Journal articles on the topic 'Economic assistance Vietnam'

AbstractThis article carries a two-fold argument. First, Beijing's economic sanctions against Vietnam during the period 1975–1978 were mainly motivated by its desire to punish Vietnam for an anti-China policy that smacked of ingratitude for the latter's past assistance, fuelled further by Hanoi's closer relations with Moscow. They were also designed to extract Hanoi's accommodation of China's demand for territorial boundary concessions and to halt the persecution of ethnic Chinese residents in Vietnam. Second, the resultant meltdown of Sino-Vietnamese relations, as well as the making of the Soviet-Vietnamese alliance between 1975 and 1978, was gradual and contentious rather than swift and decisive as most existing studies contend. Hanoi's reluctance to forge a formal military alliance with the faraway Soviet Union against China was largely driven by the importance of China's remaining aid and economic potential to Vietnam's post-war economic reconstruction and the uncertainty of the Soviet commitment to aid Vietnam.

The article examines the process of formation and development of the comprehensive political and trade and economic cooperation between Japan and the Socialist Republic of Vietnam since 1973, when diplomatic relations were established between the two countries, and then received a new impetus after Vietnam started the market reforms in 1986 and commenced the renewal policy (in Vietnamese – “Đổi Mới”). In 2009, Japan and Vietnam decided to raise the bilateral relations to the level of strategic partnership for the common interests of both countries. In 2010, as part of the official visit of the Prime Minister of Japan to Vietnam, a Joint Declaration on strategic cooperation for peace and prosperity in Asia was adopted.The article focuses on cooperation between the two countries in the framework of international and regional organizations, in particular in the framework of the Trans-Pacific Partnership Agreement, as well as in the framework of the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership, in which Japan and ASEAN member states participate. In recent decades Japan has been one of Vietnam’s main foreign economic partners and the second largest investor into Vietnamese economy. At the same time, Japan is the largest sponsor of Vietnam through the Official development assistance program (ODA), actively assisting Vietnam in implementing its national strategy of industrialization and modernization under the framework agreement on cooperation between Vietnam and Japan until 2020 with the prospect of 2030. Besides, the article discusses and analyzes the largest joint projects implemented in Vietnam with the technical and financial assistance from Japan.

In the 21st century, a breakthrough in the global economy has come to transition to a new stage in the development of high technologies in the economy, social environment and strengthening the ties between countries along the path to new progress and cooperation. Vietnam has already emerged from the state of a medium-developed economy and gained experience for the transition to a highly developed economy, using the best practices and knowledge of the USA, Japan, the Republic of Korea, and China. Vietnam’s interaction with Russia has grown, using its experience in introducing into the economy and life new methods of using and transmitting information of universal scale and significance. For Vietnam, the transition to a new economic model will provide foreign direct investment, especially from highly developed countries. Tasks . Explore the factors and conditions of Vietnam's transition to a new economic model. Methodology. The methods of scientific knowledge of the main features and characteristics of the transition to a new high-tech model in the XXI century are used. Results. The high volume of Vietnam’s trade relations with highly developed countries of the world is proved, as one of the decisive factors for accumulating the resources for the transition to a new model, FDI received in Vietnam in the first two decades of the 21st century, its volume structure, investing countries, FDI, etc. are considered. Conclusions. Vietnam was able in a short historical time, passing the warriors and American aggression to create a solid foundation for the transition to a highly developed country in Southeast Asia. Vietnam received considerable assistance during this transition period from Russia.

Development assistance achieved remarkable success in different periods. For example, Botswana and South Korea reached the great development in the 60s after very bad situation, Indonesia in the 70s, Bolivia and Ghana at the end of the 80s, Uganda and Vietnam in the 90s. In these countries development assistance played important role in economic transformation in formulation of the development of politics. The development assistance contributed educational programs and financially supported the development of public sector. The “Green Revolution” – by means of innovations in agriculture, investments and political changes – improved the live conditions of millions people thanks to the collaboration of many bilateral and multilateral donors. But there are some failures with the foreign aide. While the formed dictator of Zaire Mobutu Sese Seko became one of the richest people in the world (and invested his property in abroad), the development assistance did not stop for many years, Zaire (now the Democratic Republic of Congo) is only one example of the situation, where the permanent flows of assistance ignore or support the corruption and in suitable politics of governments. Tanzania received two milliards dollars for building the roads destiny the twenty years. But the roads were destroyed sooner, than the works could be finished because of insufficient maintenance.  The study of World Bank brings the conclusions of the new conception of the development assistance: financial assistance works only in suitable political world; the lowering of poverty is possible only with working institutions – political and economic; effective assistance complete the private investments; receiving country is obliged to have public sector in function; the function of public sector is developing on the activity of civil society; patience and good ideas, not only money, can help to reforms in very unfavorable conditions. 

New economic models began to develop in Mongolia and Vietnam after the collapse of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR), when former Soviet republics formed the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS). Further development after the USSR’s dissolution was especially difficult for Mongolia, which almost entirely relied on the economic aid from the USSR. The US and the International Monetary Fund (IMF) immediately took advantage of the crisis in Mongolia. They offered tranches to Mongolia under the condition of complete democratization of political power and establishment of market-based development institutions within the framework of a standby arrangement. Vietnam embarked on a course of destroying the socialist model in 1986, i.e. before the USSR’s collapse, and its transition to a market economy was peculiar, yet significantly different from Mongolia’s.Aim. The presented study aims to examine the benefits and drawbacks of the economic models of Vietnam and Mongolia as well as their common and distinctive features.Methods. The study uses general methods of analyzing the international experience of transforming economic models.Results. The authors prove the efficiency of the current Mongolian and Vietnamese models in the context of global instability and crises. Emergence of new, highly efficient technological paradigms and absence of internal political protests in Mongolia and Vietnam ensure economic sustainability and high growth rate. Russia’s military aid to these countries also plays an important role.Conclusions. After the collapse of the Soviet Union, Mongolia received substantial assistance from the United States and was able to maintain state independence and develop its economy under the market conditions of economic activity. Relying on cooperation with Russia and China, in the 21st century Mongolia engaged in the processes of integration in the Asia-Pacific region (APR). The Vietnamese model was forming during the country’s participation in the ASEAN free trade zone and cooperation with the developed economies of Japan, the Republic of Korea, and the United States. Unlike Mongolia, Vietnam retained full political leadership of the Communist party, the unity of its people, and support for the development of market economy. In confronting difficult challenges, Vietnam receives assistance from the Donor Club.

Russia is developing cooperation with Vietnam in the format of a comprehensive strategic partnership and in conditions of mutual understanding and trust of the heads of state. Military and economic cooperation began in 1946 during the first Indochina war, strengthened and expanded in 1966-1973. during the Second Indochina war. Vietnam received tremendous help in rebuilding the national economy and industrialization from the USSR until its collapse in 1991. Restructuring in post-Soviet Russia affected the sharp reduction in military assistance and economic relations with Vietnam. In the XXI century, the rapid development of Russian-Vietnamese cooperation began as part of the RF’s strategy for the “return to Asia” brand. Tasks. Explore the current trends in relations between Russia and Vietnam in the face of global instability, new threats and challenges of the XXI century. Methodology. The use of scientific methods of cognition and study of factors affecting interstate relations. Results. The results of military-technical cooperation and trade are analyzed. Personal participation of the President of the Russian Federation in the restoration of a comprehensive strategic partnership. Conclusions. Vietnam, relying on Russia, successfully solves economic problems and has a reliable military shield to repel any aggression in the turbulent and explosive atmosphere of confrontation with China due to the military conflict in the South China Sea.

The issues of mutual economic relations between Vietnam and Russia (SRV) in the context of global transformations are studied. In Soviet times, it was based on technical and financial assistance to the USSR, which was determined by ideological proximity and geopolitical interests. Market transit and the orientation of the new Russia to the West sharply reduced the volume of economic interaction. In the 2000s, during the recovery growth and the transition to a multi-vector foreign policy, mutual trade relations began to grow, but they were much slower in terms of trade with regional partners. In the last decade, the role of geopolitics has increased again, and, above all, the peculiarities of relations between both countries with China and the United States. Over the years of cooperation between the SRV and the Russian Federation, an extensive system of relations at the political level has been built. But this does not create a sufficient incentive for the development of economic relations. At the level of business structures directly involved in their construction, the influence of global geopolitical processes and geo-economic conditions is felt more strongly. The situation for mutual economic ties has deteriorated greatly in the face of harsh Western sanctions. The study showed that geo-economic conditions of cooperation can be improved by developing institutions that mutually promote commercial proposals to each other’s markets and create business models for their implementation

<p class="06IsiAbstrak"><span lang="EN-GB">The development of world globalization after the end of the Cold War made many countries in the world adapt to the changes in the existing world constellation. The countries that were most affected were those who supported the Eastern Bloc with communist ideology. Some countries in Asia with communist ideology, such as China, Vietnam, and Laos, have had to face such rapid changes in the world. The conflict between maintaining ideology by adopting the values of globalization is a very important issue. China strives not to be trapped in the entanglement of the globalization of the world by changing the pattern of thinking for the achievement of its economy through economic reform. Economic reform by opening up the economy in welcoming world free trade to take advantage of world trade, but still maintaining communist ideology is the solution for China. China's success in its economic reforms was taken into consideration for Vietnam, its communist ally, to adopt the same steps. With very bad economic conditions after the end of the Vietnam War and its limitations in carrying out reconstruction, real action was greatly needed by Vietnam amid the end of dependence on the Soviet Union. The economic reform movement through "Doi Moi" took effect since 1986 to overcome economic turmoil and efforts to carry out reconstruction reconstruction. The ideology he embraced made it a barrier for the international community to provide assistance to Vietnam. Globalization cannot be rejected because it provides an opportunity for the development and economic growth of a country.</span></p>

This article is devoted to the formation, current position, and development prospects of the overseas Vietnamese community in Russia. The purpose of the study was to critically review the directions of work of the authorities in the interests of the Diaspora and in order to strengthen mutually beneficial cooperation between the two countries in the socio-economic, cultural, scientific, technical and political spheres. The authors relied on empirical data, including official statistics on migration from Vietnam to Russia, the main indicators of the socio-economic situation in Vietnam as the major factor of emigration, as well as research publications on the history of the Vietnamese communities formation in Russia. As the result of its analysis, we identified the main areas of cooperation between Vietnam and Russia where the Vietnamese diaspora makes a significant contribution. Accordingly, the paper proposes evidence-based policy recommendations for the government and authorities of Vietnam, which outlined several areas of work with the diaspora in Russia, namely: promoting intercultural dialogue, providing information support and legal assistance for legal migration, developing cooperation in the economy, trade, and labor, as well as joint scientific research and technology transfer.

Growth led by the export of manufactures has long served as the workhorse model for developing countries. East Asian countries that successfully adopted this strategy rapidly created an industrial base through dint of domestic investment aided by inflows of foreign capital and exploited the opportunities to trade that arose as tariff barriers and transport costs fell starting in the 1960s. Since the turn of the century, an African challenger, Ethiopia, claims to have found an alternative pathway to rapid growth that is led by agriculture and by investment in infrastructure bankrolled by financial assistance from overseas, with exports playing a negligible role. However, a comparison with Vietnam, a closely matched competitor from East Asia, shows that while Ethiopia may have achieved a high GDP growth rate, it lags far behind Vietnam, as is apparent from a host of economic and social indicators. Vietnam’s experience relative to Ethiopia’s suggests that as yet there is no viable alternative to East Asian-style export-led growth with manufacturing as the driver. The search for alternatives must continue.

The United States had three challenges in Asia in the mid-1960s: a hostile China, an assertive Japan, and a faltering South Vietnam. The Johnson administration's solution to these problems was to promote the normalizing of relations between its two vital Asian allies, Japan and South Korea. The two countries had refused to recognize each other diplomatically since the end of Japan's colonial rule over Korea after World War II. The acrimonious relations between Seoul and Tokyo weakened the containment wall in Northeast Asia while depriving Korea of Japanese investments, loans, and markets. These problems forced the United States to commit extensive military and economic assistance to Korea. As expected, a Tokyo-Seoul rapprochment buttressed the West's bulwark against communist powers in the region and hindered a potential Beijing-Tokyo reconciliation. It opened the road for Japan's economic penetration into Korea and enabled Seoul to receive Tokyo's help in economic development. Reassured by the friendship between Korea and Japan, Washington forged an alliance with Seoul in the Vietnam War. Between 1965 and 1973 Korea dispatched 300,000 soldiers in Vietnam, making it the second largest foreign power in support of Saigon. The Korea-Japan rapprochment proved to be a powerful remedy for America's problems in Asia.

This article explores a key period in the relationship between the United States and Iran in the shadow of the Vietnam conflict and the overarching Cold War. It shows how U.S.-Iranian relations shifted considerably from early 1965—when the shah of Iran stepped up his efforts to reduce his dependence on the United States—to November 1967, when U.S. economic development assistance to Iran formally ended. The Johnson administration's overwhelming concern with the Vietnam conflict led to the neglect of potentially critical foreign policy issues and allies, but the lack of success in Vietnam simultaneously accentuated the importance of maintaining key alliance relationships, especially with Iran. The article underscores the centrality of domestic political considerations in forming and understanding foreign policy, both in the United States and in other countries. It also suggests that Third World leaders understood the nature of the Cold War and used the superpower conflict to their advantage to a much greater degree than previously recognized.

Social services are services that meet demands of community and individuals for social development, enhance welfare and social equality, promote ethical values and humanities, for humans and of socio-economic nature which can be provided by government, society or market. Social services can be either public or private dependent on its type, in the fields of education, training, medicine, science, technology, culture, information, sports or other social assistance forms. Despite facing with economic and social challenges, Japan remains a powerhouse not only in world’s economy but also in social management and development. Japan has strived to find the most suitable management model to enhance living standards, in which social services have obtained outstanding achievements. Their experience is worth learning. Through analyzing Japan’s social management and development model, we found that it is necessary for Vietnam to define a theoretical and practical basis for social services and welfare policies in a clear, thorough and uniform manner in order to create a suitable model for social services development. This is for the primary target of generating a better life in both physical and mental aspects.

When donors take the driver ‘s seat, Africans move to the back seat. When donors try to do the same thing in Vietnam, Vietnamese get out of the car.—AnonymousAfrica’s brain drain to the North is part of a much larger story of the capacity-building challenges facing the continent. During the past 20 years African economies struggled through what are often referred to as the “lost decades.” The region’s economies have been characterized by dependence on economic aid and technical assistance. It is surmised that there are more expatriate “experts” in Africa now than at any time since independence. Technical assistance rose from US$1 billion in 1971 to US$4 billion in 1995. Africans themselves have, as the epigram suggests, taken the back seat, and the skilled ones among them have increasingly migrated abroad.

Our study will make an examination of the relationship between official development assistance (ODA), Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) and economic growth (GDP) in an emerging economy such as Vietnam. Regarding to methods, authors use statistics, quantitative combined with qualitative analysis. However, in the long run, although GDP has a vague effect on ODA, on the contrary, ODA put a big (significantly) effect on GDP, at the beginning of the fifth year, the relationship is not clear between ODA and GDP to promote itself increase or decrease. Foreign aid also affects the growth of nations (negatively) and, over periods, positively contributes to economic growth. Last but not least, it must be confirmed that ODA is an extra capital source for investment in development of socio-economic infrastructure and a catalyst for other investment sources such as FDI and investment capital private sector.

Abstract How does authoritarian aid influence the durability of dictatorships? Western aid is thought to facilitate authoritarian durability because it can provide patronage. Authoritarian aid, by contrast, has received far less attention. This article examines both Soviet economic and military assistance, developing a theory of donor–recipient institutional complementarity to explain the impact of Soviet aid during the Cold War. The argument is developed through case studies of Vietnam and Ghana and a cross-national statistical analysis of Soviet economic aid and military assistance to developing countries from 1955 to 1991. Soviet economic aid was tied to the purchase of Soviet industrial equipment. When recipient states shared the Soviet Union's centrally planned economy, economic aid strengthened state infrastructural power by (1) enhancing fiscal capacity and (2) cultivating the dependency of the population on the state. Aid flows helped consolidate and maintain authoritarian institutions, promoting authoritarian durability. By contrast, while Soviet economic aid to noncommunist regimes provided some opportunities for patronage through employment in SOEs, the lack of institutional complementarity in planning institutions and overall lack of capacity of these institutions caused Soviet aid to contribute to inflation and fiscal crises. Economic problems, in turn, increased the vulnerability of noncommunist regimes to military coups, particularly when ideological splits emerged between pro-Soviet rulers and pro-Western militaries that undermined elite cohesion. The institutional subordination of the military to communist parties insulated communist regimes from the risk of coups.

China and Vietnam have adopted market reforms in the health sector in the context of market economic reforms. Vietnam has developed a large private health sector, while in China commercialization has occurred mainly in the formal public sector, where user fees are now the main source of facility finance. As a result, the integrity of China's planned health service has been disrupted, especially in poor rural areas. In Vietnam the government has been an important financer of public health facilities and the pre-reform health service is largely intact, although user fees finance an increasing share of facility expenditure. Over-servicing of patients to generate revenue occurs in both countries, but more seriously in China. In both countries government health expenditure has declined as a share of total health expenditure and total government expenditure, while out-of-pocket health spending has become the main form of health finance. This has particularly affected the rural poor, deterring them from accessing health care. Assistance for the poor to meet public-sector user fees is more beneficial and widespread in Vietnam than China. China is now criticizing the degree of commercialization of its health system and considers its health reforms “basically unsuccessful.” Market reforms that stimulate growth in the economy are not appropriate to reform of social sectors such as health.

The suggested article surveys the key elements of foreign politics of Nixon administration in Vietnam. The personal contribution of Kissinger to the peace process in Vietnam was analyzed. The end of war and withdrawal US troops from this country was one of his major election promises, and the main problem, which divided American society. Together with newly invited as a national security advisor Professor of Harvard H. Kissinger R. Nixon begun to conduct politics of Vietnamization. The purpose of this politics was a full withdrawal of U.S. troops from Vietnam during next few years, instead economic assistance for South Vietnam should be increased in proportional of Hanoi aggression. But in the same time with withdrawal of troops quantity of Air Force units and Navy units of US should be increased in Indochina region. For Kissinger being in charge of foreign affairs department and taking practical steps in the field of foreign politics became resumption of his academic career and the embodiment of those conceptual views that he developed in the university environment. The diplomat used the events that took place in Indochina as one of the elements for reformatting the world order which was placed after World War II. H.Kissinger’s strategy consisted in involving China and creates a geopolitical triangle instead of US and USSR bipolar relations. Establishment of diplomatic relations with China was not decisive in ending of war in Vietnam. Beijing had limited capabilіties to influence the North Vietnamese Communists but became a serious incentive to speed up negotiations with the USSR, regarding on Vietnam as well. Considering circumstances in the region at the time of R. Nixon’s coming to power the results of this administration in Vietnam should be considered as satisfactory and accordingly promises of his presidential program.

In 2002, Laos emerged from a period of economic turbulence and political insecurity. The economy showed signs of recovery from the 1997––98 Asian financial crisis. But economists noted some worrying long-term trends. Foreign donors demonstrated their confidence by continuing to provide development assistance. Domestic insurgency appeared on the decline. In February, Laos conducted trouble-free national elections. The Lao government also made some positive adjustments in its treatment of Christian minority groups. Externally, Laos gave priority to reinforcing relations with its immediate neighbors, Vietnam, Thailand, and China. The Lao People's Democratic Republic (LPDR) is one of the world's least-developed countries and one of the last remaining socialist states in Asia. During 2002 the one-party regime continued to consolidate its hold on power. Domestic insurgency fell and there was no renewal of the urban bombing attacks that struck Laos in 2000––01. The Lao economy continued to recover from the aftershocks of the 1997––98 Asian financial crisis, although serious structural problems remained. No serious problems emerged in Laos's external relations. Bilateral relations with Vietnam were further strengthened.

Although not elected to the office, Gerald Ford nonetheless had the opportunity to change the nation's course in Vietnam when he assumed the presidency in August 1974. He did not do so, leaving the burden of ending the war there to the U.S. Congress. Contrary to what some policymakers and historians have subsequently argued, Congress did not sell out a healthy, viable South Vietnamese government to the communists in 1974––1975. Instead, the senators and representatives who voted to reduce, not cut off, military and economic assistance to the government of Nguyen Van Thieu made the correct and proper decision in the face of that regime's obviously untenable nature and the overwhelming desire of the American people to curtail support for it. Rather than working out a plan to end the war and remove those South Vietnamese who had worked with the Americans over the years, the Ford administration, led by the President himself, his Secretary of State and National Security Adviser Henry Kissinger, and Graham Martin, the U.S. ambassador to South Vietnam, chose to pursue a deliberate policy of denial, one designed to place the blame for the loss of South Vietnam on the shoulders of Congress. The resulting tragedy left thousands of Vietnamese to face life as the clear losers in a civil war.

Social demographic studies in Vietnam have shown a growing trend of an ageing population. Demographic trends project that one third of the Vietnamese population will be aged 65 years and older by 2050. Vietnam is a country where the majority of the elderly live with their children, with little savings and pension. The purpose of this review was to explore existing literature on models of care for an ageing population and provide evidence to develop a care model that is suitable for the ageing community in Vietnam. A systematic review utilizing the Preferred Reporting Items for Systematic Reviews and Meta-Analyses (PRISMA) framework was carried out. An extensive literature search was performed, with a focus on articles and other materials with relevance to elderly care in Vietnam in terms of socio-economic, demographic, and associated factors based on comprehensive data sources. The review found that there is a lack of evidence of professional practice for caring for the aged in Vietnam. There also is a lack of evidence of government support for the limited community initiatives to support the ageing. There exist no community models of care for the ageing population in Vietnam. From a global perspective, there exist alternative models of care options to support the elderly through various care models, such as living in assisted-care facilities, home care, and other assistance. Inter-professional practice care models and health services were found to be essential for an ageing population. There is limited literature specifically for the care of an ageing population in Vietnam. Most of the available literature on care models for the aged is drawn from developed countries. The review offers insights into the development of care models for the elderly in Vietnam, with the need for inter-professional efforts in practice settings to support the ageing Vietnamese population. The reviewed literature agrees on the developing global challenges due to ageing. Despite the existing literature on care models for the ageing, there is a lack evidence-based care models concerning the current and future needs of elderly care in middle- and lower-income economies like Vietnam. More evidence is required to establish evidence for best care models for the elderly in developing economies.

COVID-19 pandemic becomes the major disaster happening through out every part of the world and change every single sector, including the humanitarian perspective. As the COVID-19 has spread, government worldwide restrict the movement of people, interruption on activists to deliver assistances, logistics challenge and hampering humanitarian responses. This article makes HUMANITARIAN CARE MALAYSIA BERHAD (MyCARE) as an example of a local Malaysian NGO in providing humanitarian assistance during the periods in the pandemic. MyCARE is a Non-Profit Organization (NPO) registered with the Companies Commission of Malaysia (SSM) [Reg. No: 729288-P], the member of South East Asia Humanitarian Communities (SEAHUM) and existing special consultative member of United Nations Economic and Social Council (ECOSOC).MyCARE’s humanitarian relief network covers South East Asia Archipelago including the Philippines, Cambodia, Southern Thailand and Vietnam; war-torn countries in the Middle East such as Palestine, Syria, Lebanon and Iraq; the stateless and displaced Rohingya people, as well as disaster-stricken areas regardless of racial and religious boundaries. MyCARE is also active in Malaysia in providing temporary shelters, rebuilding homes and provision of fresh water in the flood-stricken areas.This article wishes to share the humanitarian works by MyCARE, in which major assistance has been provided to a major natural hazard be affected during the COVID-19 pandemic in Malaysia, and urgent needs for countries such as Gaza and well as the Rohingya Refugee Camp in Cox’s Bazar, Bangladesh as the largest refugee camp in the world.International Journal of Human and Health Sciences Supplementary Issue: 2021 Page: S8

Nowadays, women receive a lot of attention and assistance in production and business. They have been support with loans from the Women’s Union, capital from Vietnam Bank for Social Policies to facilitate family economic development. This study aims to assess the current situation of demand and efficiency of loanusing in Duyen Hai District, Tra Vinh Province. In this study, the method of Multivariable Regression model was used to analyze the factors affecting the efficiency of using such loans. Research results shown that there are four factors that have positive correlation with loans using efficiency, including age, education level, landarea, loan amount. On the contrary, three factors including the number of employees, the main source of income, and the purpose of loan are negatively related to the efficiency of using loans. In addition, the study proposes some solutions to help households in using capital more efficiently and enhancing their standard of lives.

Policy objectives for Southeast Asian regionalism had been evolving since the end of the Second World War. Economic development viewed as essential for establishing peace and stability in Southeast Asia and the links between development and security were evident in the elaboration of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). Also evident was the second-line support provided by external powers. While ASEAN was a regional initiative that came out of the Bangkok talks to end Confrontation, Western governments had been formulating regional cooperation policies in Southeast Asia decades prior. Economic development viewed as essential for containing communist influence and preventing internal insurgencies in the region. Growth and prosperity would come through regional development programs with external support. This would then expand to some form of collective security led by the Southeast Asian nations themselves. Regionalism viewed as one way of providing economic assistance to newly independent nations without the appearance of foreign interference in regional affairs. Therefore, the evolution of Southeast Asian regionalism was a combined effort of foreign power support for Asian initiatives throughout the economic development with the aim to provide security during the political transformation of the region from the post-war period into the early years of ASEAN and the aftermath of the war in Vietnam.

An outbreak of the 2019 Novel Coronavirus Disease (COVID-19) in China caused by the emergence of Severe Acute Respiratory Syndrome CoronaVirus 2 (SARSCoV2) spreads rapidly across the world and has negatively affected almost all countries including such the developing country as Vietnam. This study aimed to analyze the spatial clustering of the COVID-19 pandemic using spatial auto-correlation analysis. The spatial clustering including spatial clusters (high-high and low-low), spatial outliers (low-high and high-low), and hotspots of the COVID-19 pandemic were explored using the local Moran’s I and Getis-Ord’s G* i statistics. The local Moran’s I and Moran scatterplot were first employed to identify spatial clusters and spatial outliers of COVID-19. The Getis-Ord’s G* i statistic was then used to detect hotspots of COVID-19. The method has been illustrated using a dataset of 86,277 locally transmitted cases confirmed in two phases of the fourth COVID-19 wave in Vietnam. It was shown that significant low-high spatial outliers and hotspots of COVID-19 were first detected in the NorthEastern region in the first phase, whereas, high-high clusters and low-high outliers and hotspots were then detected in the Southern region of Vietnam. The present findings confirm the effectiveness of spatial auto-correlation in the fight against the COVID-19 pandemic, especially in the study of spatial clustering of COVID-19. The insights gained from this study may be of assistance to mitigate the health, economic, environmental, and social impacts of the COVID-19 pandemic.

Purpose This explorative study aims to compare and analyze the behavior of a traditional and an emerging donor, namely, Germany and South Korea, in the field of climate change-related official development assistance (ODA). It analyzes their ODA projects in 2013 in four Southeast Asian countries severely affected by climate change, namely, Cambodia, Laos, Myanmar and Vietnam. It also adapts the existing framework to categorize ODA allocation according to receiving countries’ need and merit and donors’ self-interest. Design/methodology/approach The paper first describes both countries’ policies and activities. It then uses a country’s vulnerability to climate change as a measure of its need, its climate change readiness as a measure of its merit and its bilateral trade volume in environmental goods with donor countries as a measure of donors’ self-interest to analyze the allocation of climate-related ODA. Findings Results suggest that Korean ODA in the field of climate protection is driven more by receiving countries’ need and merit, but self-interest seems to be important for both donors. In addition, many projects labeled as adaptation or mitigation projects only have a weak link to these goals. There are limitations to the present paper. First, it could only analyze projects in 2013 because there are no earlier project data available in the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development’s Creditor Reporting System. Second, because of the simplifying assumptions of the need–merit–self-interest framework, possible other determinants of aid allocation were deliberately ignored. Finally, this explorative study is restricted to four vulnerable countries in Southeast Asia. Originality/value To the best of the authors’ knowledge, this is the first paper to compare a traditional and an emerging donor’s behavior and to explore the allocation of climate-related ODA using the need–merit–self-interest framework.

Despite policy reforms and the integration of various linkages in rice production by the Vietnamese government, small-scale farmers' (small farmers’) access to the market is limited. A value chain link is a powerful tool for improving small farmers' market access and competitiveness. The benefits of horizontal and vertical coordination on farm household performance were investigated using a dataset of 160 farmers. Twenty-two stakeholders were also directly interviewed to analyze the value chain and farmers' access to markets in the Mekong River Delta, where 75% of people live in rural areas and contribute to 90% Vietnam's total rice production. According to our findings, farmers' profits are higher than in the past and total chain economic value is more efficient when farmers participate in vertical or horizontal coordination. Logit regression revealed that the determinants of farmers' decision to participate in cooperatives are training and expected benefits obtained from cooperatives. As a result, collective actions, such as contracting firms and cooperative engagement, are required to assist farmers in accessing the market. The findings also show that participation in value chain links, coordination, and integration benefits food companies significantly. However, financial assistance and insurance are required to adequately cover farmers' production costs and secure contract firms. Furthermore, a written contract should be made to strengthen the value chain. Cooperatives or farmers' organizations can be used as intermediaries to improve vertical and horizontal coordination by establishing links between small farmers and other market stakeholders.

While the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and the European Union (EU) relaunched negotiations on ASEAN-EU FTA in 2017, few signs have indicated significant progress in trade talks and EU has been prompted to pursue, in parallel, bilateral free trade agreements (FTAs) with individual ASEANMembers States as building blocks for the region-to-region megaproject. The underlying divergence in economic, political, historical, and social dimensions between ASEAN and EU has continued to condition bi-regional negotiations, and issues of sanitary and phytosanitary (SPS) are of particular importance given the large inter-regional agri-food trade and inherent tensions embedded in SPS measures that are adopted to strike a balance between trade liberalization and public health. Whether and how the two blocs can reconcile different interests and policy agendas in shaping SPS cooperation under the prospective FTA merits in-depth examination. This article analyses the trajectory and dynamics in ASEAN-EU SPS cooperation. It assesses the SPS Chapters of the EUSingapore and EU-Vietnam FTAs, drawing on their relevance to and implications for region-to-region development. Lastly, this article highlights various bottom-up SPS cooperation initiatives between the two—due to EU’s technical assistance, and more critically, ambition to export its normative paradigms globally—emphasizing their role as catalyst for deeper region-to-region SPS cooperation. ASEAN-EU FTA, EU-Singapore FTA, EU-Vietnam FTA, SPS Agreement, sanitary and phytosanitary measures, New Asian Regionalism

AbstractThis article bridges the traditionally segregated fields of Native American history and the history of American foreign relations by investigating a series of activities in the late 1960s and early 1970s that interconnected Native American development and American counterinsurgency agendas in the unstable political landscapes of Southeast Asia. A small coterie of American bureaucrats, with careers spanning foreign assistance and Native American development work, saw great potential in selectively showcasing Indian economic “success stories” to serve “hilltribe” development and counterinsurgency programs in Laos and Thailand sponsored by the U.S. Agency for International Development and the Central Intelligence Agency. One result was a series of “intertribal” development tours arranged for Laotian and Thai representatives in multiple Native American communities in Arizona and New Mexico. Moreover, sharing a sense that Native Americans could offer unique advantages as direct development agents among other “tribes” overseas, the tours’ organizers garnered support from a diverse range of actors—CIA and USAID officials, Laotian and Thai military officers, and Indian political and business leaders—for launching a “tribe-to-tribe” foreign assistance program. Viewed together, these transnational schemes and discussions reveal how the flexible and multivalent meanings of key development concepts at the time—such as Indian achievement, tribal initiative, and “intertribal” understanding—both facilitated and constrained official designs to employ Native American models to support political and military agendas in the “shadow” theaters of the escalating Vietnam conflict.

Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to investigate the significant factors determining foreign direct investment (FDI) in Cambodia, Laos, and Vietnam (ASEAN3) and Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines, Thailand, and Singapore (ASEAN5). Design/methodology/approach – This paper applies the first differencing technique to estimate the parameters on the constructed panel data starting from 2000 to 2011. Findings – Due to the different stages of economic development between ASEAN3 and ASEAN5, the determinants of FDI are different. We found that there are significantly positive effects of infrastructure facility, level of openness, and negative effect of inflation on FDI inflow in ASEAN3; while real exchange rate, gross domestic product and net official development assistance have no effect on its FDI. The finding in ASEAN5 showed that market size and infrastructure facility are significant factors to attract FDI. Furthermore, even though there are an increase in inflation rate as well as a decrease in level of openness measurement, ASEAN5 are still attractive to foreign investors. Originality/value – The time variant and invariant unobserved effects that are ignored in the previous studies are considered in this study.

Contract farming is considered as institutional arrangements that manage the coordination of production and distribution between smallholder farmers and agro-industrial firms. Under the market reforms and industrialization process, contract farming links smallholder farmers to a better market through effective farming management and high-quality products. Despite the many benefits attributed to participation, the existing literature addresses the main issues that result in the opposing attitudes and motivations toward contract farming. This study therefore aims to analyze factors that influence the choices of smallholder farmers for different contract faming models using multinomial logistic (MNL) regression. Different contract attributes and socio-economic characteristics of farmer households are used as endogenous variables in the MNL model. Based on a research sample of 183 smallholder farmers involved in certified coffee production in Dak Lak province, Vietnam, the study revealed that there are different typologies of production contract including the informal model, intermediary model, and nucleus estate model. Significant factors that affect smallholders’ preferences for different contract farming models are gender, farm size, the provision of inputs, price option, technical assistance, delivery schedule, and monitoring. Main issues that induce failures of contract farming are farmer’s overdependence and the monopolistic power of industrial coffee firms in the nucleus estate model, as well as the information asymmetry in the informal model. In addition, a cost-benefit analysis symbolizes the role of the cooperative in the intermediary model, which is essential for augmenting win-win outcomes for smallholder farmers and industrial coffee firms.

In the last two decades, aid organizations, led by the World Bank, have advanced legal and political reform as a necessary adjunct of international development assistance. This move has been challenged by critics who argue that institutional reform is inextricably tied to economic liberalization, that it is a form of cultural imperialism, and that it tends to displace domestic struggles for democratic self-determination, replacing them with a uniform model of atomized rights. This paper does not reject those concerns out of hand, but it does argue that they are often exaggerated and liable to undermine a valuable sense of international solidarity. It seeks to redirect the criticisms, confining and targeting them more carefully. It does so first by examining how the institutional reform agenda works in practice, drawing specifically on the experience of legal reform in Vietnam. From that example, it assesses the possibilities, limitations, and constraints of international institutional reform and provides recommendations on how reform might be pursued so as to reinforce, and not abandon, the values of transparency, consistency, popular participation and government responsiveness that animate, at its best, the institutional reform agenda.

Promoting age-friendly environment is one of the appropriate approaches to support quality of life toward ageing populations. However, the information regarding age-friendly environments in the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) Plus Three countries is still limited. This study aimed to survey the perceived age-friendly environments among ASEAN Plus Three older populations. The study employed cross-sectional quantitative research using multistage cluster sampling to select a sample of older adults in the capital cities of Japan, Malaysia, Myanmar, Vietnam and Thailand. The final sample was composed of 2171 older adults aged 55 years and over, including 140 Japanese, 510 Thai, 537 Malaysian, 487 Myanmarese, and 497 Vietnamese older adults. Data collection was conducted using a quantitative questionnaire with 20 items of perceived age-friendly environments with the rating scale based on the World Health Organization (WHO) standard. The score from the 20 items were analyzed and examined high-risk groups of “bad perception level” age-friendly environments using ordinal logistic regression. The research indicated the five highest inadequacies of age-friendly environments including: (1) participating in an emergency-response training session or drill which addressed the needs of older residents; (2) enrolling in any form of education or training, either formal or non-formal in any subject; (3) having opportunities for paid employment; (4) involvement in decision making about important political, economic and social issues in the community; and (5) having personal care or assistance needs met in the older adult’s home setting by government/private care services. Information regarding the inadequacy of age-friendliness by region was evidenced to guide policy makers in providing the right interventions towards older adults’ needs.

Purpose Various barriers discourage small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) from entering or expanding their export activities in the international markets, especially SMEs in emerging markets. The purpose of this study is to look at capacity building to accelerate SMEs’ export performance. Design/methodology/approach This study draws on contingency theory and takes a resource-based and market-based view to provide a holistic understanding of the issue. This study uses primary data collected via extensive surveys from active SMEs in three main industrial regions in Vietnam to undertake confirmatory factor analysis and structural equation modeling for quantitative analysis. Findings The results confirm and show the significant effects of various determinants on firms’ export performance. These research findings have scientific contribution and significant implications by understanding the effective internal and external export drivers and mediators in an emerging market and enhancing SMEs’ export performance. Practical implications This study helps SMEs to improve their export performance by systemizing their decision-making in export activities, improving main export drivers highlighted in this study and developing required training programs for their teams. The outcomes also helps policymakers and regulators to improve the current SME ecosystem in Vietnam through training programs, improving policies, facilitating trades, providing more government assistance etc. The results of this study can be extended to other emerging markets with a similar economic structure and legal system. Originality/value Given the need for more work on export performance, this paper develops and tests a holistic conceptual framework that accounts for all aspects of export drivers, and provides a more comprehensive model for examining SMEs’ export drivers. This theoretical framework also incorporates three potential mediators (i.e. innovation strategy, export marketing strategy and business strategy) to investigate the effect of internal and external factors on export performance, highlighting the importance of the mediating effects on SMEs in achieving growth and competing in the international arena.

On August 1, 2018, the Prime Minister issued Decision No. 950/QD-TTg, Decided to approve the project of sustainable, innovative city development in Vietnam from 2018 to 2025 and orientation to 2030 (Decision No. 950/TTg) along with the requirement to increase the mobilization of investment capital, domestic and foreign technical assistance. Thus, Phu Quoc Urban, Kien Giang province, is considered a typical pilot of Kien Giang and Vietnam to effectively exploit the potential and turn Phu Quoc into a luxury tourist city, currently modern, intelligent, and safe, environmentally friendly, attracting tourists all over the world. The development of Phu Quoc is oriented to develop synchronously in technical infrastructure, database, quality of life, intelligent city management, landscape, sustainable development, and competitiveness improvement. Competition, effective public services, ensuring security and social order and safety. This article answers the question, "How to attract domestic and foreign resources to invest in developing Phu Quoc's smart city to help Phu Quoc achieve the goals and vision stated above".The article has the task of defining the concept of resources limited to finance and new and innovative technologies for smart cities. The article also examines the influencing factors that play a decisive role in attracting and mobilizing resources to meet the development goals of smart Phu Quoc city. The article will answer the research question that with the primary investment resources being the minimal state budget, how to attract the whole society's resources, especially foreign direct investment and investment from foreign countries. Large private corporations in the country have capital, technology, management experience, and smart city construction potential. The article studies the experience of attracting and mobilizing investment for smart cities globally, clarifying the current investment situation of Phu Quoc and the current requirements for mobilizing investment resources in Phu Quoc. The article proposes the immediate solution to attract and mobilize investment resources from different economic sectors for Phu Quoc smart city, focusing on private resources and foreign direct investment (FDI) resources. The solutions will focus on renewing thinking and awareness in piloting new mechanisms, perfecting mechanisms and policies to encourage resource mobilization of all economic sectors, especially the public-private coordination mechanism and modern technology for investment and development of Phu Quoc, turning this city into a bright and modern city at the top level of the whole ASEAN region soon. The article uses a qualitative approach and analysis, synthesis, and comparison methods to serve the research. The data is secondary collected from various sources of Kien Giang departments and business associations. Keywords: Smart city Phu Quoc, Capital Mobilization, Non-State Investment, Foreign Direct Investment (FDI).

The government of Vietnam has selected shrimp production and exports as the pillars of rural economic development. The targets set depend on high yields through production intensification. International and national public research communities have raised production intensification concerns related to environmental and climate change challenges, such as saltwater intrusion, water pollution, disease outbreaks, mangrove destruction, and natural resource degradation. Social snags such as user right conflicts of water resources, food safety problems, tariff barriers, and attempts to taint the industry’s image by competitors also plague the industry. These give rise to the problem of certification and questions about the influence of standards on the small-scale farming sustainability in a competitive global environment. The questions asked are, how can one bring together small-scale shrimp farmers to comply with international standards? Can small-scale shrimp farming co-exist with super-intensive producers to bring about a sustainable and competitive industry? A proposed model to horizontally organize the limited resource farmers into cooperatives to vertically integrate with large-scale firms producing shrimp using super-intensive production methods shows small-scale farmers adopting super-intensive production methods that can generate higher yields, income, profits, and is more environmentally friendly and requires less water and land. The capital requirements are high for limited resource farmers. However, with the interest showed by banks in financing models that are appropriate for small-scale farms integrated with larger firms engaged in super-intensive production systems, along with government assistance, these small-scale shrimp producing units can attain higher levels of sustainability than the open, less intensive production systems.

On May 5, 1967, U.S. National Security Adviser Walter W. Rostow briefed President Lyndon B. Johnson that Peru had contracted to buy twelve Mirage 5 supersonic fighter jets from France, "despite our repeated warnings of the consequences." The first planes were delivered a year later, prompting the United States to withhold development loans from Peru as directed by the Conte-Long Amendment to the 1968 Foreign Assistance Appropriations Bill. Peru was the first Latin American country (with the exception of Cuba) to equip its air force with supersonic combat aircraft, and its decision spurred a dramatic qualitative and financial escalation in regional arms procurement, thereby defeating Washington's effort to control the latter. The CIA qualified the "Mirage affair" as the "most serious issue" in U.S.-Peruvian relations at the time. The event demonstrated the growing desire of Peru and other Latin American countries to loosen the ties that bound them to Washington and exemplified France's drive to depolarize world politics during the Cold War. Demanded by the Peruvian military establishment, the Mirage deal also announced the golpe of October 1968 that ended the presidency of Fernando Belaúúnde Terry and ushered in the reformist military dictatorship of Juan Velasco Alvarado. In addition, it complicated relations between the White House, Congress, and the press in the antagonistic context of the Vietnam War. Finally, it further illustrated the diplomatic and economic stakes of military aircraft sales, as well as the appeal of the airplane as a symbol of national sovereignty and modernity.

The main tendency of the postwar world order was the absence of direct military conflicts between major powers and the division of the world into two military-political blocs.These entities brought together countries that differed in ideology and socio-economic structure. In the context of this conflicting confrontation, third world countries have become the arena of mediated rivalry. The confrontation took place in order to increase the area of influence in developing countries by engaging them in some form of socio-economic and political system. The most striking similarity can be seen in the development of the divided nations of Korea, China, Vietnam, in the Indo-Pakistan conflict. In the event of such contradictions, it is possible not to claim the conflict between superpowers and third world countries, but about the involvement or intervention of major powers in internal or interstate conflicts. During the second half of the 1940s – early 1960s, the main task of US administrations was to create a «power ring» around the Soviet control area, to maintain its functioning and further strengthening it. Initially, its line ran in Europe, then in East Asia, and later expanded to the Middle East, with adequate security in the form of US military bases and military-political blocs. By pursuing a policy of containment and extending its line throughout the periphery of Eurasia, the United States was increasingly confronted with the effects of the collapse of the colonial empires and forced, in one form or another, to fill the vacuum of emerging power. At the same time, geopolitical considerations played a major role in this process. The first attempt at an integrated response to the needs of underdeveloped countries was President G. Truman’s Point Four programm, which provided them with technical assistance. In the 1950s, US geostrategic priorities changed: Europe retained its importance, but more attention was paid to Southeast Asia and the Middle East. During this period, the strengthening of US positions in the Gulf region – the most important strategic point in terms of both oil resources and geographical location – began.

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to analyze the Vietnamese laws and practices concerning the confiscation of proceeds of crime, especially in view of Vietnam’s obligations to meet the international standards on money laundering and terrorist financing, set by the Financial Action Task Force and relevant international conventions that Vietnam ratified. To limit the scope of this paper, the analysis focuses on the confiscation of proceeds of domestic crimes that do not require international legal assistance. This paper concludes with recommendations for improving the legal framework on criminal asset recovery in Vietnam. Design/methodology/approach This is a doctrinal study that considers the applicable legal framework. This study is supported by brief case studies of major cases involving the confiscation of proceeds of crime. Findings Vietnam has a functioning asset confiscation regime but gaps in the law, lack of financial investigation expertise and lack of focused investigative attention on asset preservation and confiscation are hampering its effectiveness. The key gaps can easily be closed with appropriate amendments to the law. These reforms should be combined with a dedicated skills development program to produce sufficient number of financial investigation experts and criminal asset management experts to support the regime. The training should extend to judicial officers to ensure an appropriate understanding of the asset confiscation law. Reforms such as these should follow on a comprehensive review of Vietnam’s law and practices relating to the confiscation and forfeiture of criminal assets. This review should extend to assets linked to the financing of terrorism and proliferation to ensure that Vietnam has a comprehensive regime to deal with criminal assets. Research limitations/implications This paper draws on publicly available information regarding the confiscation of proceeds of crime in Vietnam. Little data is available on asset confiscation and that prevents an in-depth assessment of the regime. Originality/value This paper highlights gaps in the current asset confiscation regime and proposes reforms and approaches that will ensure a more effective asset confiscation regime for Vietnam.

The choice of the countries of Southeast Asia as an example for analyzing the nature of interaction between developing countries and China within the framework of the Belt and Road Initiative is not accidental. The very logic of China’s stated goals of gaining dominant positions in the world economy and politics makes it inevitable that the countries of Southeast Asia located in geographic proximity to it are included in its long-term economic and political plans. The question, however, is to what extent do they meet the interests of the Southeast Asian countries themselves? The solution to this question is the main subject of research in the article. There are objective prerequisites for mutually beneficial cooperation. The Belt and Road projects are viewed by China as a tool for economic expansion into the region with the prospect of taking a leading position there, using the interest of Southeast Asian countries in the inflow of foreign investment to create modern infrastructure, the lack of which narrows their opportunities for further economic growth, maintaining competitiveness and developing integration ties within ASEAN Community. Expert assessments made by international organizations confirm the positive impact of OBOR projects on the economic development of Southeast Asian countries and although today it is too early to draw any conclusions, since the initiative is only at the initial stage of its implementation in the region, nevertheless the case studies presented in the article indicate a mismatch in the positions of the parties on a number of issues related to the financing of projects, their lack of transparency. non-compliance with environmental and social requirements. The support of the initiative on the part of the Southeast Asian countries does not automatically mean their acceptance of the terms of the agreements proposed by China, which are far from always consistent with their national interests and give rise to fears in society about its expansionist intentions. Therefore, in many Southeast Asian countries, participation in OBOR projects is turning into a subject of political discourse, which reflects the presence of disagreements in society and confrontation of interests regarding the advisability of rapprochement with China, given the associated economic and political risks. The countries of Southeast Asia can be conditionally divided into two groups according to their relation to the Belt and Road initiative. The first group includes Indonesia, Malaysia, Singapore, the Philippines, Thailand, Vietnam and Myanmar, whose position can be described as national pragmatism. While supporting the Chinese initiative in general, they nevertheless assess the possible risks of their participation in projects and seek to reduce them. The second group is represented by Laos and Cambodia, whose leadership unconditionally supports the Chinese initiative, guided by the interests of their own survival, which largely depends on Chinese assistance. Therefore, the prospect of falling into a debt trap and increasing economic dependence on the PRC and even the threat of losing sovereignty does not deter them from participating in highly controversial projects from a commercial point of view. Based on the analysis made, the author comes to the conclusion that, given the existing alignment of political forces in Southeast Asia, China can count on promoting its initiative in the region, which, however, does not automatically lead to an increase in its political influence and to the creation of a China-centric model of regional order. Acknowledgements. The article was prepared within the project “Post-crisis world order: challenges and technologies, competition and cooperation” supported by the grant from Ministry of Science and Higher Education of the Russian Federation program for research projects in priority areas of scientific and technological development (agreement № 075-15-2020-783).

This research explored and examined the link between electronic word-of-mouth, corporate social responsibility, and loyalty of 282 customers using banking services in Vietnam (PLS-SEM) through the Partial Least Squares Structural Equation Modeling. The data were gathered using convenience sampling, with a sample of 282 customers who used banking services in Vietnam and interacted with the bank through social media. The survey is intended to include 16 questions separated into two parts: the first part contains 5 demographic questions, and the second part contains 11 questions divided into three sets of factors: corporate social responsibility, electronic word-of-mouth, and loyalty. The survey was emailed to customers using banking services and interacting with banks via social media in Vietnam. According to the findings of the empirical study, there is a direct and indirect link between corporate social responsibility, electronic word-of-mouth, and customer loyalty in Vietnam’s banking sector. The results of empirical research in Vietnam’s banking industry indicate that corporate social responsibility has direct and positive impact on customer loyalty; corporate social responsibility has a direct and positive impact on customer’s word-of-mouth; electronic word-of-mouth has a direct and positive impact on customer loyalty; and finally, corporate social responsibility has an indirect impact on customer loyalty through customer’s electronic word-of-mouth. AcknowledgmentThe author would like to thank all the customers who completed the survey. The author would like to thank all parties and the Banking University of Ho Chi Minh City for their excellent support and assistance in completing this research.

The rise of China was not an issue in 1971 or 1972. Therefore, neither the United States nor Japan thought about the consequences of US–China and Japan–China rapprochement in the early 1970s (Kissinger, 2011). The diplomatic normalization between Japan and China took place in 1972 as an appendage of the United States–China rapprochement in 1971, at least in American eyes. At this time, the United States was waging war in Vietnam, while the Cold War was still at the heyday of massive nuclear buildups by the United States and the Soviet Union. China was in the midst of domestic turmoil called the Cultural Revolution, while facing the hostile Soviet Union. To ease their burdens, both countries concluded the surprising rapprochement. It was a great surprise to Japan because it had not been notified about this rapprochement even a couple of days before. In 1971, China entered the United Nations. Japan went ahead of the United States and had achieved diplomatic normalization by 1972. Japan wanted to develop a new market in China when its economy was booming whereby Japan wanted to alleviate the extreme of ‘leaning to one side’ (to the United States). China wanted to alleviate security threats coming from the Soviet Union (‘anti-hegemonism’) and to have Japan involved in the development of the half-frozen economy, especially with the massive Japanese official development assistance. On the disputed islands called Senkaku Islands/Diaoyu Islands, the Japanese government wanted to settle the issue, but the Chinese government saw no immediate urgency to do so. In 1978, both the United States and Japan consolidated their ties with China, again with Japan going ahead of the United States. In December 1978, Deng Xiaoping came back into power, paving the road to ‘economic reform and the opening to the world’. His famous sentence, yangguan taohui (keep low profile, nurture strength), was propagated as the new Chinese policy line, both internally and externally (Vogel, 2011). He focused on economic development while keeping peace on all borders. China started to grow in the 1980s in a strident fashion, although voices for political reform were also on the rise. Such voices culminated in 1989 after the death of former Secretary General Hu Yaopang, a reformist who was dismissed from office in 1987 by Deng Xiaoping. On 4 June 1989, large numbers of demonstrators assembled in Tiananmen Square, Beijing, demanding more freedom and democracy. Deng Xiaoping ordered the all-out suppression of the dissidents. The Tiananmen Square massacre led to embargos by the West and by Japan. The embargos were lifted in 1991. Both Japan and Europe were keen on this. The Chinese economy then registered a two digit annual growth rate for two decades until 2011. Meanwhile the terms of the Japan–China Friendship Treaty of 1978 − that is China forgiving Japan for not paying indemnity − became known in China, giving rise to opposition to the Friendship Treaty in the 1990s. The United States was preoccupied with anti-terrorism after 9/11 in 2001, and the thought of growth in China in the 2000s scarcely came to mind. But by 2011, the growth of China was visible and tangible; a fact that no one can deny is that China is expected to surpass the United States in terms of Gross National Product sooner or later.

The paper deals with analytical reports prepared by the experts of the RAND Corporation on the Secret War in Laos (19601973) between the Royal Laotian Army, tacit living in the United States, and the communist movement Patet Lao, which received assistance from the Democratic Republic of Vietnam. Initially, it was Laos, not Vietnam that was the strategic and important region of Southeast Asia in the concept of domino theory of the US policy. A vivid example is the study of Laos in the RAND Corporation, which began earlier than the study of Vietnam. Analyst reports were created on the basis of geography, demography, geology, economics, etc. The paper addresses reports on the development of the military-political situation in Laos by the experts of the corporation such as Joel Martin Halpern, Paul Langer and Joseph Zastoff. It is shown that a part of the research was carried out with the aim of developing the theory of counterinsurgency at the request of the Agency for Perspective Research under the Ministry of Defense of the USA for the development of a foreign policy strategy in the countries of the Third world. Special attention is paid to the connection of research on the situation in Laos with the analysis of the prospects of the American policy in Vietnam in the 1960s and early 1970s.

With the changing world situation, the end of World War II, the withdrawal of Japanese people from Taiwan, the eruption of Korean War, the assistance of Military Assistance Advisory Group in Taiwan, and the participation of American military in Vietnam War, a lot of US people came to Taiwan and brought a distinct lifestyle and culture, which have exerted their influence up to now. Apparently, the introduction of American culture greatly influenced the society at the time; people pursuing fashion gradually accepted western way of leisure and changed the existing traditional model. It also revealed the expansion of exotic cultural identity locally.By distributing and collecting questionnaires on-site, teachers and students of Chinese Culture University and the neighboring citizens in Yangmingshan are sampled for this study. A total of 500 copies of questionnaires were distributed, and 316 valid copies were retrieved, with the retrieval rate of 73%. Each retrieved copy stands for a valid sample. The research results are concluded as follows. 1. Cultural Identity presents significantly positive effects on Possible to purchase in Purchase Intention of American Commodity. 2. Cultural Identity reveals remarkably positive effects on Intend to Purchase in Purchase Intention of American Commodity. 3. Cultural Identity shows notably positive effects on Consider to Purchase in Purchase Intention of American Commodity. 4. The correlation between Cultural Identity and Purchase Intention of American Commodity shows partially significant differences on demographic variables.

AbstractThis paper examines the relationship between rubber plantations and changes in everyday technologies in rural Indochina. It also explores the effects that improvement projects had on the countryside in which those who were targeted by these programmes lived. Speeches given at the opening of the Bến Cát agricultural school in Thủ Dầu Một province in 1918, for example, show that this school was designed both to train Vietnamese assistants to work on large agricultural exploitations and to improve native agricultural practices. Officials used journals, such as the bilingual French-VietnameseCochinchine Agricole, which appeared between 1927 and 1930, to popularize latex-producing science and techniques. Though their motivations often differed from those of officials, the Vietnamese elite, ranging from those in the anti-colonialDuy Tân Hội(Modernisation Society) to French-trained physicians, scientists, and engineers, also often sought to address the problems of rural southern Vietnam through improvements in everyday agricultural technologies. This paper suggests that plantation agriculture, which structured the everyday meanings of rubber in Vietnam, along with the failures of native improvement, began to weaken the support of the Vietnamese elite for the colonial regime during the 1930s. Uneasy compromises and contradictions meant that neither economic profit nor social improvement alone existed in the rubber-producing industry.

This study compared language choices made by Vietnamese speakers in a circuit-board manufacturing company in California with utterances constructed for similar situations by Vietnamese speakers in Hanoi, Vietnam. Particular attention was paid to how both groups of speakers signaled social relationships during talk at work, primarily through their selection or omission of Vietnamese address forms and other honorific markers. The California supervisor and assistant, during high-pressure problem-solving events, bypassed the use of kinship terms and, instead, chose non-honorific terms and other markers of informality, thus invoking a normative frame of teamwork and open debate about courses of action that pervade the contemporary American workplace. Excerpts of videotaped interactions between these California workers were shown to the Hanoi participants, after which they were asked to imagine a context in Hanoi similar to the one that they observed. Their constructed utterances were found to contain a variety of address forms — mostly personal names and kinship terms — along with other honorific and politeness forms. The Hanoi participants tended to incorporate these forms even within the economy of talk found in high-pressure moments. In including these forms, they highlighted the hierarchical relationship between the interlocutors as elder and younger, superior and subordinate. Their inclusion of these expressions reflects a cultural norm: the salience of maintaining interpersonal relationships in the workplace, which are managed elegantly through the Vietnamese person-reference system. The findings in this study suggest evidence of a shift in the norms of language use by Vietnamese immigrants living and working in the United States.

South Korea’s development assistance has become an important resource in facilitating Vietnam’s socio-economic development and contributed to infrastructure establishment, agricultural and rural development, as well as hunger eradication and poverty reduction in Vietnam over the past 25 years. By adopting indicators proposed in the Busan Partnership Agreement and OECD’s DAC criteria, desk study and in-depth interviews, the paper assessed the effectiveness of South Korea’s development aid in Vietnam at three levels: nation, donor and project level. The results show that at both national and donor levels, South Korea’s ODA in Vietnam is successful and effective in terms of aligning objectives of both sides, facilitating engagement of private sectors, supporting a forward-looking vision, providing public and up-to-date information, and applying effective international methods to monitor and evaluate ODA projects. At project level, the QCGH project of KOICA has proved to be relatively successful especially in terms of relevance and impacts. The paper also pointed out shortcomings of South Korea’s development at national and donor levels with a focus on disbursement of development aid, the use of Vietnam’s financial system, strictly binding conditions and limited inclusive cooperation between South Korea and Vietnam in assessing the effectiveness of South Korea’s development aid. At project level, the shortcomings lied mainly under efficiency, effectiveness and sustainability indicators. Based on evaluation of South Korean’s aid performance and effectiveness in Vietnam, the paper drew out some implications to strengthen South Korea’s development aid effectiveness in Vietnam in the future. Keywords Aid effectiveness, Vietnam, South Korea, development aid, development assistance References [1] Department of Planning and Investment of Quang Binh province, Report on ODA attraction, management and utilization and loans in the period 2011-2015 and orientation to attract ODA and loans for the period 2016-2020 of Quang Binh province, 2015. [2] EDCF 2015. EDCF Annual Report. Seoul: Economic Development Cooperation Report [3] JICA, New JICA Guidelines for Project Evaluation: First edition. Tokyo: Japan International Cooperation Agency, 2010.[4] KOICA. Ex-Post Evaluation on the Project for the Establishment of the Central General Hospital in Quang Nam Province, Vietnam. Gyeonggi-do: KOICA, 2014.[5] KOICA, KOICA Annual Report 2016. Gyeonggi-do: KOICA, 2016.[6] Ministry of Strategy and Finance of South Korea and Ministry of Foreign Affairs of South Korea, 2014 Korea’s Official Development Assistance White Paper: Opening a New Era of Happiness for All Humanity, Seoul, Ministry of Strategy and Finance of South Korea, Ministry of Foreign Affairs of South Korea, 2014.[7] OECD, Evaluating Development Co-operation: Summary of key norms and standards, OECD, 2010.[8] OECD & UNDP, Making Development Cooperation More Effective : 2014 Progress Report, OECD Publishing, 2014.

This paper explores the effects of labour movement into nonfarm activities on household production choices in rural Vietnam. It finds that agricultural production declines and there are negative effects on farm revenue. However, these conclusions are limited in the north. Households in the north readjust their production structure by investing in livestock and other crops that require less labour. Rice farmers in the south have managed to keep their rice production unaffected by hiring more labour, and investing more capital to switch to less labour-intensive farming. The evidence of relaxing liquidity constraints is found, at least in the short run. While the decline in agricultural revenue in the north suggests some level of substitution between farming and nonfarm activities, the stability in rice production at the national level brings good news to policy makers and food security in Vietnam, despite rapid structural change over the past decades. Keywords Nonfarm, food security, rice self-sufficiency, agricultural transformation, household agricultural production References Akram-Lodhi, A.H., 2005. Vietnam’s agriculture: processes of rich peasant accumulation and mechanisms. Journal of Agrarian Change, 5(1), pp.73–116.Barrett, B., Reardon, T. and Webb, P., 2001. Nonfarm income diversification and household livelihood strategies in rural Africa: concepts, dynamics, and policy implications. Food Policy, 26, pp. 315–331.Brennan, D. et al., 2012. Rural-urban migration and Vietnamese agriculture. In Contributed paper at the 56th AARES Annual Conference. Fremantle, Western Australia.Dang, KS., Nguyen, NQ., Pham, QD., Truong, TTT. and Beresford, M 2006. Policy reform and the transformation of Vietnamese agriculture, in Rapid growth of selected Asian economies: lessons and implications for agriculture and food security, Policy Assistance Series 1/3, FAO, Bangkok.De Brauw, A., 2010. Seasonal Migration and Agricultural Production in Vietnam. Journal of Development Studies, 46(1), pp.114–139.Glewwe, P., Dollar, D. and Agrawal, N., 1994. Economic growth, poverty, and household welfare in Vietnam, World Bank, Washington, DC.Haggblade, S., Hazell, P. and Reardon, T., 2007. Transforming the rural nonfarm economy. The Johns Hopkins University Press, Baltimore, Maryland.Hazell, P. and Rahman, A., 2014. New directions for smallholder agriculture 1st ed., Oxford University Press, New York.Hoang, T.X., Pham, C.S. and Ulubaşoǧlu, M., 2014. Non-farm activity, household expenditure, and poverty reduction in rural Vietnam: 2002-2008. World Development, 64, pp.554–568.Huang, J., Wang, X. and Qiu, H.G., 2012. Small-scale farmers in China in the face of modernization and globalization, International Institute for Environment and Development/HIVOS, London.Kajisa, K., 2007. Personal networks and non-agricultural employment: the case of a farming village in the Philippines. Economic Development and Cultural Change, 55(4), pp.668–707.Kilic, T, Carletto, C, Miluka, J. and Savastano, S., 2009. Rural nonfarm income and its impact on agriculture: Evidence from Albania. Agricultural Economics, 40(2), pp.139–60.Lanjouw, J. and Lanjouw, P., 2001. The rural non-farm sector: issues and evidence from developing countries. Agricultural Economics, 26, pp.1–23.Li, L., 2013. Migration, remittances, and agricultural productivity in small farming systems in Northwest China. China Agricultural Economic Review, 5(1), pp.5–23. Minot, N., 2006. Income diversification and poverty in the Northern Uplands of Vietnam, International Food Policy Research Institute, Washington, DC.Minot, N. and Goletti, F., 1998. Export liberalization and household welfare: the case of rice in Vietnam. American Journal of Agricultural Economics, 80(4), pp.738–749.Nguyen, H.Q., 2017. Analyzing the economies of crop diversification in rural Vietnam using an input distance function. Agricultural Systems, 157, pp. 148-156.Oseni, G. and Winters, P., 2009. Rural nonfarm activities and agricultural crop production in Nigeria. Agricultural Economics, 40(2), pp.189–201.Otsuka, K., Liu, Y. and Yamauchi, F., 2013. Factor endowments, wage growth, and changing food self-sufficiency: Evidence from country-level panel data. American Journal of Agricultural Economics, 95(5), pp. 1252–1258.Pham, VH, Nguyen, TMH, Kompas, T, Che, TN. and Bui, T., 2015. Rice production, trade and the poor: regional effects of rice export policy on households in Vietnam. Journal of Agricultural Economics, 66(2), pp. 280–307.Pingali, P.L., Xuan, V.T. and Khiem, N.T., 1998. Prospects for sustaining Vietnam’s re-acquired rice export status. Food Policy, 22(4), pp. 345–358.Rozelle, S., Taylor, J.E. and DeBrauw, A., 1999. Migration, remittances, and agricultural productivity in China. American Economic Review, 89(2), pp.287–291.Stampini, M. and Davis, B., 2009. Does non-agricultural labor relax farmers’ credit constraints? Evidence from longitudinal data for Vietnam. Agricultural Economics, 40(2), pp.177–188.Taylor, J.E. and Martin, P.L., 2001. Human capital: migration and rural population change. In G. Rausser & B. Gardner, eds. Handbook of Agricultural Economics, vol 1A. New York: Elsevier Science, pp. 457–511.Taylor, J.E., Rozelle, S. and De Brauw, A., 2003. Migration and incomes in source communities: a new economic of migration perspective from China. Economic Development and Cultural Change, 52(1), pp.75–101.Taylor, J.E. and Lybbert, T., 2015. Essentials of Development Economics, University of California Press, Berkeley.Thirwall, A.P., 2006. Growth and development with special reference to developing economies 8th ed., Palgrave Macmillan, New York.van de Walle, D. and Cratty, D., 2004. Is the emerging non-farm market economy the route out of poverty in Vietnam? Economics of Transition, 12(2), pp.237–274.Warr, P., 2009. Aggregate and sectoral productivity growth in Thailand and Indonesia, Working Papers in Trade and Development, 2009/10, Arndt-Corden Department of Economics, Australian National University.Warr, P., 2014. Food insecurity and its determinants. Australian Journal of Agricultural and Resource Economics, 58(4), pp. 519-37.Weiss, C.R., 1996. Exits from a declining sector: econometric evidence from a panel of upper-Austrian farms 1980-1990, Working Paper No. 9601, Department of Economics, University of Linz.Wiggins, S, Kirsten, J. and Llambí, L., 2010. The future of small farms. World Development, 38(10), pp. 1341–48.World Bank, 2006. Vietnam: business, Development Report No 34474-VN, Hanoi, Vietnam. KeywordsNonfarm, food security, rice self-sufficiency, agricultural transformation, household agricultural production References Akram-Lodhi, A.H., 2005. Vietnam’s agriculture: processes of rich peasant accumulation and mechanisms. Journal of Agrarian Change, 5(1), pp.73–116.Barrett, B., Reardon, T. and Webb, P., 2001. Nonfarm income diversification and household livelihood strategies in rural Africa: concepts, dynamics, and policy implications. Food Policy, 26, pp. 315–331.Brennan, D. et al., 2012. Rural-urban migration and Vietnamese agriculture. In Contributed paper at the 56th AARES Annual Conference. Fremantle, Western Australia.Dang, KS., Nguyen, NQ., Pham, QD., Truong, TTT. and Beresford, M 2006. Policy reform and the transformation of Vietnamese agriculture, in Rapid growth of selected Asian economies: lessons and implications for agriculture and food security, Policy Assistance Series 1/3, FAO, Bangkok.De Brauw, A., 2010. Seasonal Migration and Agricultural Production in Vietnam. Journal of Development Studies, 46(1), pp.114–139.Glewwe, P., Dollar, D. and Agrawal, N., 1994. Economic growth, poverty, and household welfare in Vietnam, World Bank, Washington, DC.Haggblade, S., Hazell, P. and Reardon, T., 2007. Transforming the rural nonfarm economy. The Johns Hopkins University Press, Baltimore, Maryland.Hazell, P. and Rahman, A., 2014. New directions for smallholder agriculture 1st ed., Oxford University Press, New York.Hoang, T.X., Pham, C.S. and Ulubaşoǧlu, M., 2014. Non-farm activity, household expenditure, and poverty reduction in rural Vietnam: 2002-2008. World Development, 64, pp.554–568.Huang, J., Wang, X. and Qiu, H.G., 2012. Small-scale farmers in China in the face of modernization and globalization, International Institute for Environment and Development/HIVOS, London.Kajisa, K., 2007. Personal networks and non-agricultural employment: the case of a farming village in the Philippines. Economic Development and Cultural Change, 55(4), pp.668–707.Kilic, T, Carletto, C, Miluka, J. and Savastano, S., 2009. Rural nonfarm income and its impact on agriculture: Evidence from Albania. Agricultural Economics, 40(2), pp.139–60.Lanjouw, J. and Lanjouw, P., 2001. The rural non-farm sector: issues and evidence from developing countries. Agricultural Economics, 26, pp.1–23.Li, L., 2013. Migration, remittances, and agricultural productivity in small farming systems in Northwest China. China Agricultural Economic Review, 5(1), pp.5–23. Minot, N., 2006. Income diversification and poverty in the Northern Uplands of Vietnam, International Food Policy Research Institute, Washington, DC.Minot, N. and Goletti, F., 1998. Export liberalization and household welfare: the case of rice in Vietnam. American Journal of Agricultural Economics, 80(4), pp.738–749.Nguyen, H.Q., 2017. Analyzing the economies of crop diversification in rural Vietnam using an input distance function. Agricultural Systems, 157, pp. 148-156.Oseni, G. and Winters, P., 2009. Rural nonfarm activities and agricultural crop production in Nigeria. Agricultural Economics, 40(2), pp.189–201.Otsuka, K., Liu, Y. and Yamauchi, F., 2013. Factor endowments, wage growth, and changing food self-sufficiency: Evidence from country-level panel data. American Journal of Agricultural Economics, 95(5), pp. 1252–1258.Pham, VH, Nguyen, TMH, Kompas, T, Che, TN. and Bui, T., 2015. Rice production, trade and the poor: regional effects of rice export policy on households in Vietnam. Journal of Agricultural Economics, 66(2), pp. 280–307.Pingali, P.L., Xuan, V.T. and Khiem, N.T., 1998. Prospects for sustaining Vietnam’s re-acquired rice export status. Food Policy, 22(4), pp. 345–358.Rozelle, S., Taylor, J.E. and DeBrauw, A., 1999. Migration, remittances, and agricultural productivity in China. American Economic Review, 89(2), pp.287–291.Stampini, M. and Davis, B., 2009. Does non-agricultural labor relax farmers’ credit constraints? Evidence from longitudinal data for Vietnam. Agricultural Economics, 40(2), pp.177–188.Taylor, J.E. and Martin, P.L., 2001. Human capital: migration and rural population change. In G. Rausser & B. Gardner, eds. Handbook of Agricultural Economics, vol 1A. New York: Elsevier Science, pp. 457–511.Taylor, J.E., Rozelle, S. and De Brauw, A., 2003. Migration and incomes in source communities: a new economic of migration perspective from China. Economic Development and Cultural Change, 52(1), pp.75–101.Taylor, J.E. and Lybbert, T., 2015. Essentials of Development Economics, University of California Press, Berkeley.Thirwall, A.P., 2006. Growth and development with special reference to developing economies 8th ed., Palgrave Macmillan, New York.van de Walle, D. and Cratty, D., 2004. Is the emerging non-farm market economy the route out of poverty in Vietnam? Economics of Transition, 12(2), pp.237–274.Warr, P., 2009. Aggregate and sectoral productivity growth in Thailand and Indonesia, Working Papers in Trade and Development, 2009/10, Arndt-Corden Department of Economics, Australian National University.Warr, P., 2014. Food insecurity and its determinants. Australian Journal of Agricultural and Resource Economics, 58(4), pp. 519-37.Weiss, C.R., 1996. Exits from a declining sector: econometric evidence from a panel of upper-Austrian farms 1980-1990, Working Paper No. 9601, Department of Economics, University of Linz.Wiggins, S, Kirsten, J. and Llambí, L., 2010. The future of small farms. World Development, 38(10), pp. 1341–48.World Bank, 2006. Vietnam: business, Development Report No 34474-VN, Hanoi, Vietnam.

PurposeThe coronavirus disease (COVID-19) pandemic has been negatively affecting international trade between countries; however, there is a lack of empirical studies on developing countries such as Vietnam. This article aims to investigate how the COVID-19 cases and related deaths and policy response by Vietnam and trading partners to the pandemic affect Vietnam's export activities.Design/methodology/approachThe authors use the monthly trade data from the General Department of Vietnam Customs and employ the Poisson pseudo-maximum-likelihood (PPML) estimator to empirically investigate the effects of COVID-19 and policy response to the pandemic on Vietnam's exports at aggregate and sectoral levels over a 33-month period.FindingsIn the first year of the pandemic (January–December 2020) as well as the whole study period (January 2019–September 2021), trading partners' COVID-19 burden adversely affected Vietnam's aggregate exports, and the effect of COVID-19 deaths is significantly larger than that of COVID-19 cases. In the first year of the pandemic, estimates show a negative effect of Vietnam's COVID-19 cases on its exports, while no evidence reveals the impact of Vietnam's COVID-19 deaths. However, during the entire study period, there are remarkable adverse effects of Vietnam's COVID-19 deaths on its exports. The effect of the COVID-19 burden in Vietnam and in its trading partners differs significantly across major subsectors. In the first year, there is a positive role of government response to the pandemic by Vietnam and its trading partners in Vietnam's aggregate exports, while in the whole study period, only a positive effect of Vietnam's government response is found. Economic support and free trade agreements (FTAs) have a positive effect on Vietnam's exports. In the first year of the pandemic, Vietnam's export losses due to COVID-19 outweighed its export gains from the pandemic. However, Vietnam's exports have significantly improved over the nine months of 2021.Research limitations/implicationsEfforts should aim to reduce the number of COVID-19 deaths rather than focus on reducing the number of COVID-19 cases. The application of stringency measures by both exporters and importers should be minimized, or at least those measures need to be combined with health methods, such as testing policy and contact tracing, short-term investment in healthcare and especially investments in vaccines. In addition, economic support, particularly debt relief, needs to be widely applied to assist firms, especially those involved in international trade. The expansion of FTA networks and diversifying export destinations may be helpful in maintaining production networks and export activities.Practical implicationsIn the long-term period, the application of stringency measures by both exporters and importers should be minimized, or at least those measures need to be combined with health methods such as testing policy and contact tracing, short-term investment in healthcare and especially investments in vaccines. In addition, economic assistance, particularly debt relief, needs to be widely applied to assist firms, especially those involved in international trade activities.Originality/valueTo the best of the authors’ knowledge, the paper is among the first studies empirically investigating the impacts of COVID-19 and policy response to the pandemic on aggregate and sectoral exports from Vietnam. The paper also measures the absolute value of export gain and export loss due to the pandemic between Vietnam and trading countries.

AbstractThis paper investigates how poor-quality housing affects Vietnamese individuals’ health, measured using the number of sick days, which directly affects productivity and economic growth. Our analysis addresses endogeneity issues generally ignored in previous studies. We provide evidence, robust to various alterations that, the absence of an indoor water tap and homeownership, harmful indoor cooking fuel type, and the poor physical structure of the dwelling have adverse impacts on individuals’ health. Our findings indicate that the adverse effects of housing on health arise from a larger spectrum of housing issues in rural areas compared to urban areas. We also find that the intensity in deprived housing conditions has a non-linear relationship with health, suggesting that even some degree of housing assistance can have a beneficial impact on individuals’ health. Our study provides useful policy guides and informs healthy living practices.