Relevant bibliographies by topics / Economic assistance – Palestine

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Academic literature on the topic 'Economic assistance – Palestine'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 10 March 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Economic assistance – Palestine"

1

Górska, Ewa. "Pomoc rozwojowa w Palestynie: mylne założenia i podtrzymywanie status quo?" Politeja 16, no. 4(61) (December 31, 2019): 317–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/politeja.16.2019.61.18.

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Development Aid in Palestine: Wrong Assumptions and Maintaining the status quo? This article is focused on critically analyzing the main assumptions on which development aid for Palestine is based, in the context of the present political and economic situation in the Palestinian territories, especially the West Bank (which is governed by the Palestinian National Authority). Palestinian Autonomy is one of the main receivers of development aid in the world. However, development assistance has a certain structure, which is based on certain assumptions of the donors. In the case of Palestine, these include that development aid leads to real economic growth and building an independent Palestinian statehood, that it supports the peace process and the two-state solution, that it is politically neutral, and that the donors are acting in the best interests of beneficiaries. Those assumptions are challenged here.
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2

Abbadi, Suleiman M., Mohammed Al-Olabi, Haytham Owida, and Abdelfattah Abu Shuku. "The Impact of Fiscal Policy on Economic Growth in Palestine." International Journal of Economics and Finance 13, no. 8 (July 18, 2021): 51. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ijef.v13n8p51.

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This study aims at finding the impact of fiscal policy with its various instruments such as, current expenditures, capital expenditures, Tax revenues, non-Tax revenues, foreign assistance and value added tax revenues on economic growth in Palestine represented by the rate of growth of real GDP during the period 1996-2018. A Multiple Regression Analysis was used to build the model and test the hypothesis. The estimated results showed four of the six independent variables have a significant effect on economic growth, with current and development expenditure having a positive effect while tax and non-tax revenue having a negative effect. On the other hand, foreign aid and clearing tax by Israeli authorizations have no significant effect on economic growth, (though, the last one is significant at 10%). The study has also found that government expenditures need to be redistributed between current and development expenditures so as to increase the share of development expenditures in order to maintain a high growth rate. The paper recommends that the tax rate should be reduced on productive projects which are designed to decrease the unemployment rate and increase the rate of growth. The study has also pointed out to the significance of re-negotiating the Paris accord with the Israeli authorities so as to improve the terms of this accord, especially in the case of collecting the VAT revenues.
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3

Aulia Marcella, Rina. "The Implementation Of U.S Foreign Policy Towards Gaza Strip." Aptisi Transactions on Technopreneurship (ATT) 4, no. 1 (January 19, 2022): 26–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.34306/att.v4i1.220.

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This paper examines how the United States' foreign policy towards the Gaza conflict is being implemented. Furthermore, this paper discusses the United States' performance, attempts, technology use and outcomes in striking an agreement between Israel and Palestine. The goal of this analysis is to look at the United States' attempts in the long and near term to reintegrate the Palestinian authority into the democratic system and stabilize Gaza. According to the findings of this research, the United States has a strong commitment to community development and protection for a secure, free, democratic, and stable Palestinian government using technology in era 4.0. In order to achieve peace, the United States remains committed to a solution in which both Israel and Palestine, specifically Israel and Palestine, are equally entitled to the same level of freedom, security, and prosperity. The United States contributes to the delivery of bilateral assistance both in the economic and military fields.
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4

Bar-On, Arnon A. "Social Security Programmes in the West Bank and Gaza Strip: Challenges for the new Palestine." Journal of Social Policy 25, no. 1 (January 1996): 63–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047279400000064.

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ABSTRACTOver the years during which Israel has occupied the West Bank and the Gaza Strip, the Palestinian economy has become heavily dependent on wages earned in Israel. Yet Israel has done relatively little to modernise these territories' social security arrangements, or to enable Palestinian frontier workers to benefit from its own social security system. This article compares the occupational welfare, public assistance and health insurance programmes in the three entities, and suggests how they could be better organised to protect Palestinian workers and their families against daily contingencies which can decimate their economic security.
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5

Ali, Ferooze, and Azmil Tayeb. "Exploring Alternative form of International Aid: A Study on Islamic Faith Based Organisation (IFBOs) Assistance in Gaza, Palestine." Malaysian Journal of Social Sciences and Humanities (MJSSH) 6, no. 3 (March 8, 2021): 340–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.47405/mjssh.v6i3.703.

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International aid from the U. S, UK, and EU has always been constantly debated within the context of the Occupied Palestinian Territories (oPt). The concern revolves around Western donors’ strict political and economic-based conditions. Critiques focus on how these factors impede aid effectiveness in addressing the local Palestinian challenges under Israel’s colonisation. The researcher argued, while this theme has been a defining feature of the academic debate for the past two decades, less research is apportioned towards exploring an alternative form of donorship. To be specific, the idea of seeking a new category of actor donor which might render aid in a more selfless, flexible, and democratic basis. To explore this potentiality, the researcher selected the IFBOs sector focusing on organisations from Malaysia, i.e. Malaysian Islamic Faith-Based Organisation (MFBOs). I dissected the policies of 7 MFBOs to gain insights into this sector’s socio-economic aid in Gaza. I interviewed 13 policymakers. The overall outcome of this exploratory research suggested the MFBOs sector is generally more flexible and democratic in their policy conduct. Further research is also needed to expand this discourse.
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6

Ryan, Stephen. "Carrots, Sticks, and Ethnic Conflict: Rethinking Development Assistance. Edited by Milton J. Esman and Ronald J. Herring. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2001. 272p. $49.50." American Political Science Review 96, no. 3 (September 2002): 682–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055402950367.

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This excellent collection of essays takes the reader into a complex area: the relationship between economic development and ethnic conflict. It is such a tricky topic because there is consensus about neither what ethnicity is nor the contributions that economic factors make to the origins, dynamics, and resolution of ethnic strife. In fact the essays presented here steer clear of origins and resolution and focus instead on the less controversial area of how development policy impacts on the dynamics of ethnic conflicts. There is a great need for contributions in this area, because, as the introductory chapter by Herring and Esman notes, the international community is becoming more involved in humanitarian assistance and postviolence reconstruction initiatives in a number of protracted intercommunal conflicts. These include Bosnia, Kosovo, Israel and Palestine, Northern Ireland, and Lebanon. At the same time the increased awareness of ethnic conflict in the past decade has resulted in reassessments of what development means in a multicultural setting.
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7

Nazri, Atika Shafinaz. "Penglibatan dan Sumbangan NGO Malaysia dalam Isu Kemanusiaan Palestin: Aman Palestin Berhad." Sains Insani 7, no. 1 (May 31, 2022): 7–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.33102/sainsinsani.vol7no1.337.

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Penjajahan dan kezaliman yang berlaku ke atas rakyat Palestin sementelahan pula kebisuan negara-negara berkuasa besar dan peranan Palestinian National Authority yang terbatas atau mempunyai kapasiti agak memuaskan, maka hadirnya pelbagai jenis NGO menjalankan aktiviti bantuan kemanusiaan terhadap golongan rentan ini. Matlamat utama kajian ini adalah untuk mengenal pasti bentuk-bentuk penglibatan dan sumbangan NGO kemanusiaan Malaysia dalam isu kemanusiaan Palestin. Berasaskan pendekatan kualitatif, kajian telah menjalankan temu bual mendalam bersama tiga pegawai NGO Aman Palestin. Pemilihan NGO ini adalah berdasarkan bantuannya yang mengkhususkan kepada Palestin dan penglibatan secara aktif sejak penubuhan organisasi tersebut. Penemuan kajian telah menunjukkan terdapat pelbagai bentuk sumbangan bantuan kemanusiaan Aman Palestin menerusi projek yang melibatkan sektor ekonomi, pendidikan, sosial, kesihatan, pertanian dan insfratruktur telah menyumbang kelestarian hidup rakyat di sana. Penglibatan aktif melalui aktiviti-aktiviti yang dijalankan di Malaysia telah mempertingkatkan kesedaran mengenai isu Palestin dalam kalangan masyarakat Malaysia. Walau bagaimanapun, projek dan aktiviti Aman Palestin dilihat lebih bersifat islamisasi yang mensasarkan golongan beragama Islam sahaja. Isu Palestin perlu diangkat sebagai isu kemanusiaan bukan agama semata-mata supaya semua lapisan masyarakat tanpa mengira latar belakang agama dapat berganding bahu dalam membantah penjajahan Israel. The presence of various NGOs carrying out humanitarian aid activities for Palestinian due to occupation and oppression concurrently the silence between superpowers and the limited role of the Palestinian National Authority. The purpose of this study is to identify the forms of involvement and contribution of Malaysian humanitarian NGOs in Palestinian humanitarian issues. Based on a qualitative approach, the study conducted in-depth interviews with three Aman Palestin officials. The selection of this NGO was based on specialized assistance to Palestine and its active involvement since the organization’s establishment. The findings have shown there are various humanitarian aid projects conducted by Aman Palestin involving the economic, educational, social, health, agricultural, and infrastructure sectors. Indubitably, the projects have contributed to the sustainability of the Palestinians’ lives. Active involvement through activities conducted in Malaysia has increased awareness of the Palestinian issue among the Malaysian community. However, Aman Palestin projects and activities are seen to be more religious in nature targeting Muslims solely. The Palestinian issue ought to be raised as a non-religious humanitarian issue in order for all societies regardless of religious background cooperatively in protesting Israeli occupation.
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8

Siang, Teo Ann. "Forum Panelist 3: MyCARE: The Humanitarian Responses as an NGO towards Pandemic COVID-19 in Malaysia." International Journal of Human and Health Sciences (IJHHS) 5 (March 5, 2021): 8. http://dx.doi.org/10.31344/ijhhs.v5i0.299.

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COVID-19 pandemic becomes the major disaster happening through out every part of the world and change every single sector, including the humanitarian perspective. As the COVID-19 has spread, government worldwide restrict the movement of people, interruption on activists to deliver assistances, logistics challenge and hampering humanitarian responses. This article makes HUMANITARIAN CARE MALAYSIA BERHAD (MyCARE) as an example of a local Malaysian NGO in providing humanitarian assistance during the periods in the pandemic. MyCARE is a Non-Profit Organization (NPO) registered with the Companies Commission of Malaysia (SSM) [Reg. No: 729288-P], the member of South East Asia Humanitarian Communities (SEAHUM) and existing special consultative member of United Nations Economic and Social Council (ECOSOC).MyCARE’s humanitarian relief network covers South East Asia Archipelago including the Philippines, Cambodia, Southern Thailand and Vietnam; war-torn countries in the Middle East such as Palestine, Syria, Lebanon and Iraq; the stateless and displaced Rohingya people, as well as disaster-stricken areas regardless of racial and religious boundaries. MyCARE is also active in Malaysia in providing temporary shelters, rebuilding homes and provision of fresh water in the flood-stricken areas.This article wishes to share the humanitarian works by MyCARE, in which major assistance has been provided to a major natural hazard be affected during the COVID-19 pandemic in Malaysia, and urgent needs for countries such as Gaza and well as the Rohingya Refugee Camp in Cox’s Bazar, Bangladesh as the largest refugee camp in the world.International Journal of Human and Health Sciences Supplementary Issue: 2021 Page: S8
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9

Missaglia, Marco, and Paul de Boer. "Food-For-Work versus Cash-For-Work: Emergency Assistance in Palestine." Economic Systems Research 16, no. 4 (December 2004): 367–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0953531042000304254.

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10

Nadan, Amos. "The Competitive Advantage of Moneylenders Over Banks in Rural Palestine." Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 48, no. 1 (2005): 1–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1568520053450718.

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AbstractAccording to the British Government in Mandate Palestine, the tendency of the fallahin (Arab peasants) to "strategic default" and the monopolistic power of local moneylenders led to high interest lending in rural areas. The government sought to remedy this by assisting banks in collecting bad debts, by guaranteeing some bank loans and by imposing the maximum legal interest rate. However, the colonial perception was incorrect. Defaults were usually "involuntary" as a result of natural and occasionally man-made hazards (thus creating a high interest rate environment), and the moneylending market was "contestable." In such an environment, despite government assistance, moneylenders had a comparative advantage over banks. They were usually merchants who could easily utilise collateral on loans (crops and lands); they ignored the law of maximum interest rate and they had good information about borrowers. For these reasons moneylenders remained the main source of credit for the fallahin. D'après le gouvernment britannique dans la Palestine sous mandat, la propension des fallahin (les paysans arabes) à se trouver en « défaut de paiement stratégique » et le monopole des prêteurs locaux expliquent les prêts à intérêts élevés dans les régions rurales. Le gouvernent essaya de pallier cette situation en aidant les banques à reprendre les créances irrécouvrables, en garantissant quelques prêts bancaires et en imposant un taux d'intérêt maximum légal. Cette interprétation coloniale était cependant erronée. Les défauts de paiement étaient en général « involontaires » , le résultat d'aléas d'ordre naturel ou parfois humain (créant un taux d'intérêt élevé) et le marché du prêt était « contestable ». Dans ces circonstances, et malgré l'aide gouvernementale, les prêteurs avaient un avantage par rapport aux banques. Il s'agissait en général de marchands qui pouvaient facilement faire usage des nantissements garantissant les prêts (récoltes ou terrains); ils ne tenaient pas compte de la loi de taux d'intérêt maximum et ils étaient bien informés sur les emprunteurs. Tous ces faits expliquent pourquoi les prêteurs demeuraient, pour les fallahin, la principale source de crédit.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Economic assistance – Palestine"

1

Jamal, Manal. "After the 'peace processes' : foreign donor assistance and the political economy of marginalization in Palestine and El Salvador." Thesis, McGill University, 2006. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=100629.

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Under what circumstances does foreign donor assistance during war-to-peace transitions contribute to the strengthening of civil society and the deepening of democracy? I answer this question through a comparative study of civil society development in the Palestinian territories and El Salvador, where I conducted 130 interviews with directors of donor agencies, grassroots activists, and directors of NGOs. Divergent civil society developments in the Palestinian territories and El Salvador after the signing of peace accords in the early 1990s present a real puzzle given the pre-accord similarities in civil society organization between the two cases. Both the Palestinian territories and El Salvador had a legacy of rich, vibrant grassroots organization and civil society activity during their protracted conflicts. In both settings, grassroots organizations have played central roles in non-violent resistance, consciousness-raising, and the provision of community services. Moreover, after the initiation of the peace processes in both the Palestinian territories and El Salvador, foreign donors provided substantial assistance to civil society groups. However, their civil society developmental paths diverged sharply during the war-to-peace transition. In the Palestinian territories, existing civil society organizations have engaged less actively with their previous grassroots constituencies since the start of the war-to-peace transition, and the number of grassroots-based civil society organizations has decreased. Moreover, many of these organizations have been limited in their access to institutions that engage the state. In El Salvador, the re-constitution of civil society has led to its broad access to institutions that engage the state and to higher levels of grassroots inclusion in the political transformation process.
I argue that these divergent outcomes in the Palestinian territories and El Salvador reflect the differential effects that foreign assistance has on civil society after more or less inclusive political settlements. I find that in cases like the Palestinian territories, where the political settlement excludes important socio-political groups, foreign donor assistance is less likely to contribute to the strengthening of civil society or the deepening of democracy. Rather, foreign donor assistance to civil society is more likely to exacerbate political polarization and weaken civil society by further privileging those select groups already favored by the terms of the non-inclusive settlement. Conversely, after more inclusive political settlements like in El Salvador, foreign donor assistance can play a more constructive role in developing civil society and contributing to the deepening of democracy by encouraging grassroots organization, and expanding access to political institutions that engage the state.
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2

ABU, SAIF Atef T. "The impact of the EU aid on the stateness of the Palestinian entity." Doctoral thesis, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/6577.

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Defence date: 20 November 2006
Examining Board: Prof. Philippe Schmitter (European University Institute Supervisor) ; Prof. Riccardo Bocco (Graduate Institute for Development Studies, Geneva) ; Prof. Laszlo Bruszt (European University Institute) ; Prof. Bichara Khader (Université catholique de Louvain)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017
The thesis considers the extent to which did international aid, in particular form the EU, impact on the stateness of the Palestinian Entity and help the emerging Palestinian Authority acquiring state features. Nine features of stateness are developed (territory, people, recognition, monopoly of violence, extraction capacities, regulation and rule of law, bureaucracy, central administration, and services) to those a tenth dimension is added, Regime. The thesis suggests analyzing EU aid intervention through looking the potentiality, intentionality and reality of aid project. It concludes that at certain stateness attributes, EU aid managed to help; in others it failed to do so. Reasons for this, varies from political, managerial, lack of interest, or absence of a vision about how to achieve Palestinian stateness. The thesis argues that in order for aid to maximize its benefit, it must be based on such a stateness vision and in that both the Palestinians and the donor community must agree and collaborate. In the absence of such vision, aid risks being unsustainable.
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Books on the topic "Economic assistance – Palestine"

1

wa-al-Ittiṣāl, Markaz al-Quds lil-Iʻlām, ed. Foreign aid and development in Palestine. [Jerusalem]: Jerusalem Media & Communication Centre, 1997.

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wa-al-Ittiṣāl, Markaz al-Quds lil-Iʻlām, ed. Foreign aid and development in Palestine. [Jerusalem]: Jerusalem Media & Communication Centre, 1999.

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3

Bailey, James M., and Paul F. Miller. U.S. assistance for the Palestinians. Hauppauge, NY: Nova Science Publishers, 2011.

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4

ʻAwaḍ, Maṭarīyah, ed. Cash versus in-kind assistance: Statistical study of a household survey in Palestine. Ramallah: Palestine Economic Policy Research Institute, MAS, 2009.

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5

United States. General Accounting Office. National Security and International Affairs Division. Foreign assistance: U.S. assistance for the West Bank and Gaza Strip. Washington, D.C: The Office, 1998.

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6

United States. General Accounting Office. National Security and International Affairs Division. Foreign assistance: U.S. assistance for the West Bank and Gaza Strip. Washington, D.C. (P.O. Box 37050, Washington, D.C. 20013): The Office, 1998.

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7

Kuttāb, Jūnāthān. The effect of U.S. aid to Israel on Palestinian human rights and peace in the Middle East: Statement of Jonathan Kuttab, Esquire for the Palestine Human Rights Campaign. Chicago, Ill: Palestine Human Rights Campaign, 1985.

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8

Division, United States General Accounting Office National Security and International Affairs. Foreign assistance: U.S. assistance for elementary and preparatory schools in the West Bank and Gaza Strip. Washington, D.C. (P.O. Box 37050, Washington, D.C. 20013): The Office, 1998.

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United States. General Accounting Office. National Security and International Affairs Division. Foreign assistance: U.S. assistance for elementary and preparatory schools in the West Bank and Gaza Strip. Washington, D.C. (P.O. Box 37050, Washington, D.C. 20013): U.S. General Accounting Office, 1998.

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10

Office, General Accounting. Department of State (State) and United Nations Relief and Works Agency (UNRWA) actions to implement section 301(c) of the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961. Washington, DC: United States General Accounting Office, 2003.

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