movement. The effectiveness of American plans and measures of post-war reconstruction as a way of forming a new institutional order of the world economy has been confirmed. Based on the analysis of the historical experience of foreign aid in the post-war reconstruction of European countries, the main lessons for modern Ukraine are summarized: 1) donor countries should be economically interested in providing aid; 2) Ukraine must develop and implement institutional-legal and organizational-management mechanisms for realizing its own economic interests and defending national priorities.
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Klotzbach, Philip J., Michael M. Bell, Steven G. Bowen, Ethan J. Gibney, Kenneth R. Knapp, and Carl J. Schreck. "Surface Pressure a More Skillful Predictor of Normalized Hurricane Damage than Maximum Sustained Wind." Bulletin of the American Meteorological Society 101, no. 6 (June 1, 2020): E830—E846. http://dx.doi.org/10.1175/bams-d-19-0062.1.
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Abstract Atlantic hurricane seasons have a long history of causing significant financial impacts, with Harvey, Irma, Maria, Florence, and Michael combining to incur more than 345 billion USD in direct economic damage during 2017–2018. While Michael’s damage was primarily wind and storm surge-driven, Florence’s and Harvey’s damage was predominantly rainfall and inland flood-driven. Several revised scales have been proposed to replace the Saffir–Simpson Hurricane Wind Scale (SSHWS), which currently only categorizes the hurricane wind threat, while not explicitly handling the totality of storm impacts including storm surge and rainfall. However, most of these newly-proposed scales are not easily calculated in real-time, nor can they be reliably calculated historically. In particular, they depend on storm wind radii, which remain very uncertain. Herein, we analyze the relationship between normalized historical damage caused by continental United States (CONUS) landfalling hurricanes from 1900–2018 with both maximum sustained wind speed (Vmax) and minimum sea level pressure (MSLP). We show that MSLP is a more skillful predictor of normalized damage than Vmax, with a significantly higher rank correlation between normalized damage and MSLP (rrank = 0.77) than between normalized damage and Vmax (rrank = 0.66) for all CONUS landfalling hurricanes. MSLP has served as a much better predictor of hurricane damage in recent years than Vmax, with large hurricanes such as Ike (2008) and Sandy (2012) causing much more damage than anticipated from their SSHWS ranking. MSLP is also a more accurately-measured quantity than is Vmax, making it an ideal quantity for evaluating a hurricane’s potential damage.
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Sabet, Amr. "From Wealth to Power." American Journal of Islam and Society 17, no. 1 (April 1, 2000): 117–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v17i1.2082.
Full textAbstract:
From Wealth to Power is a study in the social and historical dynamics contributingto the rise and fall of essential actors in the international system. Itattempts to join history with social sciences theory in order to shed light onbroad theoretical topics in world politics, such as the rise of new great powers.In so doing it seeks to add to the body of scholarship that combined the studyof state structure with traditional international relations theory. The particularfocus is on the expansive rise of the United States, not only to world prominence,but also as a modem state. American foreign policy during the period1865-1908 is examined in light of changes in the state structure along the fourmajor variables- scope, autonomy, coherence, and capacity (p. 40)- touchingupon that country's domestic and administrative development.The first of the six chapters of the book poses the main questions that Zakariaattempts to address: ''What turns rich nations into 'great powers'?'' "Why, as states grow increasingly wealthy, do they build large annies, entangle themselvesin politics beyond their borders, and seek international influence?""What factors speed or retard the translation of material resources into politicalinterests?" (p. 3) and finally, "Under what conditions do states expand theirpolitical interests abroad?" (p. 18). Such questions visualize, on the one hand,a strong and direct correlation between great powers' economic rise and falland their growth or decline. Anomalies, on the other hand, are explained as a"Dutch disease," or the malady that does not allow "a nation of unequalledindividual prosperity and commercial prowess from remaining a state of greatinfluence and power" (pp. 4-5). The latter, Zakaria claims, was an Americanaffliction during the second half of the nineteenth century. This was particularlytrue during the relatively long period of nonexpansion and isolation followingthe Civil War (1860--64). Despite a tremendous increase in wealth, productivity,and power, it was not until the 1890s that the US began expandingagain. Zakaria considers this to be an aberration, reflecting a "highly unusualgap between power and interests" that lasted for some thirty years (p. 5). Anexplanation, according to him, would not only require a full historical account,but also "first-cut theories" which clarify national behavior (p. 8) ...
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Sabet, Amr. "From Wealth to Power." American Journal of Islam and Society 18, no. 4 (October 1, 2001): 149–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v18i4.1988.
Full textAbstract:
From Wealth to Power is a study in the social and historical dynamicscontributing to the rise and fall of essential actors in the internationalsystem. It attempts to join history with social science theory in order to shedlight on broad theoretical topics in world politics, such as the rise of newgreat powers. In so doing it seeks to add to the body of scholarship whichcombines the study of state structure with traditional international relationstheory. The particular focus is on the expansive rise of the United States,not only to world prominence, but also as a modem state. American foreignpolicy during the period 1865-1908 is examined in light of changes inthe state structure along the four major variables: scope, autonomy,coherence and capacity, touching upon that country's domestic and administrativedevelopment.
The first of the six chapters of the book poses the main questionswhich Zakaria attempts to address: "What turns rich nations into 'greatpowers?' I' "Why, as states grow increasingly wealthy, do they build largearmies, entangle themselves in politics beyond their borders, and seekinternational influence?" "What factors speed or retard the translation ofmaterial resources into political interests?", and finally, "Under whatconditions do states expand their political interests abroad?'' Such questionsvisualize, on the one hand, a strong and direct correlation between greatpowers' economic rise and fall and their growth or decline. Anomalies, onthe other hand, are explained as a "Dutch disease," or the malady whichdoes not allow "a nation of unequalled individual prosperity and commercialprowess to remain in a state of great influence and power." The latter,zakaria claims, was an American affliction during the second half of thenineteenth century. This was particularly true during the relatively longperiod of non-expansion and isolation following the Civil War (1860-64).Despite a tremendous increase in wealth, productivity and power, it was notuntil the 1890s that the US began expanding again. Zakaria considers thisto be an aberration, reflecting a "highly unusual gap between power andinterests," that lasted for some thirty years. An explanation, according tohim, would not only require a full historical account, but more so, "first cuttheories" which clarify national behavior ...
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Gaido, Daniel. "Archive Marxism and the Union Bureaucracy: Karl Kautsky on Samuel Gompers and the German Free Trade Unions." Historical Materialism 16, no. 3 (2008): 115–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156920608x315266.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractThis work is a companion piece to ‘The American Worker’, Karl Kautsky's reply to Werner Sombart's Why Is There No Socialism in the United States? (1906), first published in English in the November 2003 edition of this journal. In August 1909 Kautsky wrote an article on Samuel Gompers, the president of the American Federation of Labor, on the occasion of the latter's first European tour. The article was not only a criticism of Gompers's anti-socialist ‘pure-and-simple’ unionism but also part of an ongoing battle between the revolutionary wing of German Social Democracy and the German trade-union officials. In this critical English edition we provide the historical background to the document as well as an overview of the issues raised by Gompers' visit to Germany, such as the bureaucratisation and increasing conservatism of the union leadership in both Germany and the United States, the role of the General Commission of Free Trade Unions in the abandonment of Marxism by the German Social-Democratic Party and the socialists' attitude toward institutions promoting class collaboration like the National Civic Federation.