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Mossmann, Jannis. "Corporate social responsibility in the modern world-system - a case study of German Automobile Corporations’ social and environmental responsibilities in South Africa." Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/4231.
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Dittberner, Kajsa, and Emelie Åström. "The complexity of operating in a country rich in resources, yet constrained by its core : A qualitative case study of the South African business environment and how Swedish SMEs establishment are affected by economic and political changes." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för marknadsföring (MF), 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-86000.
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Since 1994, South Africa has undergone comprehensive political and economic changes in a positive direction, however, the country’s business environment still constitutes of corruption and inequity. The purpose of this thesis was to investigate how South Africa’s business environment affects Swedish SMEs establishment in the country. The methodology chosen for this research was a qualitative multiple case study with an abductive approach. The theoretical framework was established based on various theories related to business environment, internationalization and risk management, these theories was interlinked into a conceptual framework. In the empirical chapter, the primary data gathered from four cases was presented and thereafter analyzed together with the conceptual framework. The research concludes that the South African business environment affects the Swedish SMEs business activities in the country differently, depending on the firm’s size. The last decade’s political changes have generated in a more cautious approach among Swedish SME and their establishment in the country. Lastly, limitations of the research and recommendations for further research is outlined.
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Roberts, Judith Ashleigh. "A comparative analysis of Shale Gas Extraction Policy : potential lessons for South Africa." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/85754.
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Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2013.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Since its arrival onto the U.S. energy scene in the early 2000s, shale gas has had a significant impact on the global energy market. The fact that the shale gas supply of a single country has had such a widespread influence on the global energy market hints at the power that this energy resource holds as a ‘game changer’. With the fifth largest estimated shale gas reserves in the world, South Africa now faces the challenge of developing its own shale gas resources in the Karoo Basin. Having lifted the moratorium on hydraulic fracturing in September 2012, the South African government has indicated its interest in pursuing the commercial extraction of the country’s estimated shale gas reserves. This comes in light of the country’s potential energy crisis, as well as an increased role for natural gas in the country’s energy mix. South Africa has no history of shale gas extraction and currently has no legislation or regulatory practices in place to deal specifically with shale gas and hydraulic fracturing. The South African government thus faces the challenge of drawing policy lessons from other experienced shale gas-producing nations, such as the U.S., to close these regulatory gaps and exploit its national shale gas resources in an environmentally and economically responsible way. Consequently, this thesis focuses on the regulation of the American shale gas industry by asking what policy lessons the South African government can draw from the United States of America on its regulation of shale gas extraction. Richard Rose’s lesson-drawing approach to policy learning was adopted as the theoretical framework for this study and can also be applied as an analytical tool to aid in data collection and data analysis. Furthermore, the framework was operationalised through the research methods used for this case study, which consisted of a review of literature on the U.S. regulation of shale gas extraction. This research produced a number of key findings in the form of policy lessons for South Africa. Four main policy lessons were drawn on the regulation of shale gas extraction: regulation of shale gas extraction must occur at all levels of government—national, provincial and local; policy research must be used to inform policymaking for the development of new legislation specific to shale gas and hydraulic fracturing, so as to avoid regulatory exemptions often linked to ad hoc policymaking on shale gas extraction; each level of government and their related regulatory agencies must have clearly defined regulatory roles relating to shale gas and hydraulic fracturing; and finally, there must be uniformity in terms of the regulatory focus of shale gas regulators at all levels of government.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Sedert skaliegas vroeg in die jare sedert 2000 op die Amerikaanse energietoneel verskyn het, het dit ‘n beduidende impak op die globale energiemark gehad. Die feit dat die voorraad skaliegas van een land so ‘n wydverspreide invloed gehad het op die globale energiemark is ‘n aanduiding van die mag van hierdie energiebron as ‘n spel-wisselaar.Suid-Afrika het die vyfde-grootste skaliegasreserwes ter wêreld, en staan nou voor die uitdaging om sy eie skaliegasreserwes in die Karookom te ontwikkel. Nadat die moratorium op hidrobreking in September 2012 opgehef is, het die Suid-Afrikaanse regering aangedui dat hulle belangstel om die land se beraamde skaliegasreserwes kommersieel te ontgin. Dit het ontstaan in die lig van die potensiële energiekrisis wat Suid-Afrika in die gesig staar, asook die begeerte dat aardgas ‘n groter rol moet speel in die land se mengsel van energiebronne. Suid-Afrika het geen geskiedenis van skaliegasontginning nie en tans is daar geen wetgewing of regulerende praktyke in plek wat spesifiek te make het met skaliegas en hidrobreking nie. Die Suid-Afrikaanse regering staan dus voor die uitdaging om te leer uit die beleidsrigtings van ander ervare skaliegaslande soos die V.S.A. ten einde hierdie leemtes in regulering op te hef en sy nasionale skaliegasreserwes op ‘n omgewingsvriendelike en ekonomies-verantwoordelike manier te ontgin. Gevolglik fokus hierdie tesis op die regulering van die Amerikaanse skaliegas-industrie deur te vra watter beleidslesse die Suid-Afrikaanse regering kan leer by die Amerikaanse regering oor die regulering van hulle skaliegasontginning. Richard Rose se 'lesson-drawing'-benadering tot die leer van beleid is aanvaar as die teoretiese raamwerk vir hierdie studie en kan ook aangewend word as 'n analitiese instrument om te help met dataversameling en -analise. Die raamwerk is verder geoperasionaliseer deur die navorsingsmetodes wat gebruik is vir hierdie gevallestudie, wat bestaan het uit 'n oorsig van die literatuur oor die V.S.A. se regulering van skaliegasontginning. Hierdie navorsing het ‘n aantal sleutelbevindinge opgelewer in terme van beleidslesse vir Suid-Afrika. Die vier vernaamste beleidslesse oor die regulering van skaliegasontginning wat na vore gekom het, is die volgende: die regulering van skaliegas moet op alle vlakke van regering geskied – nasionaal, provinsiaal en op plaaslike vlak; navorsing oor beleid moet gebruik word om beleidsvorming in te lig sodat nuwe wetgewing ontwikkel kan word wat spesifiek gerig is op skaliegas en hidrobreking, ten einde uitsonderings op regulering te voorkom wat dikwels verbind word met ad hoc beleidsformulering; elke vlak van regering en sy verwante reguleringsagentskappe moet duidelik gedefinieerde reguleringsrolle hê ten opsigte van skaliegas en hidrobreking; en, ten slotte, daar moet eenvormigheid wees in die reguleringsfokus van skaliegasreguleerders op alle vlakke van regering.
National Research Foundation (DAAD-NRF)
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Vollgraaff, Helene. "Values and the environmental/green movement of South Africa." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/52602.
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Thesis (PhD)--Stellenbosch University, 2001.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The emergence and growth of the environmental/green movement has been linked to a value shift from materialism towards postmaterialism. In this study, the emergence of the South African environmental/green movement and its growth potential is investigated within the context of Ronald Inglehart's value change theory and its implications for developing societies. The positive link between postmaterialism and environmentalism is well researched and widely accepted. However, many researchers focusing on developing societies argue that a shift towards postmaterialism does not adequately explain the emergence of environmentalism, because environmentalism is taking root in developing societies despite postmaterialist values not being prioritised. This relationship is investigated by means of a literature study about the values, principles and issues addressed by the environmental/green movement. It is argued in this study that environmentalism can indeed be linked to postmaterialism, but that prematerialist values could also playa role, especially in developing societies. The South African environmental/green movement is discussed as an example of environmentalism in a developing society. The South African movement is often described as a white middle class movement. It is argued on the basis of a literature study that the movement has changed considerably and incorporates a wide range of interests ranging from more conservative forms of environmentalism to radical political forms of environmentalism such as environmental justice. This change is linked to the concepts of prematerialism and postmaterialism emphasising that both sets of goals seems to be prioritised by different discourses within the movement. Issues concerning both the welloff and the poor are addressed by the movement. This is followed by an analysis of the 1995 World Value survey data set to obtain a demographic and socio-economic profile of the active members of an environmental organisation and the environmentally concerned. The relationship between active membership of an environmental organisation, the environmentally concerned and the concepts of prematerialism, materialism and postmaterialism is also established. The positive relationship between postmaterialism and environmentalism is confirmed, but contradictory results have been found regarding the relationship between prematerialism and environmentalism. This can possibly be attributed to the inadequate survey material that is available. Although active membership of an environmental organisation correlates positively with prematerialism, no relationship could be found between environmental concern and prematerialism. Lastly, a demographic and socio-economic profile of the "don't know" response group has also been compiled as this group is an important target group for the expansion of the environmental/green movement.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die totstandkoming en groei van die groen- of omgewingsbeweging word gekoppel aan 'n waardeverskuiwing van materialisme na postmaterialisme. Die totstandkoming van die Suid-Afrikaanse groen/omgewingsbeweging en die groeipotensiaal daarvan word ill hierdie studie ondersoek binne die raamwerk van Ronald Inglehart se waardeverskuiwingsteorie en die implikasies daarvan vir ontwikkelende lande. Die positiewe verband tussen postmaterialisme en omgewingsbewustheid is goed nagevors en geniet wye aanvaarding. Tog het verskeie navorsers, veral dié wat op ontwikkelende lande fokus, probleme daarmee. Hierdie navorsers argumenteer dat postmaterialisme nie die totstandkoming van die omgewingsbeweging in ontwikkelende lande voldoende verklaar nie, aangesien die beweging in hierdie lande posgevat het terwyl die prioritisering van postmaterialisme ontbreek. Hierdie verband word ondersoek d.m.v. 'n literatuurstudie oor die waardes, beginsels en vraagstukke wat deur die groen/omgewingsbeweging aangespreek word. Daar word in hierdie studie geargumenteer dat omgewingsbewustheid wel aan postmaterialisme gekoppel kan word, maar dat prematerialistiese waardes waarskynlik ook 'n rol kan speel, veral in ontwikkelende lande. Die Suid-Afrikaanse groen/omgewingsbeweging word beskryf as 'n voorbeeld van omgewingsbewustheid in 'n ontwikkelende land. Die Suid-Afrikaanse beweging word dikwels beskryf as 'n wit middelklasbeweging. Daar word op grond van 'n literatuurstudie geargumenteer dat die beweging aansienlik verander het sodat dit nou 'n breë verskeidendenheid van belange aanspreek wat wissel van die meer konserwatiewe vorme van omgewingsbewustheid tot die radikale politieke vorme soos byvoorbeeld omgewingsregverdigheid (Eng: environmental justice). Die verskuiwing word aan die konsepte van postmaterialisme en prematerialisme verbind. Dit word beklemtoon dat verskillende groeperings binne die groen/omgewingsbeweging verskillende waardes prioritiseer. Vraagstukke wat beide die welvarendes en die armes raak, word deur die beweging aangespreek. Die literatuurstudie word gevolg deur 'n analise van die 1995 World Value Survey datastel. 'n Demografiese en sosio-ekonomiese profiel van die aktiewe lede van 'n omgewingsorganisasie en respondente wat as omgewingsbewus geïdentifiseer is, is opgestel. Die verhouding tussen die konsepte van prematerialisme, materialisme en postmaterialisme en aktiewe lidmaatskap van 'n omgewingsorganisasie aan die een kant en omgewingsbewustheid aan ander kant word ook bespreek. Die positiewe verband tussen postmaterialisme en omgewingsbewustheid, sowel as aktiewe lidmaatskap word deur die data bevestig. 'n Positiewe verband is ook tussen aktiewe lidmaatskap van 'n omgewingsorganisasie en prematerialisme gevind, maar teenstrydige resulte is gevind rakende die verband tussen omgewingsbewustheid en prematerialisme. Hierdie resultate kan egter moontlik beïnvloed wees deur die onvoldoende meetinstrument wat beskikbaar is. Laastens is 'n demografiese en sosio-ekonomiese profiel van die "weet nie" responsgroep saamgestel, aangesien hierdie groep 'n belangrike teiken is indien die groen/omgewingsbeweging wil uitbrei.
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Naidoo, Sagaren Krishna. "New rules for security and survival: Southern Africa's adaptation to a changing world environment." Thesis, Rhodes University, 1998. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003024.
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In the wake of the post-Cold War era, students of international relations were forced to review their theoretical frameworks to explain new rules for international peace and security. States are now confronted with new constraints for their security and survival as current trends in international politics depict a 'regionalisation' of peace and security. For southern Africa, likewise, the end of the Cold War and, moreover, apartheid, compels its member states to redefine their security strategies and mechanisms for survival. This thesis undertakes to examine southern Africa's adaptation to new rules of a changing world environment, to ensure a stable and secure region, into the next millennium. At the outset of this thesis lies a conceptual contextualisation of security within the major contemporary theoretical approaches of international relations. By examining the essential differences between the redefinitions and new conceptualisations of security, this thesis, firstly argues that the state in southern Africa must be retained as a primary referent of security. This argument is premised on the need to create stronger states for a 'regionalisation' of security in southern Africa. The second issue examined is the changing world environment and its impact on the state and development in Africa, as the new constraints to which the continent must adapt, for security and survival. Arguing that the new international economic order and 'globalisation' dictate the new rules, this chapter asserts that the 'weak' states in Africa need to be strengthened to have the necessary capacity to be the means for its people's security. Finally this thesis examines the new rules for southern Africa's adaptation to a changing world environment. The new rules for the African sub-continent involve the formation of a security regime and economic community with, the power-house, South Africa. Using the Southern African Development Community(SADC) as the umbrella body, the formation of the Organ for Politics, Defence and Security, and signing of trade protocols for a movement towards a free trade area, are evidence of southern Africa's attempts to adapt to new rules for its security. Such adaptation cannot, however, be accomplished with 'weak' states. Southern African states will have to, therefore, be strengthened to attain a more secure adaptation to the new international (economic) order.
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Annan, David. "Effects of political instability in development in South Sudan." Thesis, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10948/d1020190.
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The signing of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) between the Republic of Sudan represented by the National Congress Party (NCP) and the SPLM (Sudan People’s Liberation Movement) which represented the people of the Southern part of Sudan in January 2005 ushered in a rare era of peace and hope for the rebuilding and construction of the war ravaged South Sudan. Coupled with the attainment of Independence for South Sudan through an internationally supervised referendum in January 2011, the objectives of years of struggle by the people of the formerly semi-autonomous region were completed. From 2005 until after the independence of South Sudan however, a period that initially was marked by huge euphoria and broad based anticipation of development boom, the support from both local and international actors for the struggle and the plight of the people of South Sudan is waning and at worst has now turned into despair and hopelessness. After attaining independence in 2011, the highest party organ, the Political Bureau decided to remove candidates who were popularly voted by their constituents and replaced them with their cronies, leading to mass exodus of cadres from the party. On top of that, the wide believe that the elections were rigged for SPLM candidates at the expense of the Independent candidates led to another wave of exodus and open rebellion by many veteran cadres of the movement. Today, these rebellions coupled with some complex problematic societal issues are major concern and a source of political instability and violence in some parts of the country. Secondly, the hasty process of the Disarmament, Demobilization, and Reintegration (DDR) campaign, which in some cases were forcefully done left some communities exposed and venerable to attacks by rival communities. This continue to exacerbate and ignite tribal hatred, tension and stereotypes between communities especially in the traditionally volatile parts of the country that are known for cattle rustling and tribal rivalry as a form of cultural practice. Unresolved post secession issues within the SPLM had resulted to political instability and violence thus having negative economic consequences for South Sudan and all the gains the country had made in the past few years vanished after December 15 2013 political upheaval. This thesis will examine the effects of these mentioned complex political instability and economic dilemma South Sudan is being confronted with in the face of the fact that it is still in the process of nation building having attained its Independence only in July 2011.
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Tessely, Ruth. "Economic, social and political/institutional assessment of spatial development initiatives (in South Africa)." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/52249.
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Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2001.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The Spatial Development Initiatives (SDIs) became the Department of Trade and Industry's (DTI) official policy in 1995/6 to accommodate problems, such as unemployment and empowerment, through sustainable development. We consequently pose the question whether the government has realised a strategic fit, i.e. whether the initial intention with the SDI strategy has consequently been achieved and, if not, what the main lessons are to fill the strategic gap? This question will be addressed in five chapters. The first chapter will provide the reader with the necessary background information on these initiatives. Before concluding (Chapter 6), the following three chapters will follow the inherent logic of the SDI strategy, i.e. economic investments are crowded in (Chapter 3) through a facilitating and mediating role of government (Chapter 4) in order to solve employment and empowerment (Chapter 5). Each realm, i.e. economic- political/institutional-and social, is evaluated on its contribution to the success of the Spatial Development Initiative. On the one hand it is difficult to say categorically whether or not there was a strategic fit, because the strategic aims were not initially written out in measurable detail. If the aim was to employ and to empower, while strengthening the institutions, we could qualitatively discern only when institutional capacity building (like in Lubombo) was a clear aim, that the resulting effect of the SDI strategy was significant. The employment and empowerment efforts may have been more disappointing than hoped for. But again this is difficult to discern because it may be too early to observe the trickle down effects. Neither is it easy to measure the many achievements that were recorded, and still then, they will probably look very relative because of the immensity of the problem. In 2001 the South African Government acknowledged that it has failed in its empowerment programme, while a Presidential Summit was convened in 1998 to search for employment solutions. Against this background and given that not more effort is made to measure the results of the efforts to create employment, has to indicate that the SDIs have not left behind an impression of having performed well in terms of their strategic aim. On the one hand this was because government strongly tended towards attracting foreign investment while paying too little attention to the subsequent needs of SMMEs. Moreover is there a need for an integrated and long-term development plan that allows rational choices to be made. Nevertheless, the fact that evaluations are commissioned and that government publicly admits a mistake could be the signs of a learning organisation, which again is the start of a positive process.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Ruimtelike Ontwikkelings Inisiatiewe (ROI's) het die Departement Handel en Nywerheid se amptelike beleid in 1995/96 geword om probleme soos werkloosheid en swartbemagtiging deur middel van volhoubare ontwikkeling aan te spreek. Ons stel gevolglik die vraag of die regering 'n strategiese plan gehad het waarbinne die ROI inisiatief gepas het, of dit gewerk het en wat die lesse te leer is? Hierdie kwessie sal in vyf hoofstukke aangespreek word. Die eerste hoofstuk voorsien die leser van die nodige agtergrondinligting oor dergelike inisiatiewe. Die samevatting is hoofstuk ses, maar dit word deur drie ander hoofdstukke voorafgegaan: 'n logiese beoordeling van die ekonomiese determinante (hoofstuk drie), die fasiliterende rol van die regering (hoofstuk vier) en die suksesse, al dan nie, van werkskepping en bemagtiging (hoofstuk vyf). Elke tema word beoordeel in die lig van die vraag of dit bydra to die sukses van ROI's. Aan die een kant is dit moeilik te verklaar of daar 'n strategiese plan was omdat so 'n plan nie vooraf uiteengesit was nie. Indien dit die bedoeling was om werkgeleenthede te skep en om bemagtiging te bevorder, sou mens slegs na enkele inisiatiewe hoef te kyk, bv die Lubombo Plan. In so 'n geval was die suksesse tog beduidend. In die algemeen was die werkverskaffings- en bemagtigingsresultate egter teleurstellend. Dit is moontlik steeds te vroeg om 'n finale oordeel uit te spreek. Op hierdie stadium is dit geen eenvoudige taak om prestasies in die lig van die groter problematiek te meet nie. Bv in 2001 het die regering bevestig dat bemagtigingsprogramme in die lig van die presidensiele beraad van 1998, misluk het. Teen hierdie agtergrond word die indruk geskep dat die ROI's moontlik nie hul strategiese doelwitte bereik het nie. Sedertdien het die regering daarna gestrewe om buitelandse direkte investering na Suid-Afrika te lok deur middel van privatisering en klein, mikro en medium ondernemings te vestig. Die planne was moontlik meer suksesvol. Al hierdie inisiatiewe behoort in 'n enkele langtermyn ontwikkelingsplan opgeneem te word sodat rasionele keuses gemaak kan word. Dan sal daar duidelikheid wees oor die rol en plek van ROI's. Dit bestaan nog nie. Nietemin doen die regering reeds beoordelings van hulle planne met die oog om dit te hersien en die erkenning dat sekere planne nie hulle mikpunte bereik nie, is tekens daarvan dat 'n leerproses aan die orde van die dag is wat tog 'n positiewe begin was.
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Mlaba, Lindokuhle Hendrick. "The impact of South Africa's economic diplomacy on Africa's development." Thesis, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10948/11531.
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South Africa has become a significant role player in the international relations since being readmitted into the world community after the first democratic election in 1994. The primary focus of country’s international relations is the African continent. South Africa has played a pivotal role in bringing peace across the continent. There has also been an increase in South Africa’s engagement with the continent on economic and trade issues. South Africa’s economic diplomacy has been scrutinized from different angles. There has been perceptions of a South Africa with imperialists or hegemonic tendencies resembling those of the West. There are also those who view South Africa’s economic role in the continent in the positive light as a contributor to economic growth and development. The South African governments have always preached the notion of the “African agenda” and the interest in fair trade and engagement with the continent. This study assesses different debates regarding South Africa’s economic diplomacy in Africa and explores if this is benefiting the continent’s development. The study also considers if such economic diplomacy has positive spin off for the South African economy. Since economic diplomacy is operated at government level the study also considers how economic diplomacy is coordinated in South Africa. There are a number of recommendations presented for the improvement of economic diplomacy in South Africa.
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Mathekga, Mmanoko Jerry. "The political economy of labour market flexibility in South Africa." Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/1532.
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Thesis (MPhil (Political Science))--University of Stellenbosch, 2009.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The impact of globalisation can be found in every aspect of human life. Globalisation has also brought about changes in the world of work, such as the call for labour market flexibility, which has restructured the workplace. This study focuses on the implications of labour market flexibility for workers in South Africa and for trade unions, within the context of the introduction of a macroeconomic neoliberal policy in South Africa in 1996. The study examines the changing nature of employment and work in a company in the South African retail sector, namely Pick n Pay. Labour market flexibility comes about as companies try to compete and cut costs at the expense of workers. This implies a reduction of protection and benefits and has resulted in the creation of a ‘working poor’ labour segment. Trade unions have been ineffective in providing a voice and representation for the new working poor. This study argues that under conditions of economic globalisation, trade unions are disempowered and flexible labour market practices are introduced to cut costs in order to maintain market share and increase competitiveness. Economic globalisation has pressurised the South African government, and the African National Congress (ANC), to shift gradually to the right and to adopt a neoliberal macroeconomic policy. This has led to an increase in inequality, unemployment, new forms of insecure jobs and the creation of an informal economy. This study found that instead of creating jobs and alleviating poverty, the government’s Growth, Employment and Redistribution Strategy (GEAR) has resulted in retrenchments, downsizing and restructuring. The unemployed, retrenched and working poor find themselves in the ‘second economy’. The retail sector in particular makes use of labour market flexibility in order to compete for market share. Pick n Pay is an example of a retail company that increasingly makes use of flexible labour market practices. This study found that labour market flexibility has created a situation that trade unions find difficult to deal with, and that labour market flexibility has been accompanied by increasing inequality, which overlaps with race and gender identities. Furthermore, Pick n Pay maintains flexible employment under conditions of increased productivity and contrary to labour legislation.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Impak van globalisering kan in elke aspek van mense se lewens waargeneem word. Globalisering het verandering in die wêreld van werk teweeggebring, soos die aandrang op arbeidsmarkbuigsaamheid wat tot die herstrukturering van die werkersmag gelei het. Hierdie studie fokus op die implikasie van arbeidsmarkbuigsaamheid vir werkers in Suid‐ Afrika, en die implikasie vir vakbonde in die konteks van die inwerkingstelling van ’n makroekonomiese neo‐liberale beleid in Suid‐Afrika in 1996. Verder ondersoek die studie die verandering in die aard van indiensneming en werk in ’n Suid‐Afrikaanse maatskappy in die kleinhandelsektor, naamlik Pick n Pay. Buigsaamheid in die arbeidsmag ontstaan wanneer besighede in ’n poging om kompeterend te wees, uitgawes ten koste van werkers besnoei. Dit bring die vermindering van beskerming en voordele mee, wat tot ’n arbeidsegment van ‘arm werkers’ lei. Vakbonde kon nie ’n stem en verteenwoordiging aan hierdie nuwe segment van arm werkers gee nie. Hierdie studie voer aan dat ekonomiese globalisering werkersunies magteloos laat terwyl buigsame arbeidsmarkpraktyke aangewend word om kostes te sny ten einde markaandeel en verhoogde kompetisie te verseker. Ekonomiese globalisasie plaas meer druk op die Suid‐Afrikaanse regering, die African National Congress (ANC), om ‘n verskuiwing na regs te maak en ’n neo‐liberale makroekonomiese beleid te volg. Dit het gelei tot verhoging in ongelykheid, werkloosheid, nuwe vorme van onsekere werksgeleenthede, en die skepping van ’n informele ekonomie. Die studie bevind dat die regering se Groei, Indiensnemings‐ en Herdistribusiebeleid (GEAR), wat veronderstel was om werk te skep en werkloosheid te verminder, eerder tot meer afdankings, afskaling en herstrukturering gelei het. Die werklose, afgedankte en armwerkerskorps bevind hulself nou in ’n ‘tweede ekonomie’. In die besonder maak die kleinhandelsektor gebruik van arbeidsmarkbuigsaamheid om vir ’n deel van die mark te kompeteer. Pick n Pay is ’n voorbeeld van ’n kleinhandelmaatskappy wat toenemend gebruik maak van arbeidsmarkbuigsaamheid. Die studie kom tot die slotsom dat arbeidsmarkbuigsaamheid ’n situasie geskep het wat vakbonde verlam het, en wat met ’n verhoging in ongelykheid wat verder met ras en geslagsidentiteite oorvleuel, gepaardgaan. daarby maak Pick n Pay gebruik van buigsaame indiensnemingspraktyke onder omstandighede van verhoogde produktiwiteit, in weerwil van arbeidswetgewing
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Van, Vuuren Ian. "Varieties of neoliberalism within the Post-Cold War period : economic policy in the Post-Apartheid South Africa." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/79903.
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Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2013.Bibliography
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This thesis describes the development of neoliberalism within the global context and explains how this ideology influenced economic policy formulation in post-apartheid South Africa. Policies from the Growth, Employment and Redistribution (GEAR) to the New Economic Growth Path (NEGP) are analysed within the timeframe from 1996 to 2011 to determine how and whether neoliberalism had an impact on policy formulation. The development of neoliberal thinking is historicised to illustrate how it became the dominant ideational framework at the world order level. This was a path dependent process which is traced at the social, institutional and ideational levels. The establishment of the Mont Pelerin Society, the development of the post-Second World War economic order and the development and implementation of the Washington Consensus are important aspects of a counter-ideational challenge to Keynesianism which took place over some 25 years. The rationale behind neoliberalism and the implementation of neoliberal policies is strongly motivated by assumptions such as private property rights, deregulation of trade, finance and production and a form of state which facilitates market dominant policies. Neoliberalism strongly came to prominence during the 1970s and 1980s. During this time increased pressure was placed on the South African apartheid government from outside and inside to implement more market-orientated or neoliberal economic policies. It became increasingly evident that South Africa’s isolation to economic globalisation was not sustainable. At the time of the unbanning of the African National Congress (ANC) and the release of Nelson Mandela in 1990, the ANC did not have a clearly formulated economic programme. Neoliberal thinking gradually gained in influence among ANC leaders and policy makers and after the party resoundingly won the 1994 elections, it seemed that neoliberal thinking became well established, albeit with some important variations and distinctive characteristics. The Growth, Employment and Redistribution programme did not fully achieve its primary goals of employment creation and redistribution, although a period of economic growth (2002-2006) did follow the first phase of its implementation. This led to a rethink and reevaluation of economic policy, particularly after the global financial crisis (2007-2009). The first “rethink” led to the adoption of the Accelerated and Shared Growth Initiative for South Africa (AsgiSA). This shift is regarded by some analysts as an economic transition period from GEAR to a more developmentalist and interventionist policy, but is, in fact, characterised by continuity and is in line with the World Bank’s post-Washington consensus thinking. This period is also characterised by internal tensions within the ANC and the leadership struggle between Jacob Zuma and Thabo Mbeki (the incumbent president and architect of GEAR), Zuma’s victory was regarded as a victory for the left, but was followed by minor concessions and more continuity in policy, notwithstanding the launching of the NEGP in 2011 which spells out some goals for democratising and restructuring the economy. The study concludes that neoliberalism had a unique influence on economic policy formulation in South Africa even though it was not a pure reflection of neoliberal policies. Economic policy formulation in South Africa has undergone constant change and adaptation and reflects the shifting balance of power between the major social forces related to production and finance in the country. At the rhetorical level, policy seems to be moving in the direction of a democratic developmental state and this needs to be viewed within the context of the circumstances which led to the development of the RDP, GEAR and the NEGP.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die tesis beskryf die ontwikkeling van neoliberalisme binne die globale konteks en verduidelik hoe hierdie ideologie ekonomiese beleidformulering in Suid-Afrika beïnvloed het. Ekonomiese beleid vanaf die Herkonstruksie en Ontwikkling-program (HOP), die Groei, Indiensneming en Herverspreiding-program (GIEH) en die Nuwe Ekonomiese Groei-pad (NEGP) word geanaliseer binne die tydsbestek vanaf 1996-2011, ten einde te bepaal hoe en of neoliberalisme ’n impak op beleidsformulering in die land gehad het. Die ontwikkeling van neoliberale denke word histories beskryf ten einde te illustreer hoe dit, op die wêreld-orde vlak, die dominante ideologiese raamwerk vir ekonomiese beleid geword het. Hierdie proses was afhanklik van ’n aantal duidelik lynverwante fases wat nagespoor word op die kontinuum van sosiale, institusionele en idees dimensies. Die vorming van die Mont Pelerin Stigting, die ontwikkeling van die na-oorlogse (WWII) ekonomiese orde en die ontwikkeling en implementering van die Washington-konsensus is belangrike aspekte van die bou van ’n ideologiese alternatief vir Keynesianisme wat oor ongeveer 25 jaar plaasgevind het. Die rasionaal onderliggend aan neoliberalisme en daarmee gepaardgaande beleid word sterk gemotiveer deur die aannames van privaat eiendomsregte, deregulering van handel, finanasies en produksie en ’n staatsvorm wat mark-dominante beleid fasiliteer. Neoliberalisme het tydens die 1970s and 1980s prominent geword. Tydens hierdie periode is van buite en van binne toenemende druk op die apartheid regime geplaas om meer markgeorienteerde en neoliberale beleidsveranderinge te implementeer. Dit is veral tydens die 1980s dat dit al hoe duideliker geword het dat Suid-Afrika se isolasie in ’n ekonomies globaliserende wêreld nie meer haalbaar was nie. Ten tye van die ontbanning van die ANC en die vrylating van Nelson Mandela in 1990, het die ANC nie ’n duidelik geformuleerde ekonomiese program en beleid gehad nie. Teen 1994, het neoliberale denke geleidelik in invloed toegeneem onder ANC leiers en beleidmakers, en na die eerste demokratiese verkiesing, het dit voorgekom asof dit goed gevestig was, met nietemin belangrike plaaslike variasies en onderskeibare kenmerke. Die GIEH, wat as die amptelike vervatting van neoliberale ekonomiese beleid beskou kan word, het nie ten volle sy primêre doelwitte van werkskepping en herverspreiding bereik nie, alhoewel ’n periode van ekonomiese groei (2002-2006) wel gevolg het na die eerste fase van dié beleid se implementering. Dit het tot ’n herbeskouing en herevaluering gelei, veral na die globale finansiële krisies (2007-2009). Die eerste “herformulering” van beleid het gelei tot die aanname van die Versnelde en Gedeelde Groei-inisiatief vir Suid-Afrika (VGGISA). Hierdie ontwikkeling is deur sommige waarnemers beskou as ’n ekonomiese oorgang van GIEH na ’n meer ontwikkelingsgerigte en intervensionistiese staat, maar is, in der waarheid, gekenmerk deur kontinuïteit en was in pas met die post-Washington konsensus beleid van die Wêreld Bank. Hierdie periode is ook noemenswaardig vir interne spanninge binne die ANC en die leierskaps-stryd tussen Jacob Zuma en Thabo Mbeki (die sittende president en argitek van GIEH). Zuma se oorwinning is beskou as ’n oorwinning vir die linksgesindes in die Drieparty Alliansie (ANC, COSATU en SACP), maar is gevolg deur klein toegewings en meer kontinuïteit in ekonomiese beleid. Dit, nieteenstaande die feit dat die NEGP in 2011 lanseer is,met as onderbou die demokratisering en herstrukturering van die ekonomie. Die studie kom tot die gevolgtrekking dat neoliberalisme ’n unieke invloed op ekonomiese beleidsformulering in Suid-Afrika gehad het, selfs al was dit nie ’n suiwer weerspieëling van hierdie denkrigting nie. Ekonomiese beleidsformulering ondergaan voortdurend verandering en aanpassing en weerspieël veranderinge in magsverskuiwinge tussen die vernaamste sosiale magte verwant aan produksie en finansies in die land. Op die retoriese vlak, skyn dit asof beleid besig is om te verander in die rigting van ’n demokratiese onwikkelings-staat en dit moet gesien word binne die konteks van die omstandighede wat gelei het tot die ontwikkeling van die HOP, GIEH en NEGP.
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Beckett, Sean Edward. "Environmental concern, race and socio-economic status in post-apartheid South Africa, 1996-2006." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/85672.
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Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2013.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This thesis examines longitudinally the nature of environmental concern in post-apartheid South Africa. During the years of colonialism and apartheid, environmental policy making and implementation was characterised by environmental racism that focused on ecocentric notions of nature conservation and protection, to the exclusion of black, coloured and Asian South Africans. The post-apartheid government has attempted to rectify the exclusion of black people from environmental rights, by enshrining in the Bill of Rights the right to an environment that is not harmful to South Africans' health or well-being. In light of the Bill of Rights unique political and practical implementation in South Africa, and on the basis of a comprehensive review of the empirical and theoretical literature on environmental concern, two hypotheses were formulated for testing in this thesis. The first, which is informed by an environmentalism of the poor or “empty-belly environmentalism” theory, proposes that South Africans have become more environmentally concerned since the end of apartheid. The second hypothesis is informed by the post-materialist thesis, and examines whether controlling for socio-economic status eliminates difference in environmental concern amongst the various race groups. The research design applied in this thesis is a longitudinal analysis of secondary data, in particular World Values Survey data. The results of this analysis led to a rejection of the first hypotheses, and a partial rejection of the second hypothesis. Additionally, the results reveal that since 1996 environmental concern has become less influenced by race and class. The thesis also contributes methodologically to future research on environmental concern, by raising concerns about the operationalisation and conceptualisation of environmental concern in the World Values Survey.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie tesis ondersoek die aard van omgewingsbesorgdheid in post-apartheid Suid-Afrika. Gedurende die jare van kolonialisme en apartheid was beleidmaking en -implementering gekenmerk deur omgewingsrassisme wat op ekosentriese opvattings van natuurbewaring en -beskerming gefokus het. Dit het tot die uitsluiting van swart, bruin en Asiatiese Suid-Afrikaners gelei. Die post-apartheid regering het gepoog om hierdie groot ongelykhede reg te stel, deur die reg tot 'n omgewing wat nie skadelik vir hul gesondheid of welsyn is nie, vas te lê in die Handves van Menseregte. In die lig van hierdie omgewingsbeleidspunte se unieke politieke en praktiese implementering in Suid-Afrika, en op grond van 'n omvattende oorsig van die empiriese en teoretiese literatuur oor omgewingsbesordheid, is twee hipoteses in hierdie tesis getoets. Die eerste hipotese, waaraan 'n omgewingsbewustheid van die armes of "leë maag omgewingsbewustheid"-teorie gestalte verleen het, voer aan dat Suid-Afrikaners sedert die einde van apartheid meer omgewingsbesorgd geword het. Die tweede hipotese, wat voortvloei uit die post-materialistiese tesis, ondersoek of die verskil tussen die rasgroepe in terme van omgewingsbesorgheid verdwyn as hulle sosio-ekonomiese status konstant gehou word. Die navorsingsontwerp van hierdie tesis is 'n longitudinale ontleding van sekondêre data. Die resultate van hierdie analise onthul dat omgewingsbesorgdheid sedert 1996 minder volgens ras en klas gestruktureer word; buitendien is die eerste hipotese verwerp en die tweede hipotese gedeeltelik verwerp. Hierdie resultate het kommer oor die operasionalisering en konseptualisering van omgewingsbesorgdheid in die “World Values Survey” gewek.
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Barker, Greg. "Using economic and regulatory approaches to improve the environmental performance of buildings in South Africa." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/5288.
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Mbengashe, Pauline Maria. "Environmental perceptions and knowledge among political leaders in the Eastern Cape Province and some implications for environmental policy." Thesis, Rhodes University, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003399.
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The environmental and development challenges facing South Africa are closely linked with the political and economic inequalities of the past. The achievement of sustainable. development will require social and political change. Protection and conservation of the environment, improving environmental knowledge and understanding, the participation of all citizens, effective environmental management, inclusive and implementable policies and legislation, are all necessary components of sustainable development. These requirements are in line with the Rio Declaration on Environment and Development and Agenda 21, a programme of action coming out of the United Nations Conference on Environment and Development (UNCED 1992) This study explores the environmental perceptions and knowledge of some representative Eastern Cape political leaders. The aim of the study was to share views on environmental issues, concerns and strategies that might lead to improved environmental understanding, informed policy change and effective environmental management. Different environmental ideologies were also explored because of the political and ideological nature of the concepts 'environment' and 'education'. Data was collected from semi-structured interviews undertaken with ten political leaders in the Eastern Cape Province Legislature. The study revealed a general awareness and understanding of environmental issues with unsupported indepth knowledge and detailed information. The political, development, social and economic dimensions of the environment were emphasised more than the ecological and physical aspects. The need for environmental information, policies and legislation was recognised. Both formal and non-formal environmental education were emphasised. The need to redefine environmental education and make it more relevant, problem solving and action oriented was also emphasised. The challenge is to improve environmental understanding and making environmental information available to political leaders, government officials and citizens in general.
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Molefi, Tebogo Shadrack. "South Africa within SADC : hegemon or partner?" Thesis, Rhodes University, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1007674.
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This study attempts to make a contribution to the debate on the role of South Africa within Southern African Development Community. An attempt is made to analyse this role within the context of regional integration debate. This role has been conceptualised within the dichotomies of hegemon versus partner. The study argues that South Africa is a hegemon in the region of SADC, and that given its overarching economic dominance and it has the potential of establishing its hegemony in the region. It maintains that there are several factors, which could facilitate South Africa's hegemonic dominance such as in military, technology and manufacturing sector. It concludes by arguing that given the changing geopolitical factors both within the region and the globe impedes South Africa from firmly expressing this hegemonic dominance. Furthermore, South Africa's pioneering role in the struggle to change the status quo globally in favour of the Southern states is another crucial factor, which imposes limitations on its hegemonic intentions regionally.
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De, Wet C. J., M. V. Leibbrandt, R. C. G. Palmer, M. E. Mills, and V. Tantsi. "The effects of externally induced socio-economic and political changes in rural areas: the Keiskammahoek district 1948-1986: a pilot project." Rhodes University, Institute of Social and Economic Research, 1989. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/1848.
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This Working Paper contains the results of a pilot investigation undertaken in 1986/87 in selected areas of the Keiskammahoek District of Ciskei. The pilot study was undertaken in order to compile a comprehensive plan for a long-term study of the Keiskammahoek District as a whole. Such a study would be designed to analyse socio-economic and political changes which have taken place in the District, measured against the results of a major multidisciplinary research project (The Keiskammahoek Rural Survey) which was undertaken in the area between 1948 and 1950. The existence of the Keiskammahoek Rural Survey affords a unique opportunity for comparative social science research, particularly because it is well known that substantial changes have taken place in the District. However, the precise nature and scale of the changes were unknown; hence, the decision to conduct a pilot survey first. The results of the pilot survey, published here, have turned out to be extremely valuable in formulating proposals for a subsequent on-going research undertaking; and have fully justified the time and money devoted to the exploratory investigation which constituted the basis of the pilot project.Digitised by Rhodes University Library on behalf of the Institute of Social and Economic Research (ISER)
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Keniston, William Hemingway. "Richard Turner's contribution to a socialist political culture In South Africa 1968-1978." Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2010. http://etd.uwc.ac.za/index.php?module=etd&action=viewtitle&id=gen8Srv25Nme4_6823_1299566727.
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This thesis evaluates Turner&rsquo
s capacity to encourage a shift in white politics towards New Left radicalism. Despite Turner's influence on many, tensions arose between Turner's politics and more orthodox forms of socialism, embodied in unions and in vanguard parties. The socialist political culture which developed after his death was driven by leaders who were determined to build organizations that could meet tangible, short-term goals. What was lost in abandoning 'the necessity of utopian thinking' as outlined by Turner? Eclipsed through banning and assassination, and simultaneously marginalized by doctrinaire Marxism, Turner&rsquo
s work has yet to take its proper place in the history of liberation struggle in South Africa. This thesis aims to revive Turner's discourse by re-engaging with the utopian elements of his thought, making them available for our present political climate.
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Atal, Maha Rafi. "When companies rule : corporate political authority in India, Kenya and South Africa." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2019. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/289776.
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This thesis examines the role of corporations as political authorities, focusing on corporate land acquisition and corporate provision of services and infrastructure. It considers these activities as "Company Rule," a political project to secure corporate control of territory and population, shaping power relations between corporations and the people they govern. The thesis asks what motivates companies to rule, and whether Company Rule can achieve political legitimacy. The thesis makes four main contributions. First, it develops a framework for analysing the political agency of corporations, informed by international relations theory, management science, and economic history, including empirical analysis of three historical cases of Company Rule: the British East India Company, the British South Africa Company, and the New Lanark mill town. Second, the thesis applies the framework to three contemporary case studies: the Reliance oil refinery and township in India, the Del Monte pineapple plantation and estate in Kenya, and the Lonmin platinum mine and surrounding settlements in South Africa. It finds that company actors are motivated by one or more of three key factors: utopian visions of the society their governance can deliver, a desire to counter resistance to business operations from labour, community groups or other stakeholders, and internal bureaucratic power struggles which take governance policies as a site of conflict. Third, the thesis finds that the balance of these motives varies across time and space. The policy context in which companies operate influences the particular ideological motives expressed in Company Rule. In highlighting the significance of policies that postcolonial governments have taken on the regulation of land, the thesis situates Company Rule in wider discussions of the role of territory and the social construction of space in the creation of political authority. Fourth, the thesis finds that any legitimacy Company Rule achieves relies not only on the material quality of company-provided services and infrastructure, but significantly on their normative content. Workers, communities and regulators respond to the ideological motives expressed in company governance, and it is their acceptance or rejection of these motives that determines the legitimacy of Company Rule.
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Akintayo, Akinola Ebunolu. "Socio-economic rights, political action, judicial conceptions of democracy and transformation : South Africa and Nigeria." Thesis, University of Pretoria, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/46116.
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There is robust literature linking poverty to lack of political power and voice of the poor. It has also been shown that this lack of power and voice operate in turn to intensify the poverty of those concerned. I argue that the failure to engage with this lack of power appear to be the bane of efforts to engage with poverty the world over. Thus, several initiatives ranging from the welfare systems, to grants and aids, and even the rights-based approach to poverty reduction in which socio-economic rights forms a significant part appear not to have made meaningful or substantial difference to worldwide deepening of poverty levels and the desperate condition of the poor. The main thesis of this study is therefore that taking a historical view of the matter, a political approach to human rights which regards politics and resistance as counterpart of socio-economic rights appears the most feasible approach in a rights-based approach to poverty reduction, both in the creation of new socio-economic rights norms and in the enforcement of existing ones. And having regard to the important place and role of the judiciary in constitutional democracies and the potential impact of courts’ interpretive function in either constraining or enlarging the political space for struggle and action, I also argue that a judicial conception of democracy that is rooted in African political philosophies is the conception that is more likely to provide the necessary space for political empowerment of the poor and consequent redistribution of wealth in African states through effective transformation of socio-economic rights. The thesis is therefore focused on the likely impact of South African and Nigerian courts’ existing conception of democracy on poverty-related struggle and political action in both countries through the analysis of relevant cases from both jurisdictions. The analysis reveals that these courts’ conceptions of democracy are both against and unsuitable for enlarging the space for the necessary politics and poverty-related struggles. I articulate therefore in the thesis an African conception of democracy that is based on African political philosophies as can be deduced from historical and anthropological evidence and relevant African philosophical literature as more likely to enlarge the space for political action and empowerment of the poor.Thesis (LLD)--University of Pretoria, 2014.
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Solberg, Eirik Futsaeter. "The contours, dynamics and impacts of African football migration to South Africa." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/2129.
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Thesis (MA (Political Science. International Studies)--Stellenbosch University, 2008.This study explores the contours, dynamics and impacts of African football migration to South Africa. It argues that there has been a change in the international political economy of sport, and that this change is affecting world football migration. In addition to the study’s primary focus on African football migration, it also reviews substantial parts of the literature concerning the phenomenon of football migration, in order to explain which dynamics characterise football migration. The thesis also accounts for the incentives that motivate African football migration to South Africa, and the impact such players have on the South African domestic elite league. The study identifies which incentives exist for promoting football cooperation in the context of Southern Africa, and how football migration patterns correlate or contrast with general migration patterns to South Africa. The study makes use of two theoretical frameworks, by Paul Darby and Joseph Maguire, to understand and explain player migration. These frameworks provide an understanding of the different aspects and structures shaping player migration, and should be interpreted as complementary and not contrasting approaches. The examination of the frameworks’ theoretical deficiencies and implications provides the basis for further research in the conclusion. The conclusion argues that there exists a need to create a new theoretical framework within which future studies can be concluded. The study is motivated by the general lack of academic research on the specific subject and migration to South Africa. The latter is suggested by the body of literature, concerning African migration to South Africa, which argues for more research on the issue to get a better understanding of the current situation. This study is based on both primary and secondary sources, the latter being represented by e.g. academic journal articles and books. In addition it was necessary to conduct fieldwork to provide answers to the research questions. The study makes use of exploratory qualitative methods in order to provide a conclusion, and to answer the research questions. It can be characterised as exploratory because it will offer new insights into a specific issue which, until now, has not been researched extensively. The analysis of the data and desktop research revealed certain trends, and provides a basis for answering the research questions. The study concludes that football migration, like conventional migration, is very complex and influenced by several interwoven factors. Hence a broad scope is crucial to understand the phenomenon correctly and not exaggerate the importance of some factors above others. In the conclusion the current position of the PSL is explained in relation to the two theoretical frameworks and the work of Pierre Lanfranchi and Matthew Taylor. It is argued that the PSL, unlike most other African leagues, has managed to cope with the ‘enduring problem of African football’, and has transformed into a commercialised, commoditised league heavily influenced by corporate interests.
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Valsamakis, Antoinette. "The role of South African business in South Africa’s post apartheid economic diplomacy." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2012. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/3391/.
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This thesis explores the role of South African business as non-state actors (NSAs) in South Africa’s post-apartheid economic diplomacy. The work is an empirical contribution to the debate within diplomacy studies asserting the importance of NSAs in diplomacy studies and that the inclusion of economic considerations in diplomacy studies is crucial. Whilst a broader agenda in diplomacy studies is increasingly being recognised by diplomacy scholars, there is limited case-based evidence of the increasingly active role being played by NSAs in diplomacy generally and economic diplomacy more specifically. The research uses a multistakeholder diplomacy framework to analyse the extent to and ways in which corporate actors engage in South Africa’s post-apartheid economic diplomacy. This study explores specific business activities around economic diplomacy, expounds why South African business adopts different strategies at different times and crucially examines how corporate actors do this. The thesis identifies three distinct modes of corporate diplomacy: consultative, supplementary, and entrepreneurial. The thesis concludes that corporate diplomacy warrants far more scholarly attention than has hitherto been the case, both in developed and emerging economies, on the basis that corporate actors in South Africa play a crucial role in economic diplomacy, both as consumers and producers of diplomatic outcomes.
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Botha, Ilana. "China in Africa : friend or foe? : China’s contemporary political and economic relations with Africa." Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/3405.
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Thesis (MPhil (Political Science))--University of Stellenbosch, 2006.Since the end of the Cold War, China has displayed a reinvigorated interest in the African continent. There are differing viewpoints as to whether China’s increasing involvement in Africa is beneficial to the African continent, or whether there are negative consequences. This assignment attempts to answer this question by exploring the nature of China’s political, economic, and aid relationships with the African continent, by highlighting examples from four countries: South Africa, Zimbabwe, Uganda and Sudan. China’s interests in Africa are motivated primarily by economics and diplomacy. In other words, Africa is important to China as a vast source of resources to feed its growing manufacturing base, as well as a source of energy security. In addition, China sees Africa as an important destination for its affordable manufactured goods. China’s interests in Africa, however, are not only confined to economics, but extend to diplomacy as well. China is attempting to position itself as an important power in the international system and, in so doing, promote its own views and policies within international multilateral organisations. Africa plays an important role in this regard, particularly in institutions with ‘one-country, one vote’ arrangements. Thus, China attempts to court African governments in order to secure access to Africa’s vast resources, as well as to garner support for its policies in the international arena. After an in-depth examination of the evidence, it is concluded that China’s engagement with Africa is based on strategic political and economic considerations and fits within a Realist explanatory framework. It is therefore contended that China’s presence on the African continent presents both opportunities as well as threats, although African governments need to be pro-active in order to exploit the potential opportunities. Furthermore, it is concluded that the negative consequences of China’s involvement in Africa are not only attributable to China’s behaviour in Africa, but some of the blame should also be shifted to corrupt African governments and elites who operate within a framework of neo-patrimonial politics which exacerbates corruption and mal-governance on the continent. Such behaviour stalls efforts emanating from ‘responsible’ African leaders to promote good governance and democracy on the continent, for example through institutions such as the New Partnership for Africa’s Development (Nepad) and the African Union (AU).
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Ralo, Mpumezo Welcome. "Assessing internal contestations within the ANC: the post-Polokwane political landscape: the case-study of the Nelson Mandela Bay Municipality." Thesis, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10948/d1019783.
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The Elective Conference of the African National Congress (ANC) of 2007 that took place in Polokwane remains an important event since 1994 (Fikeni 2009). The economic policy of the ANC and candidature of Mbeki and Zuma for the presidency contributed to the growing of factionalism in the ruling party that culminated in the 2007 conference. The study investigates and analyses the development of factions and ideological contestations that seemed to punctuate the ANC towards its 2007 National Congress that took place in Polokwane. It examines the roots and causes of factionalism in the ANC with a specific focus on the Nelson Mandela Bay Municipality (NMBM). It also investigates the extent to which the conservative policies such as Growth, Employment and Redistribution (GEAR) contributed in the divisions and factionalism prior the 2007 polokwane conference. The study departs from the premise that history of the ANC is riddled with factionalism and ideological contestations that have been well documented. Furthermore, the political infighting within the ANC impacts on governance structures and the local government level. The study seeks to demonstrate the effects of the 2007 power contestations between Zuma and Mbeki on the NMBM. To this effect, the study demonstrates how the leadership contestations in the ruling party impacted on the service delivery in the city. For the purposes of analyzing and making sense of the nature of power plays within the ANC it draws from the theories of factionalism to illustrate that the link between the growing of factionalism and the one party dominant system.
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Carstens, Joshua. "The rise of populism within the Economic Freedom Fighters in South Africa: a theoretical case study of anti-establishment, economic inequalities and cultural backlash." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/32540.
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Populism is on the rise in many developed and developing countries and uprooting established party systems. In South Africa, research has shown that the Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF) can be seen as our turn towards populism, but what fuels the rise of the party? This dissertation argues that an anti-establishment stance entices citizens to vote for the EFF and economic inequalities and a cultural backlash makes our society fertile ground for a populist party. In this theoretical case study, international populism theory from especially Inglehart and Norris is applied to the local context to show why the aforementioned factors can explain the rise of populism.
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Walsh, Lauren Arlene. "Investigating the effectiveness of environmental sustainability initiatives at General Motors South Africa." Thesis, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10948/d1020996.
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There is a consensus globally that climate change is one of the biggest challenges facing operations. Immediate actions are required to reduce the carbon footprint in order for the environment to endure future logistics processes and activities (The National Treasury department of South Africa, 2010). Greenhouse gases (GHGs) are emissions generated from manufacturing processes, distribution networks and treatments processes (Verfaillie and Bidwell, 2000). Companies globally are expected to monitor pollution and focus on reducing the discharge of pollutants. Logistics Managers are therefore pressured to reduce the carbon footprint as it affects the environment and our health. Companies are becoming more concerned with the impact of various activities and processes on the environment. Traditional logistics models, primarily focuses on minimising cost with little focus on the environmental impact and sustaining operations for the future (Sbihi and Eglese, 2009) General Motors (GM) is a multi-national vehicle manufacturer with operations in various countries. GM filed for bankruptcy in 2009 resulting in the formation of the new GM; one of the focus areas was to ensure sustainability which resulted in the introduction of the ‘Sustainability in motion’ program in 2009 (New York Times, 2009). General Motors South Africa (GMSAf) is a vehicle assembler with manufacturing facilities and head offices located in Port Elizabeth. The company is a wholly owned subsidiary of the multinational General Motors Company. The aim of the research is to determine whether a culture that promotes environmentally conscious behaviour exists within employees and their relationships within a team, with management, stakeholders and suppliers. The study will assist in highlighting areas which need improvement to enable the creation of environmentally sustainable initiatives and implementation thereof. The empirical study revealed that the following management commitment, education and training, performance management and participation and involvement were important factors in the effective implementation of an environmental sustainability program.
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Hunsaker, Christine. "A study of South Africa's National Party perceptions of United States foreign policy in the 1980's with particular reference to sanctions." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 1992. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/17312.
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Includes bibliographies.This dissertation seeks to represent, as clearly as it is possible, South Africa's National Party perceptions on United States foreign policy in the 1980s. The primary area of focus is the policy switch from constructive engagement to punitive sanctions in the mid-1980s and the circumstances to which they have given rise. The following is a brief summary and the contents of the dissertation. The dissertation will give a complete and formal statement in chapter two on U.S. foreign policy toward South Africa since approximately World War Two. The dissertation will provide a clear definition and understanding of economic sanctions in chapter three and touch on the current on-going sanctions debate in South Africa. The core of the dissertation is displayed in chapter four which is a presentation the of field data collected from personal interviews with a third of the National Party caucus. This displays the National Party's perceptions on U.S. foreign policy. Following, chapter five presents alternative views to those held by the NP on the same issues discussed in chapter four. The final chapter makes an attempt at some conclusions based on the data presented in the dissertation. This study is important because it maintains that the data and questions presented in this dissertation offer interview material that has been little studied in the past, thus the findings have the virtue of freshness and uniqueness.
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Makinana, Anazo. "Recycled water usage in peri-urban agriculture : an examination of its socio-economic and environmental benefits in Port Elizabeth." Thesis, University of Fort Hare, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10353/5719.
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This study examines whether recycled water (specifically grey water) is used in peri-urban agriculture in greater Port Elizabeth. It also investigates the socio-economic as well as environmental benefits of using recycled water in peri-urban agriculture. Community perceptions and narratives about the use of recycled water for farming purposes were also investigated. Study respondents were purposively selected from Motherwell and Uitenhage in Port Elizabeth. A qualitative research methodology and methods were used. This involved using purposive sampling to sample, select and interview 22 respondents and eight key informants. All the respondents were interviewed using in-depth semi-structured interviews. The study found that while many respondents have heard about water recycling, they are however not using recycled grey water for their peri-urban farming activities. Instead, peri-urban farmers continue to use water supplied by the municipality. Recycled water is mostly used for watering sport fields around Port Elizabeth. This continued usage of municipal water (instead of recycled water) is not only costly to the municipality but the individual farmers as well. The respondents were however aware of the benefits of using recycled water. These include economic (money saved from not paying irrigation water bills), environmental (nutrient contents found in recycled water) and socio-economic (conserving fresh available for use in other community purposes). The study recommends that the Nelson Mandela Metro Municipality should do more (through educational and environmental campaigns) to encourage peri-urban farmers to use recycled water in their farming activities.
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Xongo, Nosipho. "The impact of mining on infrastructure development and poverty reduction in mining communities." Thesis, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10948/d1018576.
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There is a growing concern from government, communities, civil society and mining companies on the sustained development of the impact of mining on communities and the benefits of mineral development. Communities are more vocal in expressing their expectations for benefits and on the other hand mines are concerned about profits and maintaining a social licence to operate. This study critically evaluates the impact mining has on socio-economic development in mining communities. The focus area of the study is the West Rand District Municipality in Gauteng Province, South Africa. The ‘impact’ refers to the mine’s contribution to infrastructure development and poverty reduction projects in areas where the mine is operating and sourcing labour from. Forecasts for better performance in the future will be assessed. Issues such as community consultation, identification of projects, development forums, the Integrated Development Plan (IDP) and partnerships are addressed. The literature was reviewed from existing national and international research on the topic. The study starts from two assumptions. The first is that minerals are potentially a great resource of wealth for poor countries. The second assumption is that minerals have the potential to benefit the local population through the creation of indirect employment, skills transfer, enhancing the capacity of health and education services, improved infrastructure and small and medium business opportunities. Poverty levels are viewed on a national and international scale. The study reveals problems, with existing approaches, on mine community development. It concludes that the impact of mining on infrastructure development and poverty reduction projects can be huge, but only if a variety of demanding preconditions are met. The study concludes that the reality of mineral led development in mine communities has not lived up to a roaring promise.
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Khan, Farieda. "Contemporary South African environmental response : an historical and socio-political evaluation, with particular reference to Blacks." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/14294.
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Bibliography: leaves 128-148.The impress of history has been particularly profound in the sphere of environmental perception, in that South Africans, both black and white, have had their notions of the environment shaped by the political forces of the past. Accordingly, this study is placed within the context of historical geography, as its open-ended techniques and multi-disciplinary approach is regarded as the most appropriate way of undertaking a study which crosses both historical and environmental boundaries. A contention fundamental to this study, is that South African environmental awareness and knowledge is at a fairly low level and that black environmental interest and concern in particular, ranges from apathy to outright hostility. It is further contended that the attainment of mass environmental literacy is essential for the success of the environmental movement in this country and that this in turn, is dependent on the adoption of a strategy incorporating an integrated historical, social and political perspective. Historico-political factors such as: the impact of the colonizing process; the dispossession of the indigenous peoples; the effect of racial attitudes; discriminatory land legislation and, in particular, the imposition of the apartheid system in 1948, are evaluated in terms of their effect on the development of black environmental attitudes. The culmination of these factors has led to a distortion of environmental perceptions and attitudes, as well as to the alienation of blacks from the environment. Conversely, the initially exploitative white response to the environment gradually incorporated a preservationist element, subsequently evolving into a conservation ideology which generally ignored black interests and perspectives. The policies and activities of the first black environmental organizations are detailed, in an attempt to place their achievements in historical perspective. Research in this area was conducted using primary sources. Interviews with selected environmental and mass democratic organizations in the Greater Cape Town Region were conducted. Using the techniques of the focused interview, their stance on environmental issues was established and their proposals for a future environmental strategy elicited. It was found that, while only one of the nine mass democratic organizations evaluated had an environmental policy, they were all committed to the establishment of a democratic society as well as to the concept of mass participation in environmental politics. Based on the insights gained from the historical aspects of the study, as well as an assessment of the proposals put forward during interviews, it is concluded that certain preconditions .are necessary for the successful implementation of future environmental strategies, if blacks are to become involved in environmental issues. These are: the destruction of apartheid; the establishment of a democratic state and the enhancement of individual quality of life.
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Carim, Xavier. "Formulating the African National Congress' foreign investment policy in the transition to a post-apartheid South Africa: problems, pressures and constraints." Thesis, Rhodes University, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002974.
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This study examines the wide-ranging and critical factors which have impacted on the African National Congress' (ANC) emerging foreign investment policy. It identifies and analyses the matrix of political and socio-economic factors which have combined at global and national levels to shape ANC policy perspectives towards foreign direct investment (FDI). In so doing, the study adopts an eclectic theoretical and methodological approach. It draws on various theoretical traditions to propose a framework that is heuristic and contingent, rather than axiomatic. With regard to foreign investment, in particular, it recommends a theoretical pluralism emphasising 'engagement' through praxis and sound political (state) action. The study argues that the ANC has reconsidered many of its basic assumptions on the nature of the post-apartheid economy and discusses the reasons for those shifts. The reasons include, in particular, global political and economic trends and the balance of forces in South Africa. These have combined to ensure the ANC's broad acceptance of an 'open-door policy' towards FDI so long as it occurs on terms not inconsistent with national objectives. The emerging policy sees the state playing an active role in encouraging and guiding FDI to specific areas and sectors supportive of broad-based development. Foreign investors will be encouraged to form joint ventures with emerging black businesses and agree to foster training, skills development and affirmative action. Harnessing the benefits of FDI will be important for the success of wider strategies designed to place the economy on a firmer, more sustainable growth path.
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De, Wet C. J., C. W. Manona, and Robin Palmer. "Local responses to political policies and socio-economic change in the Keiskammahoek district, Ciskei: anthropological perspectives." Rhodes University, Institute of Social and Economic Research, 1992. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/1810.
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This report relates to research done in the Keiskammahoek district of the Ciskei (see Map No. l) during 1989 and early 1990, with the financial support of the Programme for Development Research (PRODDER) of the Human Sciences Research Council (HSRC) of South Africa. The project was designed and conducted against the background of previous research, and has served as a pilot project for a larger project, entitled "Socio- Economic Change and Development Planning in the Keiskammahoek District of the Ciskei". This larger project which is currently in progress, (and which has been funded by the Institute for Research Development of the HSRC, by the Chairman's Fund of Anglo-American and De Beers, and by Johannesburg Consolidated Investments Co Ltd), is intended to give rise to a process of consultation and planning, leading to various local-level development initiatives in the District.Digitised by Rhodes University Library on behalf of the Institute of Social and Economic Research (ISER)
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Nolte, Mirco. "Commercial biodiesel production in South Africa : a preliminary economic feasibility study." Thesis, Link to the online version, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10019/369.
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Mopp, Adrian Carl. "National liberation movement in the international political arena: a case study of the African National Congress at the United Nations (1960 to February 1990)." Thesis, Rhodes University, 1996. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003018.
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The African National Congress (ANC) was the leading opponent of the South African Government's Apartheid policies. It was engaged in an Anti-Apartheid struggle and as part thereof called for South Africa's diplomatic isolation. In the course of its struggle, the ANC sought international support. Given the stature of the United Nations (UN) as the foremost international organisation, the ANC campaigned at the UN for South Africa's diplomatic isolation. This thesis focuses on the activities of African National Co~gress at the United Nations. It firstly outlines a brief history of the ANC and the UN and examines the relationship which developed between the two organisations. It then focuses on the activities of the ANC at the UN which were aimed at isolating South Africa diplomatically from the international community. Finally a brief assessment of the extent of South Africa's diplomatic isolation is provided.
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Wales, Liezl Jo-Ann. "Land restitution : the experiences in Kenya and Zimbabwe compared : lessons for South Africa." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/52912.
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Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2002.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Land has been the revolutionary metaphor for wealth and power in the world and even more so in Africa. Ideally, land reform in Africa should therefore, contribute to social and economic progress and ultimately result in social equity as well as increased agricultural productivity. This study was devoted to the history of colonialism and the meaning and birth of land reform policies after colonialism. Moreover, to familiarise the reader with the various meanings and issues concerning land reform particularly in Kenya and Zimbabwe. The outcome of the study was to provoke further discussion on the need for land reform in other developing countries, especially South Africa, as well as to investigate whether colonialism created certain land ownership patterns that had harmful effects on the political and economic climate after independence in Kenya and Zimbabwe. Kenya has been unable to establish a sustainable land reform programme since independence. Ethnic clashes in the early 1990's were seen as a continuation of a battle to recognise the existence of property rights. The contributing factor to the conflict was the fact that the political leadership in Kenya was the direct beneficiary of land reform policies. Furthermore, the uncontrolled privatisation of public land only resulted in economic and agricultural decay. The Kenyan experience provides no evidence of increase in agricultural production, but inevitably resulted in social and economic inequalities and the emergence of significant landlessness, which was a result of the inadequacy of government, to provide credit as was initially proposed. Zimbabwe faces the painful reality that its political revolutions have only brought them halfway to true independence. The objective for Zimbabwe was to establish a functional socialist economy where decision making would be under political control in order to bring about the drastic redistribution of wealth from whites to blacks and to become independent form capitalists. The importance of land in Zimbabwe did not so much lie in the social and economic inequalities, but rather the inability to access land, accompanied by a growing overpopulation, landlessness, land deterioration and escalating poverty in the black areas parallel with severe under-utilisation of land in the white farming areas. This study concludes that African governmental land reform programmes have had mixed success. The complex nature of the liberation struggles in Africa, created diverse post-independence governmental systems. However, some former colonies illustrate certain common underlying issues such as the fact that years after independence, land remains one of the key unresolved issues in both Kenya and Zimbabwe, as well as in South Africa.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Gesien in die lig dat grond die revolusionêre metafoor van rykdom en mag in die wêreld, nog te meer in Afrika is, sal dit ideaal wees indien grondhervorming in Afrika kan bydra tot sosiale en ekonomiese bevordering en uiteindelik kan uitloop in sosiale gelykheid asook toename in landbou produktiwiteit. Hierdie studie was toegewy aan die geskiedenis van kolonialisme en die betekenis en oorsprong van grondhervormingsbeleide na kolonialisme, asook om die leser in te lig oor menings en uitgangspunte rakende grondhervorming, spesifiek in Kenya en Zimbabwe. Die doel van die studie was om verdere besprekings oor die behoefte vir grondhervorming in ander ontwikkelende lande, veral Suid-Afrika, uit te lok. Verder om te ondersoek of kolonialisme sekere grondeienaarskappatrone veroorsaak het wat negatiewe effekte op die politieke en ekonomiese klimaat in Kenya en Zimbabwe, na onafhanklikheidswording, veroorsaak het. Kenya is, sedert onafhanklikheidswording, nog nie in staat om 'n volhoudbare grondhervormingsprogram daar te stel nie. Etniese botsings in die vroeë 1990's was gesien as 'n voortsetting van 'n geveg om die bestaan van eiendomsregte te erken. Die bydraende faktor tot die konflik was die feit dat die politieke leierskap in Kenya direkte begunstigdes van die grondhervormingsbeleide was. Verder het onbeheerde privatisering van openbare grond ekonomiese en landbou verval tot gevolg gehad. Die Kenya ondervinding voorsien geen bewyse van toename in landbou produktiwiteit nie, maar het onvermydelik sosiale en ekonomiese ongelykhede en die ontstaan van merkwaardige grondloosheid tot gevolg gehad as gevolg van die onvermoeë van die regering om krediet te voorsien soos aanvanklik voorgestel was. Zimbabwe staar die pynlike realiteit in die oë dat hul politieke revolusies hulle slegs halfpad tot ware onafhanklikheid gebring het. Die doel vir Zimbabwe was om 'n funksionele sosialistiese ekonomie daar te stel waar besluitneming onder politieke beheer sou wees om sodanig drastiese herverdeling van rykdom vanaf blankes na swartes, asook onafhanklikheid van kapitaliste, te bewerkstellig. Die belangrikheid van grond het nie soveel in die sosiale en ekonomiese ongelykhede gelê nie, maar liewer in die onvermoë om grond te bekom tesame met 'n toenemende oorbevolking, grondloosheid, grondverarming en toenemende armoede in swart gebiede. 'n Bydraende faktor was die uiterse onderbenutting van grond in blanke boerdery gebiede. In samevatting wys hierdie studie dat grondhervormingsprogramme van regerings in Afrika gemengde sukses behaal het. Die kompleksiteit van die bevrydingstryde in Afrika het uiteenlopende post-onafhanklike regeringstelsels tot stand gebring. Nietemin, illustreer somige voormalige kolonies sekere algemene onderliggende uitgangspunte, onder andere die feit dat grond, jare na onafhanklikheid, steeds een van die belangrikste onopgeloste vraagstukke in beide Kenya en Zimbabwe, sowel as Suid-Afrika is.
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Makabeni, Yonela. "Environmental impacts of informal economic activities in a low cost housing development, case study of Dunoon, Cape Town." Thesis, Cape Peninsula University of Technology, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.11838/2874.
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Thesis (Master of Environmental Management)--Cape Peninsula University of Technology, 2018.Over the past decades, environmental problems associated with low-cost housing developments have been reported on a national and global scale (see Sowman and Urquhart, 1998 and also Norville, 2003). Poor community participation in the early stages of project design and lack of public involvement in decision making regarding low cost housing development are said to have contributed to these environmental issues. The environmental issues that have been reported so far relate to escalating water quality due to poor storm water management and improper waste disposal which poses a threat to the natural environment. While there is as emerging view that the nature of environmental problems experienced in these settlements are due to a lack of participation by local people in decision making, there is virtual no studies that have located this analysis within the theoretical debate of modernist planning. The issue that has been ignored thus far is the fact that low cost housing development (in generally) still resembles the spatial pattern of both the modernist and apartheid planning orthodox. It is thus from this context that the local people are increasingly excluded from participating in decision making. This form of modernist development is contrary to the ethos of sustainable development. In essence, sustainable development, as a new development theory, also adheres to the notion of local citizenry involvement in development for the benefits of the future generation. The research study further argues that poor people need to participate in decision making regarding the design and delivery of these houses (Oelefse, 1997). Therefore, the study investigated the underlying environmental implications associated with informal economic activities in a low cost housing establishment. The research study adopted a qualitative research design and an inductive approach. Dunoon was used as a case study for the research. The study used two sampling techniques, purposive sampling and random sampling,were used. Interviews, questionnaires and observations were used to collect data from the residents, informal businesses in Dunoon and key stakeholders from the Department of Environmnental Affairs as well as City of Cape Town. The findings of the thesis illustrate that long-term environmental impacts that are visible in the low-cost housing development of Dunoon are triggered by informal economic activities that are practised by the local people to make a living. In this regard, this thesis argues that local people need to be involved in the early planning and design stages of low-cost housing development. They need to be involved in all development stages to ensure that they drive the vision of the development. Lack of involvement of the local people in the initial stages of decision-making on the project triggered severe long term environmental impacts. The study then concludes that long-term environmental impacts in Dunoon are intertwined with the escalation of informal economic activities initiated by the local people in order to cope with harsh economic realities. These informal activities are a form of reaction to the imposed version of development. Thus, the environmental problems that emerged out of this pattern of human activities must be analysed by means of conceptualising the Dunoon low-cost housing as a product of modernist planning philosophy. Based on the information gathered and discussed in this thesis, it is concluded that the low-cost housing development is a product of modernist planning.
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Magwaza, Mayibuye Matthew. "South Africa and Japan - a bureaucratic policy analysis." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/85570.
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Thesis (MA)-- Stellenbosch University, 2013.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study applies a modified bureaucratic policy process model to analyse contemporary South African – Japanese relations, particularly in regards to a proposed Economic Partnership Agreement, and the experiences of Japanese agencies within South Africa. South Africa and Japan are major trade partners, and the Japanese government has a significant presence in the African aid scene via the Tokyo International Conference on African Development (TICAD), and through the works of the Japan International Cooperation Agency (JICA). South African – Japanese relations have been documented in a modest but respectable fashion by a range of researchers, including Alden, Skidmore and Osada. The bureaucratic policy process model has been used in an array of studies on international relations and decision making, notably by Graham Allison. However, it has not been previously applied to South African – Japanese relations. As a result, there is a dearth of information on how bureaucratic dynamics affect Japanese – South African relations. In response to this, a modified bureaucratic policy process model is used to analyse contemporary South African – Japanese governmental relations. A literature review of primary and secondary sources is undertaken, consisting of a historical review of South African – Japanese relations. Following this, a brief overview of contemporary literature on South African – Japanese relations is performed. This includes both secondary sources and primary sources relating to government bureaucracies current priorities and strategies. Material on TICAD is included in this section. Interviews with government officials from both the Japanese and South African governments are carried out using a modified snowball sampling system. The interviews provide insights into the different bureaucratic organization’s priorities and programmes, as well as their relationships with other organizations. From this data, two emergent themes are addressed: the failure of a contemplated Free Trade Agreement / Economic Partnership Agreement and the way in which Japanese agencies, particularly JICA, operate within the South Africa context. It is found that the FTA failed due to welfare concerns from the South African Department of Trade and Industry, as well as greater complications relating to trade agreements in general. These greater complications stem from the involvement of regional bodies such as the South African Customs Union. Japanese agencies are found to be constrained within South Africa by a lack of resources as well as by the independent and somewhat sceptical attitude of South African government agencies towards Japanese aid efforts. It is proposed that the relevance of extra national bureaucracies to the decision making process surrounding the FTA has implications for deploying the bureaucratic policy process model, which has generally only considered national bureaucracies in discussing how decisions are made. It is further suggested that South African trade deals are complicated by the country’s location within the South African Customs Union and the South African Development Community, and the consequent need to consult and negotiate with third parties who are likely to be impacted by such deals. Finally, it is suggested that because both South Africa and Japan face significant, but different economic challenges, they should prioritise improving their economic relations.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie studie het ’n aangepaste burokratiese beleidsprosesmodel gebruik om die hedendaagse betrekkinge tussen Suid-Afrika en Japan te ontleed, veral wat betref ’n voorgestelde ekonomiese vennootskapsooreenkoms tussen die twee lande en die ervarings van Japannese agentskappe in Suid-Afrika. Suid-Afrika en Japan is groot handelsvennote, en die Japannese regering handhaaf ’n beduidende teenwoordigheid op die Afrika-hulptoneel deur middel van die Tokiose Internasionale Konferensie oor Afrika-ontwikkeling (TICAD) en die werk van die Japannese Internasionale Samewerkingsagentskap (JICA). Verskeie navorsers, waaronder Alden, Skidmore en Osada, het die betrekkinge tussen Suid-Afrika en Japan al op beskeie dog aansienlike wyse beskryf. Die burokratiese beleidsprosesmodel is al in ’n rits studies oor internasionale betrekkinge en besluitneming gebruik, in die besonder deur Graham Allison. Tog is dit nog nooit voorheen op betrekkinge tussen Suid-Afrika en Japan toegepas nie. Dus bestaan daar weinig inligting oor hoe burokratiese dinamiek die betrekkinge tussen hierdie twee lande raak. In antwoord hierop is ’n aangepaste burokratiese beleidsprosesmodel dus gebruik om die hedendaagse staatsbetrekkinge tussen Suid-Afrika en Japan te ontleed. Eerstens is ’n literatuuroorsig van primêre en sekondêre bronne onderneem wat uit ’n historiese oorsig van betrekkinge tussen Suid-Afrika en Japan bestaan het. Daarná is ’n oorsig van kontemporêre literatuur oor die verhoudinge tussen die twee lande onderneem. Dít het sowel sekondêre as primêre bronne met betrekking tot die huidige prioriteite en strategieë van staatsburokrasieë ingesluit. Hierdie afdeling sluit ook materiaal oor TICAD in. Onderhoude met staatsamptenare van die Japannese sowel as die Suid-Afrikaanse regerings is met behulp van ’n aangepaste stelsel van sneeubalsteekproefneming gevoer. Die onderhoude bied insig in die verskillende burokratiese organisasies se prioriteite en programme, sowel as hul verhoudings met ander organisasies. Twee temas wat uit hierdie data na vore gekom het, is vervolgens bespreek: die mislukking van ’n beoogde vryehandel-/ekonomiese vennootskapsooreenkoms, en die funksionering van Japannese agentskappe, veral JICA, in die Suid-Afrikaanse konteks. Daar word bevind dat die vryehandelsooreenkoms misluk het weens welsynsbesware van die Suid-Afrikaanse Departement van Handel en Nywerheid, sowel as groter komplikasies met betrekking tot handelsooreenkomste in die algemeen. Hierdie groter komplikasies hou verband met die betrokkenheid van streeksliggame soos die Suider-Afrikaanse Doeane-unie. Voorts blyk Japannese agentskappe in Suid-Afrika aan bande gelê te word deur ’n gebrek aan hulpbronne, sowel as Suid-Afrikaanse staatsagentskappe se onafhanklike en effens skeptiese houding jeens Japannese hulppogings. Die studie doen aan die hand dat die relevansie van bykomende nasionale burokrasieë in die besluitnemingsproses oor die vryehandelsooreenkoms bepaalde implikasies inhou vir die gebruik van die burokratiese beleidsprosesmodel, wat meestal slegs rekening hou met enkele nasionale burokrasieë se rol in besluitneming. Voorts blyk dit dat Suid-Afrikaanse handelstransaksies bemoeilik word deur die land se lidmaatskap van die Suider-Afrikaanse Doeane-unie en die Suider-Afrikaanse Ontwikkelingsgemeenskap, en die gevolglike behoefte om oorleg te pleeg met derde partye wat waarskynlik deur sulke transaksies geraak sal word. Laastens word aangevoer dat aangesien Suid-Afrika en Japan met beduidende dog verskillende ekonomiese uitdagings te kampe het, die verbetering van ekonomiese betrekkinge tussen die twee lande nou voorrang behoort te geniet.
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Levermore, Roger John. "The European Union/South Africa Trade, Development and Co-operation Agreement : decision-making, participation and perceived economic impacts." Thesis, University of Plymouth, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/10026.1/391.
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The European Union-South Africa Trade, Development and Co-operation Agreement (EU/SA TDCA), signed in October 1999, is viewed by some in South Africa as not only one of the most important trade and development agreements entered into by the 'new' South African goverrunent, but also a significant agreement for setting precedents for other bi-lateral trade and development pacts between the EU and African, Caribbean and Pacific group of states. This thesis considers two major issues related to the EU/SA TDCA. First, it describes and evaluates the structures that supported the South African side of the TDCA decision-making process. Second, it discusses the potential economic impact of the agreement on South Africa and part of southern African. Prior to the election of the 'new' South African government in 1994, the majority of South Africa's population was excluded - both in terms of access to decision-making structures and from economic prosperity. By exploring the TDCA, the thesis provides a window through wl-dch to examine contemporary access to decision-making processes in South Africa and the likelihood of the TDCA promoting economic prosperity for sections of southern African society, particularly the 'traditionally excluded'. Interviews with key actors who helped formulate the TDCA provide information that enabled the evaluation of the TDCA decision-making process and highlighted potential economic 'winners' and 'losers'. Interviewing representatives of the South African wine and textile sectors provided an opportunity to examine in more detail the likely impact of the agreement and decision-making processes, associated to the TDCA, within South Africa. The results indicate that an overriding message of this thesis is one of complexity. The description of the structures that underpinned the EU/SA TDCA portrayed complex relationships between decision-making 'actors'. In evaluating the inclusivity of the policy formulation process, there was a lack of consensus over who had been included or excluded. Likewise, the identification of potential economic 'winners' and 'losers' proved to be somewhat problematic.
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Wilson, Daphne May. "The African adult education movement in the Western Cape from 1945 to 1967 in the context of its socio-economic and political background." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/20146.
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Bibliography: pages 310-325.At the end of World War II, volunteers from the University of Cape Town began literacy and post-literacy evening classes for African adults near the Blouvlei squatter settlement in Retreat. From this small beginning a significant voluntary adult education movement developed until, at the peak of its expansion, there were night schools located at fourteen different sites in the Cape Peninsula from Sea Point to Simonstown. The thesis studies the twenty-three year lifespan of this movement which provided tuition at both primary and secondary level and from 1950 called itself the "Cape Non-European Night Schools Association" (CNENSA). The history of the organisation deals chronologically with three distinct periods: (1) 1945-1948, the opening phase, when in the aftermath of a Commission of Enquiry into adult education, volunteer groups undertaking adult night classes were encouraged and were granted small subsidies; (2) 1949-1957, a period of continuing and rapid expansion; (3) 1958-1967, the years in which the government reduced, restricted and finally eliminated all the CNENSA's schools. While the movement is studied with regard to its educational programme, choice of subjects, curricula, text-books and general organisation, much of the central interest derives from an examination of its origin and operation in relation to the political and socio-economic developments in the country. The study is thus concerned with the causes of African poverty and illiteracy and the continuous backdrop of major external events during the existence of the Association. In the inter-relatedness of the two historical themes thus pursued, the participants in the education movement, both teachers and pupils, are seen to reflect the wider society, and the study in its broad survey refers to many events of profound historical significance; these include the setting up of Bantu Education and the other pillars of apartheid, the development of major protest organisations and trade unions, the staging of the Civil Disobedience Campaign and the Congress of the People, the events at Sharpeville and in Langa in 1960 and the eventual emergence of underground movements and armed resistance. There is a strong focus on the motives and attitudes of both the learners and teachers in the movement and on their perceptions of their times and of each other. In this respect an interesting liberal-radical continuum is seen running right through the history of the Association. In the concluding chapters, to question the evidence from an alternative viewpoint before final evaluations are made, the work of the CNENSA is examined in the light of a Paulo Freirian perspective.
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Stands, Sarah Reed. "Utility-scale renewable energy job creation : an investigation of the South African Renewable Energy Independent Power Producer Procurement Programme (REIPPPP)." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/96791.
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Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2015.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The South African Government developed the REIPPPP to ensure the implementation of Green Economy and job creation policies, while mitigating the current power crises with the short lead times of RE technologies. Current South African literature is ambiguous when discussing the legitimacy of the REIPPPP and the overall understanding of the programme and its associated outcomes in terms of job creation, are therefore, vague. A need therefore exists to unpack the quantitative job creation submissions of the REIPPPP and to carry out an investigation into the opportunities and challenges associated with meaningful job creation. Through a non-linear iterative exploratory design, hinging on the researcher’s position within industry, this empirical research comprises of two components. Firstly, a literature study informs the development of a meaningful job creation framework which is used to analyse the programme’s bid documentation and publicly available data. Secondly, mixed-methods are utilised to collect quantitative data from the DoE and qualitative data from job creation stakeholders. The result is an enriched understanding of the REIPPPP in terms of meaningful job creation, identifying trends, similarities and unexpected outcomes across methods. The study concludes that the programme does create meaningful jobs yet data is misaligned and currently unavailable to the public. Secondly, since job creation is a feature of South African Government development policy, a more robust emphasis is required in the REIPPPP weighting and auditing process, which includes further research of intended benefits and suggested improvements to align job creation data.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die Suid-Afrikaanse regering het die hernubare energie onafhanklike kragprodusent verkrygingsprogram ontwikkel om die voorsiening van die werksskeppingsbeleid en groen-ekonomiebelied te verseker. Huidige Suid-Afrikaanse letterkunde is dubbelsinnig wanneer die wettigheid van die program bespreek word. Die algehele begrip van die program en sy geassosieerde uitkoms is dus vaag. Daar is n behoefte om die kwantitatiewe werkskeppingvoorleggings te analiseer en om ondersoek in te stel in die geleenthede en uitdagings wat geassosieer word met betekenisvolle werkskepping. Deur n nie- lineêre iteratiewe ondersoekende ontwerp, wat gebaseer is op die navorser se posisie in die industrie, bestaan hieride empiriese navorsing, uit twee komponente. Eerstens, lig n literatuurstudie die ontwikkeling van n betekenisvolle werkskeppingsraamwerk in, en word gebruik om die program se boddokumentasie en publieke data te analiseer. Tweedens, word gemengde metodes gebruik om kwantitatiewe data van die departement van energie te versamel asook kwalitatiewe data van werkskeppingbelanghebbendes. Die resultaat is n meer verrykende verstandhouding van die hernubare energie onafhanklike kragprodusent verkrygingsprogram in terme van betekenisvolle werkskepping asook die identifisering van tendense en onverwagse uitkomste. Die studie kom tot die gevolgtrekking dat die program nie betekenisvolle werk skep nie en is tans onbeskikbaar vir die publiek. Tweedens, aangesien werkskepping 'n kenmerk is van die Suid-Afrikaanse regering se ontwikkelingsbeleid, word 'n meer robuuste klem vereis op die hernubare energie onafhanklike kragprodusent verkrygingsprogram se ouditeringsproses en verdere navorsing van die beoogde voordele word voorgestel.
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Mandla, Bulelani. "BEE and Malaysia's NEP : a comparative study /." Thesis, Link to the online version, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10019/579.
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Pekeur, Juanita. "Foreign direct investment and political risks in South Africa and Nigeria : a comparative analysis." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/53430.
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Thesis (MA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2003.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Instability in foreign political and social systems, changing power structures in international relations, and growing demands by host countries for a greater control over the operations of multinational enterprises (MNEs) have all led to the necessity of an improved way in which to determine foreign investment opportunities. Not surprisingly therefore, political risk assessment has become one of the fastest growing fields of study. Being concerned with the identification, analysis, management, and reduction of socio-political risks for foreign investors. The focus of this study is that of political risk analysis and the way in which it impacts on investor perception and consequently determines levels of foreign direct investment received by a particular country. Numerous definitions for the term "political risk" exist. Consequently, no specific definition is regarded as being completely correct since consensus still needs to be reached. One of the definitions used within this study is that political risk analysis is the analysis of the possibility that factors caused or influenced by governmental political decisions or other unforeseen events in a country will affect business climates in such a way that investors will lose money or not make as much profit as they expected when the initial decision to invest was made. These factors can be of internal (from inside the host country) or external origin, and can pose macro or micro risks. Foreign Direct Investment in brief is an investment involving a long-term relationship and reflecting a lasting interest and control of a resident entity in one economy in an enterprise resident in an economy other than that of the foreign direct investor. This study is a comparative between South Africa and Nigeria. South Africa and Nigeria share many similarities, they are both resource based, African countries. They are both fairly recent democracies, although some may contest the status of Nigeria as being a democracy. They are also both heterogeneous states, both consisting of various ethnic groups. Nigeria offers investors a low-cost labour pool, abundant natural resources, and a large domestic market. However, Nigeria suffers from an inadequate and poorly maintained infrastructure, confusing and inconsistent regulations, endemic corruption, and a lack of confidence in the rule of law. Despite all of this, Nigeria alone accounts for a quarter of FDI flows to Africa. In comparison, South Africa's FDI potential has not been fully exploited. This study will discuss the possible reasons why this is the case. The labour market in both countries and the challenges they face are discussed in depth within this study. Due to the fact that aside from investment, the economic growth within a country is dependent on a variety of factors, the backbone of which is the labour market. In determining levels of risk within both South Africa and Nigeria, this study made use of a political risk model. Although the intention has been to be as accurate and as thorough as possible, it should be noted that as yet, no generalised systematic method of conducting political risk assessment exists. Results, although extensively substantiated, remains the interpretation of the researcher and as such remains open to debate.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Onstabiliteit in buitelandse politieke en sosiale stelsels, veranderende mag strukture in internasionale betrekkinge, en die groeiende behoeftes van gasheer lande om meer beheer uit te oefen oor die funksioneering van buitelandse maatskappye het alles gelei na die noodsaaklikheid van 'n beter manier om buitelandse investering te bepaal. Dus is dit nie verbasend dat politieke risiko analise deesdae een van die vinnigste ontwikkelende onderwerpe is wat bestudeer word nie. Politieke risiko analise is belangrik vir die identifikasie, analise, bestuur en vermindering van sosio-politieke risiko vir buitelandse investering. Hierdie studie fokus op die impak wat politieke risiko' analise het met betrekking tot belegger waarneming en hoe dit dan ook moontlik die bedrag van buitelandse investering wat 'n land ontvang, kan bepaal. Daar is verskeie definisies wat die term "politieke risiko" beskryf en gevolglik moet konsensus nog bereik word oor 'n "korrekte" een. Een van die definisies wat in hierdie studie gebruik word is dat politieke risiko die analise is van die moontlikheid dat sekere faktore wat veroorsaak is of wat beïnvloed is deur die regering se politieke besluite, asook ander onvoorspelbare gebeurtenise in 'n land wat die investerings klimaat so kan beïnvloed dat die buitelandse beleggers moontlik geld kan verloor of miskien nie die verwagte winste behaal wat hulle aanvanklik gereken het, sou behaal nie. Hierdie faktore kan of intern (binne die gasheer land) of ekstern van aard wees en kan dus makro of mikro risiko behels. Direkte buitelandse investering in 'n land is 'n belegging wat In lang termyn verhouding insluit en dit reflekteer ook 'n blywende belangstelling en beheer van 'n buitelandse maatskappy in 'n gasheer land in. Hierdie studie is 'n vergelykende studie tussen Suid-Afrika en Nigerië. Suid-Afrika en Nigerië deel baie ooreenkomste. Beide lande is ryk aan natuurlike bronne en beide is nog "jong" demokratiese lande. Sommige mense stem nie saam dat Nigerië wel aan al die vereistes van 'n demokrasie voldoen nie. Suid-Afrika en Nigerië is ook heterogene state wat uit verskeie etniese groepe bestaan. Nigerië bied vir die buitelandse belegger billike arbeid, oorvloedige natuurlike bronne, asook In groot binnelandse mark. Ten spyte hiervan, moet dit ook in ag geneem word dat Nigerië onder onvoldoende en In swak instandhouding van infrastruktuur, wispelturige regulasies, korrupsie en ook In swak regsisteem ly. Ten spyte van al hierdie faktore, ontvang Nigerië In kwart van alle buitelandse investering in Afrika. Suid-Afrika se buitelandse investerings potensiaal in vergelyking met ander lande moet nog ontwikkel word. Hierdie studie sal die moontlike redes vir Suid Afrika se oneksploiteerbare buitelandse investerings potensiaal bespreek. Die arbeidsmark en die uitdagings wat gestel word het In groot invloed op buitelandse investering. Hierdie studie het ten doelom beide lande se arbeidsmark te bespreek en te vergelyk met betrekking tot buitelandse investering. Om die moontlike risiko in altwee lande te bepaal, maak hierdie studie gebruik van In politieke risiko analise model. Die navorser het gepoog om so deeglik en akkuraat as moontlik te wees. Dit moet ook in ag geneem word dat daar nog geen veralgemeende metode van politieke risiko analise ontwikkel is nie.
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Menzies, Greig Hamilton. "An economic evaluation of a wind power electricity generating farm in South Africa." Thesis, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/18156.
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Thesis (MComm (Economics)--Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, 2011.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Renewable energy technology has received much attention over recent years. The depletion of known fossil fuel reserves and the volatility of international fuel prices require that society looks beyond the current coal-dominated electricity generation methods. Wind energy is an internationally well-established technology with large markets in major countries around the world, such as the USA and Germany. South Africa has the potential to generate large amounts of electricity from the wind because of the strength of the country’s wind resource. The long coast line and open areas are ideal for the exploitation of wind energy.
Sponsored by the Centre for Renewable and Sustainable Energy Studies
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Bezuidenhout, Lydia. "Evaluating political accountability in water projects with the aim of determining the impact of political accountability on project sustainability." Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/2449.
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Thesis (MA (Political Science))--University of Stellenbosch, 2009.The study investigated what the degree of political accountability is in water projects as practiced by project implementers. The evaluation was also aimed at determining the impact of political accountability on project sustainability. In order to evaluate the question, field research was conducted. Field research was of a quantitative nature, using a questionnaire. This involved (a) selecting two systems (project implementers, a municipality and a non-governmental organisation) where the systems’ political accountability within water projects could be compared, and (b) interviewing community respondents from a set questionnaire in four villages. The main findings are that (i) the level of political accountability in water projects depends on the system implementing a water project, (ii) three elements of political accountability (responsibility, information, and inclusion) differ significantly between the two systems, and (iii) political accountability has a significant impact on project sustainability. It is recommended that project implementers take into consideration the identified three elements of political accountability in order to improve project sustainability.
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Gwaindepi, Abel. "The developmental state, social policy and social compacts: a comparative policy analysis of the South African case." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1013278.
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The history of economic thought is ‘flooded’ with neo-classical accounts despite the fact that neoclassical economics did not occupy history alone. This has caused the discourses on ‘lost alternatives’ to be relegated as the deterministic ‘straight line’ neo-classical historical discourses are elevated. Globally hegemonic neo-classical discourse aided this phenomenon as it served to subordinate any counterhegemonic local discursive processes towards alternatives. This study is premised on the theme of non-neoclassical ‘lost alternatives’ using the post-apartheid South Africa as a case study. Emerging from the apartheid regime, the impetus towards non-neoclassical redistributive policies was strong in South Africa but this did not gain traction as the ANC’s ‘growth through redistribution’ was replaced by globally hegemonic discourse which favoured ‘redistribution through growth’. This thesis postulates the idea of two waves of ‘internal’ discursive formations; capturing the transition to democracy up to 1996 as the first wave and the period from 2005 to about 2009 as the second wave. The developmental state paradigm (DSP) emerged as the central heterodox paradigm with ideas such as industrial policy, welfare, and social dialogue/compacts being main elements. The DSP was expressly chosen in the early 1990s, the first period of strong internal discursive formation, but faded as neo-classical policies, epitomised through GEAR, dominated the policy space. The DSP discourse gained vitality in the second wave of internal discursive formation (2005-2009) and it was associated with the subsequent Zuma’s administration. The study illustrates that the DSP has failed to be fully developed into a practical framework but remained only at rhetorical level with the phrase ‘developmental state’ inserted into government policy documents and documents of ANC as a ruling party. The thesis further illustrates that the DSP fared well ideologically because of its inclination to the ideology of ‘developmentalism’ tended to trump any socialist inclined policies such as a generous welfare regime. The thesis rebuts the notion of the DSP in South Africa which has only been amorphously developed with the phrase ‘developmental state’ becoming a mere buzzword. The thesis argues that the DSP in the 21st century is much more complex and the growing ‘tertiarisation’ of the economy makes the Social Democratic Paradigm SDP’s capability centric approach much more relevant for South Africa. The study goes further to argue that a (SDP) is much more suitable alternative for addressing South African colonial/apartheid legacies and consolidation of democracy.
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Pienswang, Longman Geoffrey. "A historical analysis of Nigeria-South Africa migration patterns since 1960: Implications for their socio-political and economic relations." Thesis, University of Zululand, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10530/1680.
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A thesis submitted to the Faculty of Arts in fulfilment of the requirements of the Degree of Doctor Of Philosophy in the Department of History at the University of Zululand, 2017For over a century, cross border movement of people has been on-going between Nigeria and South Africa. Nigerians started immigrating to South Africa as early as 1905, and South African white Missionaries from the Dutch Reformed Church, on the invitation of the Sudan United Mission, for evangelical work. The missionaries from South Africa were assigned the Benue region of Nigeria for missionary evangelical work. By 1911, they were at Sai a Tiv village where they established the first mission station. These missionaries introduced modern education based on western civilisation to the area and introduced new seedlings that led to the transformation of agriculture in the Benue region. They also introduced modern medical practice that eradicated leprosy and other diseases that were rampant and brought in modern architecture to the Benue region. They established the NKST church which is widely spread among the Tiv and across central Nigeria. The study discusses the role of Nigeria in undermining the apartheid regime from 1960, which also coincided with the Sharpeville massacre. Nigeria spent its resources in the fight against apartheid. In doing that, Nigeria did not only engage apartheid South Africa alone but used the instrument of diplomatic relation in canvassing support on the international scale through the United Nations, the Commonwealth and the formation of the OAU which was largely funded by the Nigerian government. This research reveals Nigeria’s role in the de-colonisation process of not only apartheid South Africa but also the entire Southern African region. The study analyses the patterns of migration between the two countries and examine the implication of this migration on the socio-political and economic relationship since 1960. Relying on a qualitative methodology, the study uses the principle of saturation to interview participants; it also relies on archival records in addition to current literature on the phenomenon. The study used the Push pull and transnational migration theory for analysis. This study argues that although the migration phenomenon existed for over a century, the two countries are still engaged in frosty relationship expressed through xenophobic violence, drug trafficking, and human rights abuses. It also argues that the fundamental reason for this xenophobic attack can be traced in South Africa’s apartheid history, which left a society where black South Africans were separated from each other, and that the South African blacks came out of apartheid as landless poor peasants. Although the instrument of power lies in their hands, the economy is still largely controlled by the white minorities. The study concludes with a clarion call on the Nigerian and South African governments to reawaken Pan-Africanism that the continent is known for and to reinvigorate the African Ubuntu which seeks the welfare of an African brotherhood - that Africa is better together than disunited. Africa should work more on factors that unite them rather than on what divide them. In unity, the continent’s hopes for integration in economic, political and diplomatic relations will be realised.
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Sogoni, Mbulelo. "Assessment of capacity development through public-private partnership: a case study of the Department of Economic Development and Environmental Affairs in the Eastern Cape." Thesis, University of Fort Hare, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10353/327.
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The aim of this study was to examine the effectiveness of a capacity development programme initiated by the Department of Economic Development and Environmental Affairs (DEDEA) as a mechanism to enhance the performance of the employees in order to improve service delivery to the people of the Eastern Cape. The public service is enjoined by the Constitution to provide services that citizens need, and for this reason it is in need of educated, trained and professional public servants, especially in the technical, professional and managerial categories. The department also recognized the potential of public–private partnerships (PPPs) to improve performance in the areas of transformation and service delivery, and that it required investments aimed at developing and strengthening public management capacity. However, the effectiveness of the PPP as a mechanism for capacity development, remained unknown. The literature reviewed overwhelmingly supported the assertion that human capital development is critical for performance in the public service. The review also highlighted the importance of partnerships, especially the role of the private sector in the area of capacity development, advancing the argument that PPPs should be pursued in order to leverage ideas, resources, and capabilities to achieve public service goals. Various research tools, namely interviews, questionnaires and document analysis were used to conduct the study. Data collected and analysed provided empirical evidence of improved performance of both the individual managers and the department in the functional areas of financial governance and management; programme and project management; as well as ethics and professionalism. It suggested a strong correlation between training, capacity development and service delivery. This research found the DEDEA/National Business Initiative (NBI) PPP initiative, as a capacity development mechanism to enhance the performance of the department‟s employees, effective. On strength of the overwhelming evidence gathered through this research, it strongly recommends that the programme be rolled out to other employees.
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Van, der Merwe Schalk Willem Jacobus. "Local and sub-regional socio-economic and environmental impact of large-scale resort development." Thesis, Link to the online version, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10019/1658.
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Mkhabela, Thulasizwe. "An econometric analysis of the economic and environmental efficiency of dairy farms in the KwaZulu-Natal Midlands." Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/6768.
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Thesis (PhD(Agric) (Agricultural Economics))--University of Stellenbosch, 2011.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This dissertation is an analysis of dairy production in the Midlands district of KwaZulu-Natal. The analysis of agricultural production generally ignores undesirable outputs that are produced alongside desirable outputs. This research attempted to integrate a model of nitrate leaching from dairy production into a multiple input/output representation of the production technology, together with the analysis of technical efficiency. Estimation of both technical efficiency and environmental efficiency were done following the parametric econometric stochastic frontier (SFA) and the nonparametric mathematical programming data envelopment analysis (DEA) approaches. The study used unbalanced panel data from 37 individual highly specialized dairy farms for the period 2000 to 2007 and totals to 2130 observations. Production functions for the three outputs; milk, animals and farm produced feed, were fitted as a simultaneous system to model the farms’ production activities for the econometric SFA estimation of technical efficiency. A single equation reduced form was fitted as a frontier to allow for the estimation of the relative efficiencies of the individual farms. The results showed that with data this detailed it was possible to refine the model until it fits very tightly. Indeed, in the gross output model that includes cows, there was nothing left to call inefficiency and what was clearly a frontier becomes a mean response function. Technical efficiency was further calculated using the nonparametric DEA approach using the same dataset. The estimation of environmental efficiency was done using both SFA and DEA approaches. Undesirable emissions of nitrate were represented within the models by calculating nitrogen surplus (kg/ha) for each farm. This nitrogen surplus value was based on the intensity of the use of nitrogen containing inputs and the nitrogen content of marketable products specific information and from farm data which were used to calculate a farm nitrogen balance. The stochastic estimation of environmental efficiency used the same data that were used for the estimation of technical efficiency. However, for the DEA calculation of environmental efficiency, a balanced cross-section dataset for 34 farms participating in a pasture-utilization programme was used. This dataset was used because it had quantities of nitrogen fertilizer and other nitrogen containing inputs. Results indicate that there was minimal “over-usage” (over production) of milk thus reducing milk output alone will not lead to improved environmental efficiency. Farm size, herd size, and quantity of nitrogen fertilizer applied, present the best scope of reducing nitrogen surplus thus improving environmental efficiency of the dairy farms. Reducing imported feed by relying more on home grown feed can also help reduce nitrogen surplus. This is feasible because dairy farmers in the KwaZulu-Natal Midlands can produce most of the feed on farm. In summary, to obtain environmental efficiency milk production would have to be reduced by 80 litres per hectare; farm size by 73.69 ha; herd size by 33 cows, nitrogen fertilizer application by 74.3 kilograms per hectare; and imported feed by 13.4 kilograms of dry matter per hectare. The adjustments that would be required if environmentally inefficient farms were to adopt best practice technology and move towards their environmental production frontiers indicate that the production of pollutants (nitrogen surplus) could be reduced at negligible cost to milk production. The positive correlation between technical and environmental efficiencies indicates that improving environmental efficiency could be associated with improvements in technical efficiency. Thus, policies aimed at improving both efficiencies could have substantial rewards.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: In hierdie tesis word suiwelproduksie in die Middellande van KwaZulu-Natal van nader beskou. Met die ontleding van landbouproduksie, word ongewenste uitsette wat saam met gewenste uitsette geproduseer word, gewoonlik oor die hoof gesien. Hierdie navorsing poog om ’n model van nitraatvrylating uit suiwelproduksie in ’n veelvuldige inset/uitset verteenwoordiging van die produksietegnologie, te integreer by die analise van tegniese doeltreffendheid. In opvolging van die benaderings tot die parametriese ekonometriese stogastiese front (SFA) en die omvattingsanalise ten opsigte van die nie-parametriese matematiese programmeringsdata, is beramings van sowel tegniese as omgewings doeltreffendheid gedoen. In die studie is gebruik gemaak van paneeldata van 37 individuele hoogs gespesialiseerde melkplase vir die tydperk 2000 tot 2007, wat altesaam 2130 waarnemings beloop. Produksiewerksaamhede vir die drie uitsette; melkproduksie en diere- en plaasgeproduseerde voer, is as ’n gelyklopende stelsel ingepas om die plase se produksiewerksaamhede vir die ekonometriese SFA-beramings van tegniese doeltreffendheid weer te gee. ’n Enkele vorm om gelykmaking te verminder is daargestel as ’n front vir die beraming van die relatiewe doeltreffendhede van die individuele plase. Die resultate het bewys dat data van hierdie omvang dit moontlik maak om die model sodanig te verfyn dat dit net-net inpas. By die bruto uitset-model waarby koeie ingesluit is, was daar inderdaad niks wat op ondoeltreffendheid gedui het nie en wat eers ’n duidelike front was, het ’n betekenisvolle responsfunksie geword. Voorts is tegniese doeltreffendheid bereken deur aanwending van die nie-parametriese DEAbenadering, deur gebruik te maak van dieselfde datastel. Die beraming van omgewingsdoeltreffendheid is gedoen deur gebruikmaking van sowel SFA- as DEA-benaderings. Ongewenste nitraatvrylatings is in die modelle gevind deur die stikstofsurplus vir elke plaas te bereken (kg/ha) Die waarde van hierdie stikstofsurplus is gebaseer op die intensiteit van die gebruik van stikstofbevattende insette en bepaalde inligting oor die stikstof-inhoud van bemarkbare produkte, sowel as van plaas data, wat gebruik is om ’n stikstofbalans vir die plaas te bereken. Dieselfde data wat aangewend is vir die beraming van tegniese doeltreffendheid, is gebruik om die stogastiese beraming van omgewingsdoeltreffendheid te bepaal. Vir die DEA-berekening van omgewingsxii doeltreffendheid, is egter ’n gebalanseerde kruisseksie datastel gebruik vir 34 plase wat aan ’n weidingsbenuttings-program deelgeneem het. Die bepaalde datastel is gebruik omdat dit dosisse stikstofbemestingstof en ander stikstofbevattende insette bevat het. Resultate het op minimale “oorgebruik” (oorproduksie) van melk gedui en daarom sal die vermindering van slegs die melkuitset nie lei tot verbeterde omgewingsdoeltreffendheid nie. Plaasgrootte, kuddegrootte en die dosis stikstof wat toegedien is, verskaf die beste beeld van verminderde stikstofsurplus, wat dus tot verbeterde omgewingsdoeltreffendheid op melkplase lei. Die vermindering van ingevoerde voer deur meer op plaasgeproduseerde voer staat te maak, kan ook meewerk om stikstofsurplus te laat daal. Dit kan gedoen word omdat melkboere in die Middellande van KwaZulu-Natal die meeste van die voer op die plaas kan produseer. Ter samevatting kan gesê word dat om omgewingsdoeltreffendheid te bereik moet melkproduksie met 80 liter per hektaar verminder word, plaasgrootte met 73.69 ha, kuddegrootte met 33 koeie, stikstofbemestingtoediening met 74.3 kilogram per hektaar en ingevoerde voer met 13.4 kilogram droë materiaal per hektaar. Die aanpassings wat nodig sal wees indien omgewingsdoeltreffende plase beste praktyk-tegnologie sou aanvaar en sou aanbeweeg na hulle omgewingsproduksiefronte, dui daarop dat die produksie van besoedelende stowwe (stikstofsurplus) verminder kan word teen geringe koste aan melkproduksie. Die positiewe verband tussen tegniese en omgewingsdoeltreffendhede, dui daarop dat die verbetering van omgewingsdoeltreffendheid, in verband gebring kan word met verbeterings in tegniese doeltreffendheid. Beleid wat op verbetering van beide doeltreffendhede gemik is, kan daarom aanmerklike voordele inhou.
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Mason, Kirsten Zara. "Land reform in Southern Africa : a comparative study between South Africa and Zimbabwe." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/50005.
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Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2004.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Land has been a revolutionary metaphor for wealth and power in the world. Ideally, land reform in Africa should contribute to social and economic progress and ultimately result in social equity, as well as increased agricultural productivity. This study is devoted to the history of the land ownership in Southern Africa, as well as the meaning and explanation of land reform programmes after the transition to democracy. Moreover, it is dedicated to familiarising the reader with the various meanings and issues concerning land reform, particularly in South Africa and Zimbabwe. The outcome of the study is to promote further discussion on the need and about the revival of land reform programmes in the region of Southern Africa. In this study, South Africa and Zimbabwe are discussed comparatively with regards to three main areas of land reform: restitution, redistribution and tenure reform. The goal of this study is to gauge the possibility of South Africa following in the footsteps of Zimbabwe in terms of land invasions supported by the government. Zimbabwe faces the painful reality that its political revolutions have only brought them halfway to true independence. The objective for Zimbabwe is to establish a functional socialist economy where decision-making would be under political control so as to bring about the drastic redistribution of wealth from whites to blacks. The fulfilment of the rule of law must become the first priority of the Zimbabwean government. If the government continues to belittle the rule of law, corrupt decisions benefiting only those in support of the government, will continually be made. The importance of land in Zimbabwe did not so much arise from the social and economic inequalities, but rather the inability to access land, accompanied by a growing overpopulation, landlessness, land deterioration and escalating poverty in the black areas. This was further paralleled with severe under-utilisation of land in the white farming areas. South Africa, on the other hand, did make space at an earlier stage of transition in their constitution, for organised and methodical land reform to occur. Unfortunately, this process has taken much slower than first predicted, which has led to unrest among the landless, and those who have made claims for the land. South Africa very recently made some decisions to speed up the land reform process through expropriation if negotiations fail. With the Zimbabwean situation, the issue may not so much be about land in itself, but may reflect the need for employment, especially regarding infrastructure and investment in industrialisation within the rural areas. This study concludes that South Africa, although showing many similar signs of a downward spiral, will not follow the route which Zimbabwe has taken. It would appear that the government of South Africa would not allow land invasions by the landless, organised under the banner the 'Landless Peoples Movement (LPM), as was seen in Zimbabwe with the war veterans. The reason for this is that the South African government has made continuous statements that land invasions will not be tolerated in South Africa, and that they will abide by the legislation set out, when it comes to land reform and restitution. The government has the power to enforce the rule of law if land invasions do start to occur. Although the LPM have a similar manifesto and goal as to the war veterans in Zimbabwe, they seem a lot less militant and ready to work with the government and the people to ensure the best for South Africa's land reform process. This study thus looks at land reform issues that face South Africa and Zimbabwe, and fleshes out ideas as to creating a regional procedure for the best method of land reform for implementation by the South African Development Community.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Gesien in die lig dat grond die revolusionêre metafoor van rykdom en mag in die wêreld is, sal dit ideaal wees as grondhervorming tot sosiale en ekonomiese bevordering in Afrika kan bydra en uiteindelik kan lei tot sosiale gelykheid en toename in produktiwiteit in die Landbou-sektor. Hierdie studie is toegewy aan die geskiedenis van grond-eienaarskap in Suider- Afrika, sowel as die betekenis en verduideliking van grondhervormingsprogramme na afloop van die transisie na 'n demokrasie stelsel. Die studie fokus ook daarop om die leser meer in te lig oor die verskeie menings en uitgangspunte rakende grondhervorming in die algemeen, maar meer speisfiek in Suid Afrika en Zimbabwe. Die doel van die studie is om verdere besprekings oor die behoefte en die heroplewing van grondhervormingsprogramme in Suider-Afrika. Suid-Afrika en Zimbabwe word in die studie op drie gronde met mekaar vergelyk: Die teruggawe van grondeiendom, die herverdeling van grondeiendom en die hervorming van besitreg. Die doel van die studie is om te bepaal of Suid-Afrika in die voetspore van Zimbabwe gaan volg. Zimbabwe staar die pynlike realiteit in die oë dat hul politieke revolusies hulle slegs halfpad tot ware onafhanklikheid gebring het. Die doel vir Zimbabwe was om 'n funksionele sosialistiese ekonomiese stelsel daar te stel waar besluitneming onder politieke beheer sou wees om sodanig drastiese herverdeling van rykdom vanaf blankes na swartes, asook onafhanklikheid van kapitaliste, te bewerkstellig. Die belangrikheid van grondbesit het nie werklik in die sosiale en ekonomiese ongelykhede gelê nie, maar in die onvermoë om grond te bekom tesame met 'n toenemende oorbevolkingsyfer, grondloosheid, grondverarming en toenemende armoede in swart gebiede. 'n Bydraende faktor was die groot mate van onderbenutting van grond in blanke boerdery gebiede. Aan die ander kant, het Suid Afrika baie vroeg in die oorgangsfase voorsiening vir 'n georganiseerde en stelselmatige grondhervormingsproses, in die grondwet gemaak. Ongelukkig het die proses baie langer gesloer as wat aanvanklik beplan is. Dit het tot onrustigheid onder die mense wat geen grondeiendom besit het nie en dié wat grondeise ingedien het, gelei. Suid Afrika het onlangs besluite geneem om die proses te bespoedig deur 'n paar belangrike besluite te neem, om die grondhervormings proses, vinniger te maak Dit word gedoen deur ekspropriasie as onderhandelinge onsuksesvol is. Soos in Zimbabwe, mag die werklike probleem nie slegs oor geondbesit gaan nie. Dit reflekteer die behoefte aan werkverskaffing, veral in die infrastruktuur van arm gebiede en die investering industrialisasie. Alhoewel dit lyk asof Suid-Afrika nie suksesvol in die herverdeling van grond is nie, kom die studie tot die slotsom dat die land nie in die spore van Zimbabwe sal volg nie. Dit kom voor asof die Suid-Afrikaanse owerheid nie sal toelaat dat mense sonder grondbesit, grond onregmatig inneem soos in Zimbabwe nie, omdat hulle 'n punt in die media daarvan gemaak het. Die owerheid het die mag om die wet toe te pas in situasies waar grond onregmatig ingeneem word. Alhowel die LPM ("Landless Peoples Movement") 'n soortgelyke manifes en doelstellings as die oorlogveterane van Zimbabwe het, blyk dit nie asof hulle so militaristies is nie en dat hulle gereed is om saam met die owerheid en mense te werk sodat die hervormingsproses in die beste belange van Suid-Afrika plaasvind. Hierdie studie kyk dus na die grondhervormingsproses in Zimbabwe en Suid Afrika en vorm idees rondom die skepping van 'n uniforme proses wat die beste hervormingsmetode is vir die gebruik van die Suid-Afrikaanse Ontwikkelingsgemeenskap.
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Manona, Cecil, Leslie John Bank, and Karen Higginbottom. "Gender, households and environmental changes in informal settlements in the Eastern Cape Province, South Africa." Rhodes University, Institute of Social and Economic Research, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/1821.
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In recent years the number of people living in informal or 'squatter' settlements in South Africa has mushroomed and virtually every small town or city has one or more squatter settlements associated with it, often next door to the formal residential areas. Using field data collected from 1993 in two informal settlements in the Eastern Cape Province of South Africa this study examines, firstly, the ways in which men and women in these communities organise their lives in their households and in the wider society. Secondly, it assesses the physical environment of informal settlements where there is a lack of service infrastructure, especially water, sewerage facilities, refuse removal and roads. Also, it was assumed that the presence of large numbers of people in an informal settlement has a deleterious effect on natural resources like the soil, wood, vegetation and water and that this may have a significant contribution to environmental pollution and degradation. This aspect was also examined.Digitised by Rhodes University Library on behalf of the Institute of Social and Economic Research (ISER)
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Rammutle, Radithebe. "Foreign aid and NGO-state relations in South Africa : post-1994 developments." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/53429.
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Thesis (MA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2003.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study investigates the impact of foreign aid on the relations between Non- Governmental Organisations (NGOs) and the state in South Africa since 1994. There are three different ways in which NGOs can interact with the state and public policy: viz. they can support and help to implement policies, attempt to reform policies, or oppose them. During apartheid, the nature of NGO-state relations was characterised by political confrontation and distrust. NGOs primarily served as organisations of opposition to the state's exclusivist and dehumanising policies. Many NGOs, however, also provided developmental and social services to communities who were neglected by the apartheid state. After the first democratic election in 1994, the role of NGOs underwent a significant process of change. Various factors contributed to this change. This study, however, primarily focuses on the role of foreign aid and its effect on NGO activities in South Africa, post-1994. This study relied on secondary data sources (both qualitative and quantitative) available in the area of NGO state relations. The study also focused on two major donor agencies in South Africa: European Union (EU) and United States Agency for International Development (USAID). Analysis of data reveals that, since 1994 much of the funding that was previously directly channeled to civil society now goes to the state, which distributes it to targetted NGOs. As a result many NOOs have collapsed because of a shortage of financial resources to sustain their work. Secondly, since 1994 the rationale and purpose behind international donor policies has been to advance the New Policy Agenda (NPA), which is aimed at promoting free market-orientated reforms and the consolidation of liberal democracy. As a result, foreign aid donors have endorsed the liberal economic policies, which are set out in the government's macroeconomic strategy, viz. Growth, Employment, and Redistribution (GEAR). Thus, both government and donors have prioritised NGOs who are involved in service delivery rather than those that are likely to challenge and oppose liberal market policies. They have also shown preference to NGOs that are more concerned with the norms and practices of procedural democracy as opposed to those that are concerned with issues of participatory and social democracy. This has resulted in constraining the overtly political and advocacy role, which characterised NGOs during the apartheid era. International donors, via government disbursement institutions such as the National Development Agency (NDA), have also constrained the work of NGOs by insisting on numerous managerial related requirements that have been made conditional for the receiving of financial support. Many small, informal, rural community based organisation that lack the required administrative capacity have, as a result, been facing serious financial crises. Subsequently, NGO-state relations, since 1994, have become less adversarial and confrontational. Most NGOs, complement and support the state's social services delivery programmes and also serve as organisations which help shape the norms and practices of procedural democracy. The study concludes, that the persistent inequality, poverty and unemployment which is associated with the GEAR macroeconomic policy and endorsed by international donor agencies, will lead to the resurgence of advocacy NGOs. Furthermore, in order to resuscitate their role and to ensure their vitality as organisations, which promote participatory democracy, it is essential to focus on strategies, which can effectively challenge the current funding environment to NGOs. These include, building the administrative capacity of both the NDA and NGOs, ensuring NDA independence, and ensuring recognition by funding institutions of the importance of advocacy NGOs in the consolidation of economic democracy.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie studie ondersoek die impak van buitelandse hulp op die verhoudinge tussen Nie-Regeringsorganisasies (NRO'S) en die staat sedert 1994. Daar is drie verskillende wyses waarop NRO's interaksie kan bewerkstellig met die staat en met openbare beleid, naamlik, hulle kan help om beleid te implementeer, hulle kan help om beleid te verander, of hulle kan beleid teenstaan. Tydens apartheid, is die aard van NRO - staat verhoudings gekenmerk deur konfrontasie en wantroue. Die NRO's het primêr gedien as organisasies van opposrsie teen die staat se eksklusiwistiese en onmenslikingsbeleid. Talle NRO's het egter ook ontwikkelings- en sosiale dienste voorsien aan gemeenskappe wat afgeskeep is deur die apartheidstaat. Na die eerste demokratiese verkiesing in 1994, het die rol van NRO's 'n beduidende proses van verandering ondergaan. 'n Verskeidenheid faktore het bygedra tot hierdie verandering. Hierdie studie fokus egter primêr op die rol van buitelandse hulp en die uitwerking daarvan op NRO's se aktiwiteite in Suid-Afrika na 1994. Hierdie studie het staatgemaak op sekondêre bronne (kwalitatief sowel as kwantitatief) in die gebied van NRO's - staat verhoudinge. Die studie fokus ook op twee belangrike donateur agentskappe in Suid-Afrika: die Europese Unie (EU) en die Verenigde State Agentskap vir Internasionale Ontwikkeling (VSAlO). 'n Analise van die data toon aan dat, sedert 1994, heelwat van die befondsing wat voorheen direk gekanaliseer is aan die openbare gemeenskap, nou na die staat gaan, wat dit versprei na geteikende NRO's. Gevolglik het talle NRO's ineengestort vanweë 'n tekort aan finansiële bronne om hulle werk vol te hou. Tweedens, sedert 1994 was dit die rasionaal en doelstelling van internasionale donateurskapsbeleid om die Nuwe Beleid Agenda (NBA) te bevorder, wat as doelstelling het die bevordering van vrye mark-georiënteerde hervormings en die konsolidasie van 'n liberale demokrasie. Gevolglik het buitelandse hulp donateurs liberale ekonomiese beleidvorming onderskryfwat uiteengesit word in die regering se makro-ekonomiese strategie, nl. Groei, Werkverskaffing en Herverdeling (GEAR). Dus het sowel die regering as donateurs prioriteit gegee aan NRO's wat betrokke is in dienslewering, eerder as dié wat geneig is om liberale markbeleid teen te staan. Hulle het ook voorkeur gegee aan NRO's wat meer besorg is oor die norme en praktyke van 'n prosedurele demokrasie in teenstelling met dié wat besorgd is oor die vraagstukke van 'n deelnemende en sosiale demokrasie. Dit het die resultaat gehad dat die openlike politiese en kampvegtersrol wat kenmerkend van die NRO's was gedurende die apartheidsera, beperk is. Internasionale donateurs het, Vla regerings-instellings soos die Nasionale Ontwikkelingsagentskap (NOA), ook die werk van NRO's beperk deur die aandrang op talle bestuursverwante vereistes wat as voorwaarde gestel is vir die ontvangs van finansiële ondersteuning. Talle klein, informele landelike gemeenskaps-gebaseerde organisasies wat die vereiste administratiewe kapasiteit kort, het gevolglik ernstige finansiële krisisse begin ondervind. Daaropvolgend, het NRO-staat verhoudinge sedert 1994 minder konfronterend begin raak. Die meeste NRO's ondersteun die staat se diensleweringsprogramme en dien ook as organisasies wat help om die norme en praktyke van 'n prosedurale demokrasie te vorm. Die studie kom tot die gevolgtrekking dat die voortdurende ongelykheid, armoede en werkloosheid wat geassosieer word met die makro-ekonomiese beleid van die regering se program vir Groei, Werkskepping en Herverdeling (GEAR) sal lei tot In nuwe opkoms van kampvegter NRO's. Voorts, ten einde hulle rol te stimuleer en hulle lewenskragtigheid as organisasies te verseker, kan ons die huidige befondsingsomgewing van NRO's doeltreffend uitdaag. Dit sluit in die bou van die administratiewe kapasiteit van beide die NOA en NRO's, die versekering van NOA onafhanklikheid, en die versekering van die erkenning deur befondsingsinstellings van die belangrikheid van kampvegter NRO's in die konsolidasie van 'n ekonomiese demokrasie.