Dissertations / Theses: 'Economic development projects – European Union countries'

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Bai, Xue. "Evaluation and suggestions on EU development assistance policy." Thesis, University of Macau, 2012. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2595841.

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Mavura, Mike Tigere. "The European Union trade, development and cooperation agreement (TDCA) with South Africa : promoting development or self interest?" Thesis, Rhodes University, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1007572.

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This research analyses development cooperation between the European Union (EU) and South Africa with the objective of determining which between the two entities, ultimately benefits more out of this arrangement The research goes beyond the altruistic reasons offered by the EU as the rationale for development cooperation to investigate whether South Africa's development is actually being promoted by this cooperation. Further, the research investigates whether there is also EU self-interest that informs this development cooperation. This research is conceptualised within the development aid debate framework. The research argues that this development cooperation is important to South Africa even though its impact is in real terms has not been extensive due to a number of factors. It further contends that there are EU political, security and economic interests amongst others that are being promoted by this development cooperation. The research concludes by asserting that this development cooperation promotes the mutual interests of the EU and South Africa. This conclusion challenges the paradigms of the debate on development aid which is premised in black and white terms of development aid promoting either donor or recipient interests.

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Cross, Peter John. "Negotiating a comprehensive long-term relationship between South Africa and the European Union: from free trade to trade and development." Thesis, Rhodes University, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002978.

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On 10 May 1994 the European Union offeredSouth Africa a package of measures to ... send a strong political signal to the incoming govemment and to the South African population, thus proving its firm determination to support the transition towards democracy and its willingness to contribute to the reconstruction and economic development of South Africa after the elections. This package consisted of two parts: 1. A series of short term implementations to take place with immediate effect to help South Africa's development and transition, and 2. An offer to negotiate a comprehensive long-term relationship with South Africa should the new government so request. South Africa accepted the European Union's offer to negotiate a long-term relationship, and in response requested membership of the structure governing the Union's relations with the rest of the countries in Sub-Saharan Africa and some countries in the Caribbean and Pacific, namely the Lomé Convention. Due to various incompatibilities South Africa was not allowed to join this organisation. In its place the European Union offered to negotiate an agreement with South Africa that would lead to a Free Trade Area. This agreement was in keeping with the rules as laid down by the World Trade Organisation. It envisaged the lowering of tariffs and trade barriers between the Union and South Africa over a period not exceeding 12 years, allowing for asymmetry in terms of time constraints in implementation only. South Africa saw this type of agreement as inconsistent with the desire expressed by the European Union to support the countries development and the integration of the Southern African region. In its place South Africa proposed a new concept in trade agreement, this concept, known as the Trade and Development Agreement, embodied both trade liberalisation and support for development. This agreement would introduce a new paradigm of thought to govern trade between developed countries and developing countries within the World Trade Organisation's rules. This paper explores the events that unfolded in these negotiations. It attempts to discover whether, in the current global environment, it is possible, or beneficial, for the developed world to act in an altruistic manner towards another state in order to assist its development.

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Hengari, Alfredo Tjiurimo. "A regional economic partnership agreement between SADC and the European Union within the Cotonou framework : opportunities and challenges for the political economy of regional integration in SADC." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/49851.

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Thesis (MA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2004.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: One of the most notable features of the relations between the European Union and SADC is the current reconfiguration of their trading architecture as encapsulated in the Cotonou Agreement. Such a process of change can be shown to have inevitably been the result of policy shifts, which are salient characteristics of a global political economy, whose ontology is embedded theoretically in neo-liberalism. Nevertheless, any process of change in the structure of global trading relations has the logical outcome of systemically imposing either challenges or opportunities, and in some cases both, on the participants of that structure. This study represents a scholarly attempt at creating a lucid and descriptive embodiment of the challenges and opportunities involved for SADC in the negotiation and implementation of a Regional Economic Partnership Agreement (REPA) with the European Union. These challenges and opportunities, obligatory within a REPA framework are theoretically pronounced in as far as they shape the political economy of regional integration in SADe. The process of negotiating such a multifaceted agreement with a sophisticated partner, calls for institutional and negotiating capacity. Undoubtedly, such capacity is beyond the membership of SADe. The point is also emphasized that the process of trade liberalization, ingrained in a REPA will create a complex and difficult interface with the current SADC initiatives underway to deepen regional integration. Tellingly, these would contradict the cautious developmental and bottom up approach taken by SADC in its drive for regional integration. Conversely, this study concedes that a REPA with the EU holds a number of novel opportunities for SADC because such a process would provide scope for the fundamental restructuring of the SADC economies. The competitive pressures through decreased levels of protection within a REPA can create an upward convergence of low performing industries in the region. These, amongst others are important aspects if the political economy of SADC is to move into a virtuous cycle of deeper integration and ultimate insertion in the global economy.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Een van die mees opvallende kenmerke van verhoudinge tussen die Europese Unie (EU) en Suider-Afrikaanse Ontwikkelingsgemeenskap (SAOG) is die huidige rekonjigurasie van handelsbetrekkinge, soos vervat in die Cotonou Ooreenkoms. Hierdie proses is die onafwendbare gevolg van beleidsveranderinge in die internasionale politieke ekonomie, met 'n. ontologie wat teoreties in neo-liberalisme gewortel is. Sodanige veranderinge in die struktuur van internasionale handelsverhoudinge. bied uitdagings sowel as geleenthede, en soms beide, aan deelnemers van sodanige struktuur. Hierdie studie is 'n akademiese poging om 'n helder en deskriptiewe blik te werp op die uitdagings en geleenthede vir die SAOG met betrekking tot die onderhandeling en implimentering van die Regionale Ekonomiese Venootskapsooreenkoms (REVO) met die EU Hierdie uitdagings en geleenthede, wat verpligtend is binne die REVO struktuur, is teoreties belangrik in soverre as wat dit die politeke ekonomie van regionale integrasie in SADC beinvloed. Die onderhandelingsproses van so 'n komplekse dokument met gesofistikeerde vennote vereis intitusionele en onderhandelingskapasiteit. Hierdie kapasiteit is nie in SAOG te vinde nie. Die punt word ook benadruk dat die proses van handelsliberalisering, wat deel uitmaak van REVO, botsend kan wees met SAOG inisiatiewe om regionale integrasie te versterk. In essensie sal dit die huiwerige ontwikkelings en 'onder na ba' benadering, wat die SAOG tans volg, weerspreek. Aan die ander kant, gee die studie toe dat 'n REVO met die EU 'n hele aantal voordele inhou, aangesien so 'n proses momentum kan voorsien vir verreikende herstrukturering van SAOG ekonomieë. Die kompeterende druk a.g. v. 'n afname in beskermingsvlakke onder die REVO, kan lei tot 'n opwaartse neiging onder tradisionele swakpresterende nywerhede in die streek. Hierdie is onder andere belangrike aspekte wat SADC in gedagte moet hou, ten einde deel te word van die deugsame kringloop van dieper integrasie, en uiteindelike deelwording van die internasionale ekonomie.

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Pillay, Morgenie. "The negotiation process of the EU-SA Trade, Development and Co-operation Agreement: a case of reference for the south?" Thesis, Rhodes University, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003031.

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Overall the conclusions drawn about South Africa’s negotiating style and tactics were arrived at by analysing a number of reports (that closely followed the evolution of the negotiations) and then paralleling this case study’s findings with the conjectures made by the theoretical frameworks (i.e. works by Putnam, Zartmann and Churchmann) about how negotiations proceed. In the final analysis, the findings of this case are intended to provide insight for the south about how to approach any future trade negotiations with the North (or more specifically with the EU).

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Burger, Pieter Francois Theron. "The trade and development agreement between SA and the EU : implications for SACU." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/52029.

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Thesis (MBA)--Stellenbosch University, 2000.
The Trade, Development and Co-operation Agreement (TDCA) will create competitive challenges, threats and opportunities, driving out less efficient performers while bolstering more efficient enterprises and industries. This is in line with the general principles of the World Trade Organisation (WTO) which promotes the reduction of trade barriers in order to liberate trade on a global basis. This dynamic process of adjustments will continue throughout the implementation of the European Union - South Africa Free Trade Agreement ( EU-SA FTA) which is the main component of the TDCA. The European Union (EU) has historically been Southern Africa's most important trading partner. The main reason why South Africa entered into a Free Trade Agreement (FTA) with the EU was to enhance exports to South Africa's largest export market, attract higher levels of investment from the EU, and gradually expose the South African industry to competition to ensure that it is restructured to become globally competitive. Since 1910 South Africa has been part of the Southern African Customs Union (SACU), which also comprises Botswana, Lesotho, Namibia and Swaziland (BlNS). The EU-SA FTA will accordingly impact on trade relations between South Africa, the EU and the BLNS countries. Not only will SACU face increased competition from cheaper EU imports, but BLNS countries will also face reduced income from the common revenue pool. South Africa will have to remove a higher level of tariffs from a greater volume of imports than is the case for the EU. For the BLNS, the relative adjustment effort is even greater. The BLNS will have to adjust to the elimination of tariffs on 30% of goods currently imported from the EU, while the TDCA will bring about no improvement in their current terms of access to the EU market. The BLNS products currently exported to the EU which are most likely to be affected by the EU-SA FTA are: clothing (Lesotho), preserved fish and flowers (Namibia), and grapefruit, processed pineapples, corned fruit and grapes (Swaziland). These products are under threat from South African products which can, as a result of the FTA, be exported to the EU at reduced tariffs. BLNS products which could be affected as a result of cheaper EU imports are: grain (Botswana, Namibia and Lesotho), chicken production (Swaziland), sugar (Swaziland), beef (Namibia and Botswana), and the small wheat-farming sector in Namibia and Botswana. The EU-SA FTA is further likely to have a substantial impact on South Africa's exports to the EU. The total increase in exports as a result of the FTA is estimated between 1.3% and 1.4% of the 1996 value of South Africa's exports to the EU. The main drive will come from industrial products which are less protected than agricultural products. The South African government, further, concluded that the negative effects of the direct costs to SACU would be outweighed, in the long term, by the dynamic and geopolitical benefits of an FTA with the EU. The signal that the South African government has given with signing the TDCA with the EU indicates that the Southern African economy should restructure itself to become internationally competitive. This is the only way to survive in a global trade arena which is under WTO principles becoming increasïngly more liberated.

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Aina, Tosin Philip. "A critical overview of the impact of economic partnership agreement with European Union on trade and economic development in the West African Region." Thesis, UWC, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/3216.

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Bertelsmann-Scott, Talitha. "The SA-EU trade, development and co-operation agreement : democratising South Africa's trade policy." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/52573.

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Thesis (MA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2001.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This thesis examines the democratisation of South Africa's foreign trade policy, by evaluating the negotiations surrounding the establishment of a free trade area between South Africa and the European Union (EU). Democracy here is defined as a form of government that rests on three components namely, public participation in and public debate over policy formulation and a governing elite that is responsive to the needs of the majority of the population. The thesis firstly outlines the process of negotiation itself, looking at the developments that shaped the years of talks. It examines the nature of the final agreement, called the Trade, Development and Co-operation Agreement (TDCA). It focuses on the Co-operation Agreements that were concluded, South Africa's partial accession to the Lomé Convention and the details of the free trade agreement. It finds that although the negotiations took very long to complete and the EU proved to be a tough negotiator, there are a number of opportunities for South Africans in the TDCA. In the second section the internal process in developing a South African negotiating mandate is examined. This is done to conclude whether or not South Africa's foreign trade policy is being formulated in a democratic manner. However, first of all the question why the democratisation of foreign trade policy formulation is important is addressed. Two possible theories are advanced. Firstly, globalisation has forced countries to lure foreign direct investment (FDI) as a matter of urgency. Seeing as FDI is mostly tied up with western nations that prefer democracies, states are opting to democratise. The focus is to a large extent on satisfying international actors. Or alternatively, the very survival of the nascent democracy today depends on the consultative nature of domestic economic and international economic policy formulation. This is not a question of choice with an external focus, but rather a matter of urgency with purely an internal focus. Four actors in foreign policy formulation, namely parliament, government, the bureaucracy and civil society, are examined in order to understand whether they had access to the process and whether these institutions themselves have been democratised since 1994. The thesis finds that the process was to a large extent democratic in nature. However, the thesis also finds that no matter how democratic policy formulation is in South Africa, the options for policy are limited by a number of international elements. These include globalisation, regional trading blocs like the European Union, and international organisations like the World Trade Organisation.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die tesis evalueer die demokratisering van Suid-Afrika se buitelandse handelsbeleid deur die onderhandelingsproses tussen die Europese Unie (EU) en Suid-Afrika rakende die sluiting van 'n vryhandelsooreenkoms te ontleed. Demokrasie word in die tesis definieer as 'n tipe regering wat rus op drie komponente, naamlik deelname in en debat oor beleidsformulering en 'n regerende elite wat die behoeftes van die meerderheid van die burgers in ag neem in beleidsformulering. Eerstens omskryf die tesis die gebeure wat die onderhandelingsproses beïnvloed het. Die finale ooreenkoms word oorweeg teen die agtergrond van die samewerkingsooreenkomste wat tussen die partye gesluit is, Suid-Afrika se gedeeltelike deelname aan die Lomé Konfensie en die vryhandelsooreenkoms. Die gevolgtrekking word bereik dat ten spyte van die feit dat die onderhandelings oor 'n hele aantal jare gestek het, en alhoewel die EU 'n uitgeslape onderhandelaar was, die orreenkoms talle geleenthede vir Suid-Afrikaners skep. In die tweede instansie word die interne proses wat tot Suid-Afrika se onderhandelingsmandaat gelei het, ondersoek. Dit is gedoen om vas te stel of die beleid op 'n demokratiese manier geformuleer is. Daar word egter eers bepaal waarom die demokratisering van buitelandse handelsbeleid belangrik is. Twee moontlike teorie word geformuleer. Die eerste stel dit dat globalisering lande forseer om direkte buitelandse beleggings aan te lok. Siende dat buitelandse beleggings van westerlike state afkomstig is, wat verkies om met demokratiese state sake te doen, word ontwikkelende lande as te ware geforseer om veral hulle buitelandse beleidsformulering te demokratiseer. In die alternatief kan dit betoog word dat die voortbestaan van die demokrasie self afhang van 'n ekonomiese beleidsformulering wat beide binnelandse en internasionale prosesse insluit. Dit is nie 'n kwessie van keuse met 'n eksterne fokus nie, maar 'n noodsaaklikheid met 'n interne fokus. Vier groeperinge wat buitelandse beleidsformulering beïnvloed word ondersoek, naamlik die Parlament, the regering, die burokrasie en die burgerlike samelewing, om vas te stelof hierdie instansies toegang tot die proses gehad het en of hierdie instansies self sedert 1994 gedemokratiseer is. Die tesis kom tot die gevolgtrekking dat al is die formulering van buitelandse beleid hoé demokraties, word die moontlikehede vir beleidsformulering beperk deur globalisering, streeksorganisasies soos die EU, en internasionale organisasies soos the Wêreld Handelsorganisasie. Vir Chris, Gitti, Thomas en my ouers, sonder wie hierdie nooit klaar sou gekom het nie. Baie dankie ook aan Prof Philip Nel vir sy hulp, leiding en ondersteuning.

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Soeltenfuss, Jan. "Policy perspectives and an analysis of evaluation methods for selected EC-financed projects." Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2006. http://etd.uwc.ac.za/index.php?module=etd&action=viewtitle&id=gen8Srv25Nme4_8224_1255694435.

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This research proposed to look at quality standards of evaluations in economic and financial respect undertaken on behalf of the European Commission in order to assess the performance of its development assistancein a policy-driven context. the research found that evaluation on the basis of an individual project is often flawed and lacks quality in terms of the applied evaluation method.

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Wu, Yan Ni. "The EU development aid policy : evolution, legal basis, features, effectiveness and its role in the EU-China relations." Thesis, University of Macau, 2009. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2099266.

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Frisina, Lorraine. "Understanding regional development : absorption, institutions and socio-economic growth in the regions of the European Union ; a case study on Italy /." Frankfurt am Main [u.a.] : Lang, 2008. http://www.gbv.de/dms/zbw/560191960.pdf.

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Delechat, Aude Simonne Emilie. "Une concurrence fiscale loyale (un compte de fée?) /." Thesis, McGill University, 2005. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=83950.

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Tax competition between tax sovereignties is a fact. We focus here on the international tax competition. Taxation is one of the tools of governance that States use to direct their policies. Tax authorities try to diminish the burden of their taxpayers to improve the national economic and social welfare. To aim this objective, Governments intensify the competitiveness of the domestic trade and/or attract foreign investments. Because every States share the same goal, Governments compete with each other on the tax field. This tax competition is qualified as beneficial on the one hand, and one the other hand---ever more often---the adjective used to qualify this competition would be "harmful". At first, this thesis exposes the situation of tax competition, presenting the opposing views and the concurring ones. Then, we look at the position of the Organization of Economic Cooperation and Development and the position of the European Union on this issue of tax competition. Historic summaries explain the point of view of these two organizations that are the leaders in the fight against the "harmful" tax competition. Finally, we give subjective ideas to re-think tax competition in a fair way.

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Van, de Vijver Johan. "Contributions from the European Union to the development of Brainport Eindhoven : A case study on the contribution of the projects from development programmes and initiatives to the development of the innovation system of Brainport." Thesis, Blekinge Tekniska Högskola, Institutionen för fysisk planering, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:bth-14958.

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In the Brainport region, many different projects take place in the framework of EU co-financed programmes and initiatives. Between the different programmes and initiatives, these projects all have a different way to contribute to this development. Firstly, all projects contribute to the activities of organisations in the region. The subsidy that is linked to the projects gives the organisations in the region extra financial capacity, which allows organisations to do something extra besides their regular activities. The relations within Brainport are also very much developed with contributions of the projects of the EU programmes and initiatives. The projects in all programmes had an emphasis on connecting different organisations with each other and the development of new ecosystems. Therefore, especially the network dimension is developed thanks to the EU co-financed projects. The institutions in the region are almost undeveloped by the projects, because the projects have a duration period that is too small to contribute to this. Although some projects instigate the development of knowledge, this is to a far smaller degree than the instigation of entrepreneurial activities, because knowledge is used in the project as a means to do entrepreneurial activities.

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Alverhed, Elin, and Frida Kåvik. "The decoupling process of CO2 emissions and economic growth : A comparative study between the European Union and middle income countries in South and East Asia." Thesis, Jönköping University, Internationella Handelshögskolan, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hj:diva-49616.

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This paper compares and analyzes the decoupling processes of carbon emissions to economic growth in the European Union and South and East Asian middle income countries. This is done through econometric methods, testing for a relationship between CO2 and GDP. The study is conducted by first testing for the hypothesis that there is a significant difference of the turning points between the EU and the Asian region, and thereafter if there is a significant difference in the decoupling processes. The findings show that the Asian middle income countries have a lower turning point than the EU. It is also found that the EU experienced absolute decoupling in 2014, whereas the Asian countries only experienced weak relative decoupling. The study is based on four theories; The Environmental Kuznets curve, Tapio’s Decoupling model Theory, Rostow’s Stage of Growth Theory and the Ecological Modernization Theory. The findings, together with the theories, show that improved technology, together with implementations of international policies, can have positive effects on environmental changes.

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Van, der Holst Marieke. "EPA negotiations between the EU and SADC/SACU grouping: partnership or asymmetry?" Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/1931.

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Thesis (MA (Political Science. International Studies))--University of Stellenbosch, 2009.
Europe and Africa share a long history that is characterized both by oppression and development. The relationship between the European Union (EU) and the African, Caribbean and Pacific (ACP) countries is a particularly important aspect of EU development cooperation policy. The developmental history between the EU and Africa started with the Yaoundé Conventions of 1963 and 1969, which were replaced by the Lomé Convention. Unfortunately, the favourable terms and preferential access for the ACP countries to Europe failed and the Lomé Convention was replaced by the Cotonou Partnership Agreement (CPA) in 2000. As a result of a WTO-waiver, the discriminatory non-reciprocal trade preferences, which were previously enjoyed under the Lomé Convention, continued until December 2007. The Cotonou Agreement points out that these trade preferences will be replaced by joint WTOcompatible Economic Partnership Agreements (EPAs). During the EPA negotiations, the EU preferred to negotiate on a regional basis instead of negotiating with the ACP as a whole or with individual countries. Consequently, Sub-Saharan Africa formed two negotiation groups; the Eastern and Southern Africa (ESA) EPA group and the Southern African Development Community (SADC) EPA group, represented by the five Southern African Customs Union (SACU) countries, together with Mozambique and Angola. Although Southern Africa is the region that leads the continent; from an economic perspective, the Southern African states show considerable disparities. Due to the economic differences between South Africa and the BLNS countries (Botswana, Lesotho, Namibia and Swaziland), the interests of the individual SACU countries are diverse and often contradictory, which resulted in complicated EPA negotiations. However, maintaining a favourable long-term trading relationship with the EU is of great importance to the economic and political well-being of the SADC, since the EU is the main trading partner of most African countries. By December 2007, an interim EPA (IEPA) was initialled by the BLNS countries as a result of the pressure to fall back to the unfavourable Generalized System of Preferences (GSP). Due to the bilateral Trade Development and Cooperation Agreement (TDCA) that is in force between South Africa and the EU, South Africa was not negatively influenced by the expiry of the WTO-waiver. The EPA will have a negative impact on regional integration within SADC and will promote distinction within the regional economic communities. Duty free, quota free access was offered to the BLNS countries, but the EU did not extend this offer to South Africa because of the developmental status of the country and the pre-existing TDCA. Consequently, South Africa will be required to export at higher prices and will experience increased competition within the region. The downside of the removal of import tariffs for the BLNS countries is that government revenues will decrease, which might result in income losses and will accentuate poverty. The standstill-clause of the IEPA prevents the SACU countries from diversifying economically and from developing new industries. The Most- Favoured Nation clause primarily impacts negatively on South Africa, since it prevents South Africa from negotiating freely with other countries such as Brazil and China. Furthermore, the strict intellectual property rules of the IEPA undermine access to knowledge and hereby fail to support innovation. The content of a chapter on liberalization of services, that will be included in the full EPA, is still being negotiated. Liberalization of services might lead to more foreign investments in the BLNS countries, as a result of which the quality of services will increase, leading to better education, infrastructure and more job opportunities. However, foreign companies will gain power at the expense of African governments and companies. South Africa is the main supplier of services in the BLNS countries and will therefore be confronted with economic losses when the services sector is liberalized. From an economic nationalist perspective, the EU included numerous provisions in the IEPA that were not necessary for WTO compatibility. However, the EU is aware of the importance of trade agreements for the BLNS countries and found itself in the position to do so to fulfil its own interests. By making use of the expiry date of the WTO waiver; the IEPA was initialled by the BLNS countries within a relatively short period of time. South Africa, in its own national interests, opposed the provisions of the IEPA, which has led to the negotiations deadlock. Because of the economic power and negotiating tactics of the EU and the selfinterested attitude of South Africa in this respect, regional integration is undermined and the poorest countries are once again the worst off. Although Economic Partnership Agreements have to be established, the partnership-pillar is, in my opinion, hard to find.

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Macheru, Maryanne Wambui. "East African community-European Union economic partnership agreement, to be or not to be? Will conomic partnership agreement undermine or accelerate trade development within the East African community." Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2011. http://etd.uwc.ac.za/index.php?module=etd&action=viewtitle&id=gen8Srv25Nme4_4327_1363780584.

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Volz, Eckehard. "The trade, development and cooperation agreement between the Republic of South Africa and the European Union : an analysis with special regard to the negotiating process, the contents of the agreement, the applicability of WTO law and the Port and Sherry Agreement." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/52582.

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Thesis (LLM)--University of Stellenbosch, 1999.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This thesis deals with the Trade, Development and Cooperation Agreement (TDCA) between the European Union and the Republic of South Africa, which was concluded in October 1999. In particular, the agreement is analysed in the light of the negotiating process between the parties, the contents of the agreement, the applicability of WTO law and the compatibility of the agreement with it and the Port and Sherry Agreement. Since the EU emphasised its aim to commence economic and development cooperation with other African, Caribbean and Pacific (ACP) countries on a reciprocal basis during the negotiations for a successor of the Lomé Convention, the TDCA between the EU and South Africa had to be seen as a "pilot project" for future cooperation agreements between countries at different levels of development. The TDCA between the EU and South Africa is therefore not only very important for the two concerned parties, but could serve as an example for further negotiations between the EU and other ACP countries. Thus the purpose of this thesis is to examine the TDCA between the EU and South Africa from a wider global perspective. The thesis is divided into six Chapters: The first Chapter provides an introduction to the circumstances under which the negotiations between the EU and South Africa commenced. It deals briefly with the economic situation in South Africa during the apartheid era and presents reasons why the parties wanted to enter into bilateral negotiations. The introductory part furthermore presents an overview of the contents of the thesis. The second chapter contains a detailed description of the negotiating process that took place between the parties and shows why it took 43 months and 21 rounds of negotiations to reach a deal. South Africa's partial accession to the Lomé Convention and the conclusion of separate agreements such as the Wine and Spirits Agreement, are also analysed. Chapter three presents the various components of the TOCA and illustrates what the negotiators achieved. This chapter on the TOCA concludes with an evaluation of the Agreement and shows the potential benefits to South Africa and the EU. Since the Agreement had to satisfy international rules, the provisions of the General Agreement on Tariffs and TradelWorld Trade Organisation (GATTIWTO) were of major importance. The EC Treaty, however, does not contain any provision that indicates whether, or how, an international agreement like the GATTIWTO penetrates the Community legal order. In Chapter four, accordingly, questions are raised regarding the extent to which the bilateral agreement between South Africa and the EU was influenced by the GATTIWTO provisions and how these rules were incorporated into the agreement. Furthermore, since the parties agreed on the establishment of a free trade area, this chapter deals with the question of in how far the TOCA is in line with Article XXIV GATT. In addition to the GATT provisions, the TOCA is also affected by the Agreement on Trade Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPs). Therefore Chapter five deals with TRIPs in connection with the TOCA. The use of the terms "Port" and "Sherry" as the major stumbling block to the conclusion of the TOCA is analysed more closely. The final part, namely Chapter six, provides a summary of the results of the investigation. Furthermore, a conclusion is provided with regard to the question of whether the TOeA can be seen as an example for further trade relations between the EU and other ACP countries.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie tesis is gerig op die Handels-, Ontwikkelings- en Samewerkingsooreenkoms (TDGA) tussen die Europese Unie (EU) en die Republiek van Suid Afrika wat in Oktober 1999 gesluit is. Die ooreenkoms word veral in die lig van die onderhandelingsproses tussen die partye, die inhoud van die ooreenkoms, die toepaslikheid van Wêreldhandelsorganisasiereg en die versoenbaarheid daarvan met die ooreenkoms en die Port en Sjerrie-ooreenkoms ontleed. Aangesien die EU sy oogmerk van wederkerige ekonomiese en ontwikkelings-gerigte samewerking met ander lande in Afrika en die Karibiese en Stille Oseaan-Eilande gedurende die onderhandelings vir 'n opvolger van die Lomé Konvensie beklemtoon het, moes die ooreenkoms tussen die EU en Suid-Afrika as 'n "loodsprojek" vir toekomstige samewerkingsooreenkomste tussen lande wat op verskillende vlakke van onwikkeling is, gesien word. Die Handels-, Ontwikkelings- en Samewerkingsooreenkoms tussen die EU en Suid-Afrika is dus nie net baie belangrik vir die betrokke partye nie, maar dit kan ook as 'n voorbeeld vir verdere onderhandelings tussen die EU en lande van Afrika en die Karibiese- en Stille Oseaan-Eilande dien. Die doel van dié tesis is om die Handels-, Ontwikkelings- en Samewekingsooreenkoms tussen die EU en Suid-Afrika vanuit 'n meer globale perspektief te beskou. Die tesis is in ses Hoofstukke ingedeel: Die eerste hoofstuk bied 'n inleiding tot die omstandighede waaronder die onderhandelings tussen die EU en Suid-Afrika begin het. Dit behandel die Suid- Afrikaanse ekonomiese situasie onder apartheid kortliks en toon hoekom die partye tweesydige onderhandelings wou aanknoop. Verder bied die inleidende deel 'n oorsig oor die inhoud van die tesis. Die tweede hoofstuk bevat 'n gedetailleerde beskrywing van die onderhandelingsproses wat tussen die partye plaasgevind het en toon aan waarom dit drie-en-veertig maande geduur het en een-en-twintig onderhandelingsrondtes gekos het om die saak te beklink. Suid-Afrika se gedeeltelike toetrede tot die Lomé Konvensie en die sluit van aparte ooreenkomste soos die Port- en Sjerrieooreenkoms word ook ontleed. Die daaropvolgende hoofstuk bespreek die verskillende komponente van die Handels-, Ontwikkelings- en Samewerkingsooreenkoms en toon wat die onderhandelaars bereik het. Hierdie hoofstuk oor die Ooreenkoms sluit af met 'n evaluering daarvan en dui die potensiële voordele van die Ooreenkoms vir Suid- Afrika en die EU aan. Aangesien die Ooreenkoms internasionale reëls moes tevrede stel, was die voorskrifte van die Algemene Ooreenkoms oor Tariewe en Handel (GATT) van uiterste belang. Die EG-verdrag bevat egter geen voorskrif wat aandui óf, of hoé, 'n internasionale ooreenkoms soos GATTNVTO die regsorde van die Europese Gemeenskap binnedring nie. Die vraag oor in hoeverre die tweesydige ooreenkoms tussen Suid-Afrika en die EU deur die GATTIWTO voorskrifte beïnvloed is, en oor hoe hierdie reëls in die ooreenkoms opgeneem is, word dus in Hoofstuk vier aangeraak. Aangesien die partye ooreengekom het om 'n vrye handeisarea tot stand te bring, behandel hierdie hoofstuk ook die vraag oor in hoeverre die TOGA met Artikel XXIV GATT strook. Tesame met die GATT-voorskrifte word die TOGA ook deur die Ooreenkoms ten opsigte van Handelsverwante Aspekte van Intellektuele Eiendomsreg (TRIPs) geraak. Hoofstuk vyf behandel daarom hierdie aspek ten opsigte van die TOGA. Die gebruik van die terme "Port" en "Sjerrie" as die vernaamste struikelblok tot die sluiting van die TOG-ooreenkoms word ook deegliker ontleed. Die laaste gedeelte, naamlik Hoofstuk ses, bied 'n opsomming van die resultate van die ondersoek. Verder word 'n gevolgtrekking voorsien ten opsigte van vraag of die TOGA as 'n voorbeeld vir verdere handelsverwantskappe tussen die EU en ander lande in Afrika en die Karibiese en Stille Oseaan-eilande beskou kan word.

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Wright, Brian Bradley. "A review of lessons learned to inform capacity-building for sustainable nature-based tourism development in the European Union funded ʺSupport to the Wild Coast Spatial Development Initiative Pilot Programmeʺ." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003628.

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This case-study establishes the influences of power-knowledge relationships on capacity-building for sustainability in the European Union Funded ‘Wild Coast Spatial Development Initiative Pilot Programme’ (EU Programme). It aims to capture the lessons learned for capacitybuilding to support nature-based tourism initiatives on the Wild Coast. The EU Programme aimed to achieve economic and social development of previously disadvantaged communities through nature-based tourism enterprises, and to develop capacity of local authorities and communities to support environmental management. The study discusses common trends in thematic categories emerging from the research data, and contextualises research findings in a broader development landscape. This study indicates that power-knowledge relations were reflected in the EU Programme’s development ideology by an exclusionary development approach, which lacked a participatory ethos. This exclusionary approach did not support an enabling environment for capacity-building. This development approach, guiding the programme conceptualization, design and implementation processes, resulted in a programme with unrealistic objectives, time-frames and resource allocations; a programme resisted by provincial and local government. The study provides a causal link between participation, programme relevance, programme ownership, commitment of stakeholders, effective management and capacity-building for sustainable programme implementation. The study argues that the underlying motivation for the exclusionary EU development ideology in the programme is driven by a risk management strategy. This approach allows the EU to hold power in the development process, whereas, an inclusionary participative development methodology would require a more in-depth negotiation with stakeholders, thereby requiring the EU to relinquish existing levels of power and control. This may increase the risk of an unexpected programme design outcome and associated exposure to financial risk. It may also have a significant financial effect on donor countries' consultancies and consultants currently driving the development industry. This study recommends an interactive-participative methodology for programme design and implementation, if an enabling environment for capacity-building is to be created. In addition, all programme stakeholders must share contractual accountability for programme outcomes. This requires a paradigm shift in the EU development ideology to an inclusionary methodology. However, this research suggests that the current EU development approach will not voluntarily change. I, therefore, argue that South Africa needs to develop a legislative framework that will guide donor-funded development programme methodology, to support an enabling environment for capacity-building.

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Golab, Anna. "An investigation into the volatility and cointegration of emerging European stock markets." Thesis, Edith Cowan University, Research Online, Perth, Western Australia, 2013. https://ro.ecu.edu.au/theses/572.

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This dissertation examines the interaction between European Emerging markets including cointegration, volatility, correlation and spillover effects. This study is also concerned with the process of the enlargement of the European Union and how this affects the emerging markets of newcomers. The twelve emerging markets studied are Bulgaria, the Czech Republic, Cyprus, Estonia, Hungry, Latvia, Lithuania, Malta, Poland, Romania, Slovakia and Slovenia, which are all progressing very rapidly in their reforms and domestic economic stability. The majority of prior studies on stock market comovements and integration have concentrated on mature developed markets or the advanced emerging markets of the Czech Republic, Hungary and Poland whilst the behaviour and interrelationship of other Central and Eastern European equity markets has been neglected. This study fills that gap. There are two key aspects investigated in this study. Firstly the cointegration between studied emerging markets and secondly the volatility and spillover effects. The cointegration analysis examines the short and long run behaviour of the twelve emerging stock markets and assesses the impact of the EU on stock market linkages as revealed by the time series behaviour of their stock market indices. The adopted time- series framework incorporates the Johansen procedure, Granger Causality tests, Variance Decompositions and Impulse Response analyses. The cointegration results for both pre- and post- EU periods confirm the existence of long run relationships between markets. Granger Causality relationships are indentified among the most advanced emerging markets. The Variance Decomposition analyses find evidence of regional integration amongst the markets. Furthermore, the Impulse Response function illustrates that the shocks in returns for all twelve markets persist for very short time periods. The volatility and spillover analysis applies several univariate models of Autoregressive Conditional Heteroscedasticity, including GARCH, GJR and EGARCH. The models used in the analysis of cross market effects include CCC, diagonal BEKK, VARMA GARCH and VARMA AGARCH. Overall, the econometric analysis using these models shows stock market integration during the pre-EU period, however interdependence of the markets is established for the post-EU period. The results provide important information on the impact of the accession of new countries to the EU, with clear evidence of stability in Central and Eastern Europe markets and integration within the region. This study has important implications for investors wishing to diversify across national markets, such as the implications of growing asset correlations, if they are displayed, and whether investors should diversify outside the Central and Eastern European countries. It could be argued that the former Eastern block economies constitute emerging markets which typically offer attractive risk adjusted returns for international investors. Moreover, stock market comovement is of considerable interest to policy makers from a perspective of the effects on the macroeconomy, the planning of monetary policy and impact of the degree of stock market comovements on the stability of international monetary policy.

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Penwarden, Mia. "Suur druiwe? Wyn, die TDCA en Suid-Afrika." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/53076.

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Thesis (MA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2002.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: In October 1999 South Africa and the European Union (EU) signed a free trade agreement, the Trade Development and Co-operation Agreement (TDCA), which came into effect on 1 January 2000. The TDCA was developed to enhance bilateral trade, economic-, political- and social cooperation and consists of three components - the creation of a Free Trade Area between South-Africa and the EU, EU financial aid to South Africa through the European Programme for Reconstruction and Development (EPRD), and project aid. However, the EU, in an effort to secure the best possible deal for itself, often behave in its own interests (through the manipulation of the Wine and Spirits Agreement) during the negotiations for the TDCA. The goal of this study was to establish what exactly trademarks are, and what implications the EU's protection of intellectual property rights on wine and spirits trademarks will have on i) the South African wine industry, ii) whether South Africa could have exercised another option, iii) whether this action has created a precedent with which the EU can, in future, again force South Africa or any of its other developing trade partners to make concessions, and iv) who gains the most from the TDCA. The concludes that the EU, through the manipulation of the Wine and Spirits Agreement, left South Africa with no choice by to concede the use of the contested trademarks - something that has already taken its toll on the South African wine industry - in order to save the TDCA. This action created a precedent that the EU will, in future, again be in a position to threaten developing countries with the termination of an agreement should they fail to comply with its demands. Finally, the conclusion is made that even though the TDCA was created to assist South Africa with its reintegration into the world market, it will ultimately be the EU that benefits most from the agreement.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Suid-Afrika en die Europese Unie (EU) het in Oktober 1999 In vryehandelsooreenkoms, die Trade Development and Co-operation Agreement (TDCA) onderteken, wat op 1 Januarie 2000 in werking getree het. Die TDCA is ontwerp om bilaterale handel-, ekonomiese-, politieke- en sosiale samewerking te bevorder en bestaan uit drie komponente, naamlik die skep van 'n vryehandelgebied tussen die EU en Suid-Afrika; finansiele steun deur die EU aan Suid-Afrika onder die European Programme for Reconstruction and Development (EPRD) en projekhulp. Die EU het egter dikwels in eiebelang opgetree (deur middel van die manipulasie van die Wyn- en Spiritus Ooreenkoms) tydens die onderhandelingsproses in 'n poging om die beste moontlike ooreenkoms vir homself te beding. Die doel van hierdie studie was om te bepaal wat presies handelsmerke is, en watter implikasies die EU se beskerming van intellektuele eiendomsregte aangaande wyn- en spiritushandelsmerke op i) die Suid-Afrikaanse wynbedryf sal he, ii) of Suid-Afrika 'n ander opsie kon uitoefen, iii) of hierdie aksie In presedent geskep het waarmee die EU Suid-Afrika of enige van sy ander ontwikkelende handelsvennote in die toekoms weer sal kan dwing om toegewings te maak, en iv) wie die meeste baat vind by die TDCA. Die studie het tot die gevolgtrekking gekom dat die EU deur die manipulasie van die Wyn- en Spiritus Ooreenkoms aan Suid-Afrika geen keuse gegee het nie as om die gebruik van die betwiste handelsmerke op te se - iets wat reeds die Suid-Afrikaanse wynbedryf geknou het - in 'n poging om die TDCA te behou. Hierdie optrede skep 'n presedent dat die EU voortaan in onderhandelings met ander ontwikkelende state weer kan dreig om die hele ooreenkoms te verongeluk indien daar nie aan sy eise voldoen word nie. In die laaste instansie is daar tot die gevolgtrekking gekom dat, alhoewel die TDCA daarop gemik was om Suid-Afrika te help met sy herintegrasie tot die wereldmark, dit uiteindelik die EU is wat die meeste daarby gaan baat.

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Akdere, Özlem. "Analyse du surcroît de la population agricole en Pologne et en Turquie : une étude comparative." Thesis, Artois, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013ARTO0102.

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La Pologne et la Turquie témoignent depuis plusieurs années d’une transition économique semblable à travers une forte croissance du PIB, une augmentation des exportations et surtout une hausse des flux internationaux de capitaux. Malgré la transformation économique, le secteur agricole demeure encore une activité importante dans leur économie respective. Comparée aux autres pays européens, le décalage important entre la contribution de l’agriculture au PIB et le nombre des personnes employées révèle une très faible productivité de la main-d’œuvre. L’agriculture représente une source principale d’emploi notamment dans la zone rurale. En dépit de la diminution constante de l’emploi agricole de ces dernières années, il existe une surpopulation dans le secteur et un problème du chômage déguisé. La Pologne, membre de l’Union européenne (UE) depuis mai 2004, a bénéficié fortement des fonds structurels afin d’améliorer et de moderniser son agriculture. Quant à la Turquie, pays candidat à l’UE depuis octobre 2005, elle tente d’adapter son agriculture à la politique agricole commune (PAC). Notre recherche est essentiellement basée sur une étude comparative des pays présentant de nombreuses similitudes mais aussi de réelles divergences quant au niveau de leur structure agraire. À travers des réformes mises en vigueur pendant et après la période d’adhésion en Pologne, on cherche à répondre à la question si les réformes appliquées en Pologne sont ou non transposables au cas de la Turquie
Poland and Turkey have been demonstrating for several years now a similar economic transition through a strong growth of GDP, a boost in exports and especially an increase in the flow of international capitals. Despite the economic transformation, the agricultural sector remains an important activity in their respective economies. Compared to other European countries, the large gap between the contribution of agriculture to GDP and the number of employees shows a very low productivity of labor. Agriculture is a main source of employment especially in the rural areas. Despite the steady decline in agricultural employment in recent years, the field is overpopulated and the hidden unemployment problem is conceals. Poland, a member of the European Union (EU) since May 2004, has greatly benefited from the Structural Funds to improve and modernize its agriculture. As for Turkey, an EU candidate since October 2005, it tries to adapt its agriculture to the Common Agricultural Policy (CAP). Our research is mainly based on a comparative study of countries with many similarities but also real differences in the level of their agrarian structure. With the help of reforms that came into effect during and after the period of accession of Poland to the EU, we will try to find whether the reforms implemented in Poland are transferable or not to the case of Turkey

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Pereira, Sandra Maria de Jesus. "A cooperação UE-ACP: a dimensão política dos acordos." Master's thesis, Instituto Superior de Economia e Gestão, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10400.5/734.

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Mestrado em Economia e Estudos Europeus
Este trabalho analisa uma das vertentes da cooperação estabelecida entre a União Europeia (UE) e os países de África, Caraíbas e Pacífico (ACP), mais especificamente, a dimensão política dos acordos assinados entre estes dois grupos de Estados. Os principais aspectos da cooperação UE-ACP, desde o próprio conceito de cooperação, passando pelos princípios gerais da política comunitária de cooperação para o desenvolvimento, pela inevitável globalização da economia e por um breve historial dessa mesma cooperação, servem de quadro de referência à contextualização do objecto de estudo desta dissertação. Posteriormente, a abordagem mais detalhada das Convenções de Lomé e do Acordo de Cotonou permite destacar, sobretudo, os mais importantes traços característicos da vertente política destes acordos, indicando um progressivo reforço da parceria política UE-ACP. De facto, a evolução histórica desta relação só pode ser compreendida se tivermos em consideração o contexto da descolonização (Associação dos Países e Territórios Ultramarinos e as Convenções de Yaoundé), a nova ordem económica internacional (modelo Lomé), o término da Guerra Fria (revisão de Lomé) e os efeitos da globalização (Livro Verde e o Acordo de Cotonou). Os últimos 40 anos assistiram, assim, à progressão de uma parceria principalmente económica e comercial para uma cooperação a um nível mais global no qual as questões políticas residem. Alguns dos aspectos desta dimensão política das relações UE-ACP estão relacionados com a existência de um diálogo político reforçado, de "elementos essenciais" (nomeadamente, o respeito pelos direitos humanos, pelos princípios democráticos e pelo Estado de direito), de um "elemento fundamental" (a «boa governação») e de uma parceria baseada no desempenho, visando a eficácia da ajuda internacional, a redução e eliminação da pobreza, a integração dos países ACP na economia internacional e, finalmente, o desenvolvimento económico e social sustentável.
This work analyzes one of the sides of the cooperation established between European Union (EU) and the Africa, Caribbean and Pacific (ACP) countries, more specifically, the political dimension of the agreements signed between these two groups of States. The main aspects of the EU-ACP partnership, from the own cooperation concept, passing for the general principles of the community policy on development cooperation, by the inevitable globalization of the economy and by a historial briefing of this same cooperation, serve of reference frame to the study object of this dissertation. Subsequently, the more detailed approach concerning the Lomé Conventions and the Cotonou Agreement allows to emphasizes, especially, the most important characteristic traces from the political component of these agreements, suggesting a gradual reinforcement of the political EU-ACP partnership. In fact, the historical evolution of this relationship can be only understood if we take into account the context of decolonisation (Association of Overseas Countries and Territories and Yaounde Conventions), the new international economic order (Lomé model), the end of the Cold War (Lomé revisited) and the effects of globalization (Green Paper and Cotonou Agreement). The last forty years have thus seen a progression from a mainly economic and commercial partnership to cooperation at a more global level within which political issues are addressed. Some of the aspects of this political dimension of the EU-ACP relationship are related with the existence of a strengthened political dialogue, "essential elements" (namely the respect for the human rights, the democratic principles and the rule of law), a "fundamental element" (the «good governance») and a partnership based on the performance, aiming the effectiveness of the foreign aid, the elimination and reduction of poverty, the integration of ACP countries into the international economy and, finally, the sustainable economic and social development.

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Dusepulchre, Gaëlle. "Politique européenne de coopération au développement et relations extérieures: des droits de l'homme à la bonne gouvernance, impact de l'interdépendance du droit et du politique sur le choix des instruments de régulation." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/210587.

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L'étude a porté sur deux outils élaborés par l’Union européenne à l'appui de ses politiques d'allocation d'aide extérieure au bénéfice principalement d'Etats en développement et participant à sa stratégie de promotion du respect de droits de l’homme dans les Etats tiers. Il s'agit du mécanisme de conditionnalité démocratique d’une part, et de la doctrine fondée sur le concept de gouvernance d’autre part. L'une des principales critiques que la doctrine adresse à l’Union au sujet de sa politique de conditionalité est son incapacité à répondre à l’une des attentes fondamentales qui la sous-tend, à savoir :la naissance d’une politique d’aide extérieure détachée des considérations géopolitiques et visant à protéger et promouvoir efficacement les droits de l’homme. Dans la mesure où la doctrine en attribue en général la responsabilité à l’absence de clarté et de prévisibilité du mécanisme de la conditionnalité démocratique, cette critique eut dû conduire à l’élaboration d’un régime davantage juridicisé. Or, l'émergence de la doctrine fondée sur le concept de gouvernance révèle que l’Union n’a pas opté pour une telle solution. C’est alors que, divisant mon étude en deux parties, la première affectée à l’étude du mécanisme conditionnel et la seconde affectée à l’étude de la doctrine de gouvernance, je me suis interrogée sur les raisons pour lesquelles l’Union avait pu choisir de recourir d’abord à un appel au droit, et ensuite à une repolitisation partielle de son mécanisme. Prenant appui sur une étude des documents officiels des institutions européennes, de la pratique de l'Union et des théories des relations internationales, l'étude tend à révéler les atouts et les limites théoriques de chacune de ces stratégies déstinées à suciter des réformes particulières dans les Etats partenaires de l’Union.Il apparaîtra que l’appel au droit opéré dans le cadre du mécanisme de conditionnalité répondait à des besoins et à une logique spécifiques lors de son institution, mais que la forme juridicisée du mécanisme conditionnel tel qu’institué se heurtait à diverses limites. La doctrine fondée sur le concept de gouvernance, dans le même temps qu’elle acte ces limites et tend à les dépasser, amène à de nouveaux questionnements.

The study related to both EU tools, affecting its external aid policies and contributing to its human rights strategy :conditionality and governance. One of the main critic that the doctrine addresses to EU conditionality, is its incapacity to lead to an external aid free of geopolitical considerations and acting to protect and promote effectively the human rights. The doctrine explains this weakness by pointing out the mechanism of conditionality’s lack of clearness and previsibility. Despite this critic is pleading for a more legalized mechanism, the governance strategy reveals that the Union did not choose such a solution.Then, dividing the study into two parts, the first assigned to conditional mechanism and the second assigned to governance, I’m asking the reason why a less legalized mecanism succeeded to conditionality. Based on cooperation agreements, strategic orientations, EU practice and the international relations theories, the study tends to reveal the assets and limits of the two strategies. It appears that the legalization process of conditionality can be explained by specific needs but it encountered various limits. At the same times, while strategy based on Governance adresses some of them, this new tool reveals new questions.

Doctorat en droit
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

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KOUTALAKIS, Charalampos. "Cities and the structural funds : the domestic impact of EU initiatives for urban development." Doctoral thesis, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5273.

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Defence date: 21 September 2001
Examining board: Prof. Adrienne Héritier (supervisor) (Max Planck Projektgruppe, Bonn) ; Prof. Michael Keating (EUI) ; Prof. Andreas Moschonas (University of Krete) ; Prof. Hubert Heinelt (Institut für Politikwissenschaft der TU Darmstadt)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017

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SOBCZAK, Anna. "Europeanization and urban policy networks : the impact of EU programmes on cooperation around economic development in Kraków and Glasgow." Doctoral thesis, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/14507.

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Defense date: 09 February 2010
Examining Board: John Bachtler (Univerity of Strathclyde), László Bruszt (EUI), Jerzy Hausner (Cracow University), Michael Keating (EUI) (Supervisor)
First made available online: 25 August 2021
This PhD thesis is the outcome of a research project that has analysed how EU programmes influence cooperation among local economic development actors in European cities. The focus of the research is particularly on the impact of the Europeanization process on urban policy networks. The study is based on a comparative analysis of two European cities, Krakow and Glasgow. In particular, the thesis looks into the impact of EU funds on local actor relations around economic development by analysing the management of EU programmes, participation in EU projects and international city cooperation. The theoretical framework provided is based on analysing five dimensions of the Europeanization process, categorised as institutional, financial, cognitive, rhetoric and symbolic. The study builds on an extensive literature review and involved a range of sources, including a large number of interviews in both cities. The structure of the thesis is based on six main chapters. The first chapter introduces a research problem, puts forward preliminary hypotheses and sets a research design based on the five dimensions of the Europeanization process. In the second chapter we find a literature review, looking at actor relations around economic development in cities, with an emphasis on urban policy networks, and the conceptualised role of Europeanization stimulating cooperation among actors. Chapter three provides a review of the urban dimension in EU policies with respect to policy objectives, funding and policy measures. This is followed by two empirical chapters on Glasgow and Krakow, reviewing the historical, political and institutional contexts, management of EU programmes, participation in EU projects and engagement in inter-city cooperation. The final chapter links the empirical findings with urban theories and Europeanization literature as well as provides conclusions on the five dimensions set out in the theoretical framework. The dimensions of the Europeanization model set out in this dissertation demonstrate that when exposed to EU programmes, European cities tend to develop similar features of cooperation around EU funded economic development, despite their distinct institutional structures and differences in national, historical, cultural and political backgrounds. Similar institutions in the form of partnerships are created around EU funds (institutional dimension), which attract additional funds, both private and public (financial dimension). Actors involved with EU funded projects exchange knowledge and expertise that contribute to the creation of best practices, which become available to all cities in the European Union (cognitive dimension). Consequently, local actors involved with EU programmes start using the same EU language (rhetoric dimension) and apply the same EU symbols (symbolic dimension).

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KARAGIANNIS, Nathalie. "Giving development: responsibility and efficiency in the European development discourse towards the ACP countries (1970s-1990s)." Doctoral thesis, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5319.

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Defence date: 10 June 2002
Examining board: Prof. Peter Wagner, Supervisor (EUI) ; Prof. Pascale Laborier, Université de Picardie, Amiens ; Prof. Philip McMichael, Cornell University, Ithaca ; Prof. William Outhwaite, University of Sussex
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017
Post-colonial European politics have undergone profound changes. Constructing an intellectual history of European development discourse, this book brings together post-structuralist and critical approaches to understanding development. Nathalie Karagiannis analyses three key terms of European development discourse: ‘responsibility’, ‘efficiency’ and ‘giving’. Situating these terms in a concrete history of European post-colonial politics, the author shows how European policy has shifted from accepting responsibility for colonialism – constructed as it is on the paternalistic model of the gift – to a more amnesiac politics in which post-colonial countries are responsible for their own fate. In this way, Karagiannis illustrates that efficiency has become the overriding goal of development, and that the relationship between ‘developed’ and ‘developing’ countries is mainly defined by considerations pertaining to market capitalism.

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BESANCENOT, Sophie. "No security without development : no development without security : European donors and fragile states in Africa." Doctoral thesis, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/32126.

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Defence date: 12 June 2014
Examining Board: Professor Pascal Vennesson, S.Rajaratnam School of International Studies (previously European University Institute), Supervisor Professor Ulrich Krotz, European University Institute Professor Stephan Klingebiel, German Development Institute Professor Ann Fitz-Gerald, Cranfield University.
In recent years, international donors have steadily increased their focus on fragile states, defined by the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) as “those failing to provide basic services to poor people because they are unwilling or unable to do so”. An indication of this shift is the nature of the policies promoted by the Development Assistance Committee (DAC) of the OECD, which encourages bilateral donors that work with fragile states to adopt a whole-of-government approach, i.e. to develop cross-departmental cooperation between defence, diplomacy and development administrations. The question as to why some bilateral donors implement such integrated approaches to confront challenges in fragile states, while others only do so marginally or not at all still remains. Neither the existing literatures on security or development cultures nor the current securitization theories are able to explain the different levels and patterns of implementation of these specific OECD/DAC recommendations. In this thesis, I use the concept of “the organization of hypocrisy” to understand the complex relationship, and often the discrepancy, that exists between “talk” and “action” in the policy attempts to link security and development. Donor organizations are routinely confronted with the security and development demands of various actors. They need to act to produce results, and include such activities as contributing to UN peacekeeping missions to increase the country in question’s chances for development, or deciding who should be the beneficiaries of aid without fostering conflict. Producing these desired outcomes is not always possible however. Consequently, donor organizations “talk” about coherence, but are unable to “act” coherently and therefore to adapt their strategies and their policies. I compare France, Germany, the UK and the EU as donors – in particular in their roles in North and South Sudan, but also in selected West African countries – in an attempt to understand which factors favour a higher level of “action” with regard to the security-development nexus. I argue that bureaucracies cannot be studied in isolation from their complex and often inconsistent environment. The ability of the diplomacy, defence and development sectors to integrate their administrations and policies depends on the consistency of their environment and on their institutional ability to collectively find an acceptable convention that is capable of balancing development, diplomacy and defence norms. Protecting the normative aims of development policy is the key to achieving a higher level of integration in some OECD/DAC donor countries as well as to cultivating the formation of synergies between security and development policies.

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VAN, DEN BOSSCHE Peter. "European Community food aid as an instrument for economic and social development and humanitarian relief? : prospects for and constraints on further changes in European Community food aid law." Doctoral thesis, 1991. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/4575.

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Lyttle, David M. J. "Democracy, dictatorship and development : European Union Pacific development policy in action : a study of Fijian society since December 2006 : a thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in European Studies in the University of Canterbury /." 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/3741.

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SHEEHY, Orla. "The Constituent and Instrumental Role of Human Rights in Development Policy: A case study of European Union (EU) relations with the group of African, Caribbean and Pacific (ACP) states." Doctoral thesis, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/6906.

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Defence date: 16 January 2007
Supervisor: Prof. Bruno De Witte
This thesis explores the impact of international human rights law on the changing trends in international development policy and practice. The subject matter is analysed through a case study of European Union development cooperation policy and its relations with the group of African, Caribbean and Pacific (ACP) states.1 Whilst there is a burgeoning literature on this subject, known as the nexus between human rights and development?,2 the discovery of the convergence or union between human rights and development may have come of some surprise to non-jurists and to those within in the field of development. According to professionals engaged in this domain, development is usually defined and identified with economic growth, trade, capital flows and the transfer of technology.3 As Johan Galtung argues, both concepts (human rights? and development?) have evolved in distinct historical contexts, therefore, any connection or compatibility has more to do with Western history and culture than anything else.4 Furthermore, as Sano states, whilst both human rights and development were institutionalised in the global system in the post-World War II climate, both have different roots and have emerged in different contexts.5 In light of these claims, an obvious point of departure should consider what is meant by the terms development? and human rights? and briefly describe the interlinkages between these previously distinct domains. To this end, the idea of a gradual convergence of human rights and development will be introduced6 and this will be followed by a discussion of where EU development cooperation policy fits into this debate. In the remaining sections of the introductory chapter, the aims of this thesis and research questions will be outlined. A description of the methodology used, literature review and an overview of the chapters will also be presented.

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MARTINES, Francesca. "The cooperation agreements between the EEC and Maghreb countries : a contribution to the study of the consistency of EEC development cooperation policy." Doctoral thesis, 1993. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/4704.

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Defence date: 21 January 1993
Examining Board: Prof. Roberto Barsotti (Università di Firenze) ; Renaud Dehousse (European University Institute, supervisor) ; Prof. Francis Snyder (European University Institute) ; Prof. Antonio Tizzano (Università di Roma) ; Prof. Joseph H.H. Weiler (Harward Law School)
First made available online: 2 August 2016

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DE, ANDRADE CORRÊA Fabiano. "The implementation of sustainable development in regional trade agreements : a case study on the European Union and MERCOSUR." Doctoral thesis, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/28034.

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Defence date: 5 June 2013
Examining Board: Professor Marise Cremona, European University Institute (Supervisor) Professor Ernst Ulrich Petersmann, European University Institute Professor Markus Gehring, University of Cambridge, England Professor Adriana Dreyzin de Klor, Universidad Nacional de Córdoba, Argentina.
First made available online 12 June 2019
This thesis addresses the implementation of sustainable development in the legal frameworks of regional integration agreements (RIAs). Sustainable development is reaffirmed as one of the main priorities of the international community, while poverty eradication and the integration of socio-environmental concerns into all governance levels remain the most pressing challenges to its implementation. Furthermore, the role of law is considered fundamental for sustainable development, but there remains a lack of analysis of how legal frameworks are effectively advancing this objective. In this regard, the thesis focuses on the laws and policies of two of the most important RIAs in force, the European Union and MERCOSUR, with a twofold objective: 1) to analyze how RIAs can provide enabling legal frameworks for the promotion of sustainable development, going beyond trade liberalization and serving as a building block between multilateral goals and their implementation at the national level; 2) to provide case studies of norms and policies developed at the regional level addressing a) poverty eradication and social justice within their internal spheres; b) trade policies and instruments that more effectively integrate socioenvironmental objectives. The research undertaken has also a comparative element that enables the consideration of whether the EU, a more developed regional organization, can provide lessons to MERCOSUR in advancing these specific issues. The conclusions show that RIAs' legal frameworks can facilitate effective translation of sustainable development goals into concrete norms and policies, bridging the divide between a multilateral system of standard setting with low implementation power, and national states with weakened capacity to deal independently with these issues. The RIAs studied have been developing procedural innovations such as 'impact assessment' instruments, and substantive innovations, such as regional development funds aimed at promoting social cohesion internally, and trade instruments that integrate development concerns in their external relations, such as preferential trade systems (GSP) linked to socio-environmental issues and trade agreements that include 'trade and sustainable development' chapters. It also provides evidence that, despite their institutional differences, the development of sustainable development laws and policies within the EU has followed a path that can provide valuable insights for MERCOSUR. Finally, the thesis argues that, despite the tensions that might arise between the implementation of these regional measures and the multilateral trade system rules, regional action might be a way to cope with the difficulty of reaching a global agreement while also reflecting more adequately local concerns. The challenge is to assure coherence and consistency with the international goals, but given the importance of promoting a more sustainable development process, this a task worth pursuing.

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Wambui, Macheru Maryanne. "East African community-European union economic partnership agreement, to be or not to be? will economic partnership agreement undermine or accelerate trade development within the East African community?" Thesis, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/3566.

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Kabamba, Georges Bukasa. "The importance of bilateral agreements on trade flows: a case of the Trade Development and Cooperation Agreement (EU-SA TDCA)." Diss., 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/26799.

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This study analysed the intricacies of trade flows imbibed in the EU-SA TDCA. It assessed the trade creation and trade diversion effects of this bilateral trade agreement – using the top 10 selected commodity exports. This follows the report on the Harmonised System (HS) at the 2-digit codes. A Gravity Model Approach on bilateral trade flows is grounded on panel data models for the period 2000-2017 between South Africa as exporter country and the twenty EU countries (EU-20) as importer country-block out of the twenty-eight countries (EU-28). The study reports that the EU-SA TDCA enhanced significant trade expansion and trade creation effects. Mixed results for GDPs and GDPPKs for both South Africa and the EU countries were reported, but the overall results showed that the bilateral agreement do affect South African commodity exports more negatively, albeit with few positive effects from the EU countries in particular. Besides, ICTSA does have a negative effect on commodity exports, while the South African REER has the positive effect on export models. Lastly, the distance as a proxy of transportation costs negatively affects South Africa’s exports, while common colonial relationship and English as common official language have both a positive effect on exports. The findings imply that trade policies should focus on adequate telecommunication tools, alongside fair trade practices allowing South Africa to integrate with the global market, promote economic growth as well as enhance competitive advantage in most sectoral trades.
Business Management
M. Com. (Business Management (International Business and Finance))

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