Academic literature on the topic 'Economic assistance, Japanese Government policy'
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Journal articles on the topic "Economic assistance, Japanese Government policy"
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Vasil Khizanishvili, Vasil Khizanishvili. "The Japanese economic miracle and the role of government in the process of its achievement." New Economist 16, no. 03 (January 28, 2022): 48–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.36962/nec62-6303-042021-48.
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The Japanese economic miracle is known as the record period of Japanese economic growth between the end of World War II and the end of the Cold War (1945–1991). One of the reasons for Japan's rapid recovery from post-war trauma was the government's successful economic reform. The government institution that dealt mainly with industrial policy in Japan was the Ministry of Industry. One of the most important economic reforms was the introduction-adaptation of the "Inclined Production Mode". This success has been largely ensured to the interventionist policy of the Government of Japan and, in part, to the assistance provided by the United States in the form of the ,,Marshall Plan“. Keywords: role of government, protectionism, reconstruction, US aid ("Marshall plan"), Japanese economic miracle.
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Furuoka, Fumitaka. "Human Rights Conditionality and Aid Allocation: Case Study of Japanese Foreign Aid Policy." Perspectives on Global Development and Technology 4, no. 2 (2005): 125–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1569150054739005.
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AbstractThis paper examines a new trend in Japan's Official Development Assistance (ODA) policy that emerged at the end of the Cold War. In 1992, the Japanese government adopted the "Official Development Assistance Charter," which obliged Japan to use its foreign aid to promote human rights, democracy, and freedom. Since the beginning of the 1990s, there have been cases when Japan imposed "human rights conditionalities" by increasing the amount of foreign aid to the recipient countries with good human rights records and reducing economic assistance to the countries with poor human rights practices. However, there remain doubts whether Japan is truly committed to use its aid power as leverage to ensure that democracy and human rights are respected by the governments of its aid recipients. This paper uses panel data analysis to examine whether the condition of human rights in aid-recipient countries has become one of the factors that influence Japan's ODA allocation. The findings reveal the lack of evidence to prove that the human rights condition in aid-recipient countries has influenced the allocation of Japanese aid.
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Murashkin, Nikolay. "Japanese Involvement in Central Asia." Asian Journal of Social Science 43, no. 1-2 (2015): 50–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685314-04301004.
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This paper looks into the role of policy-making carried out by various government officials in the Japanese financial community who contributed to the formulation and implementation of Japanese “Silk Road Diplomacy” in the 1990s and 2000s. Furthermore, it examines the role of key Japanese ministries in the overall Japanese geopolitical engagement in Central Asia. When the five Central Asian republics of the USSR became independent in 1991, they soon encountered a proactive engagement of Japanese diplomacy toward them. Besides boosting bilateral assistance and economic ties, official Tokyo has vigorously promoted the Central Asian states’ eligibility in many international financial institutions and provided extensive advice on reform policies. Both Japanese and Central Asian officials shared a preference for gradualism in economic reforms as a popular approach alternative to the Western neoliberalism in Central Asian countries, although the extent of embracing gradualism varied upon individual republics and advising officials. Spurred by the failures of the Washington consensus and financial crises of the 1990s, Central Asian gradualism can be regarded as an early precursor attempt at post-neoliberalism.
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HARADA, YUTAKA. "Policy Issues Regarding the Japanese Economy – the Great Recession, Inequality, Budget Deficit and the Aging Population." Japanese Journal of Political Science 13, no. 2 (May 1, 2012): 223–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109912000059.
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AbstractDuring 1980–90, Japan's annual real GDP growth rate was 4.6%, but which declined to 1.2% in the 1990s. While the drop in itself is a problem, at the same time it exacerbated many other problems, namely inequality, budget deficits, and the increasing burden of an aging society.Society is not concerned about income distribution when the economy is growing, but begins to worry about inequality when an economic slump shows no signs of ending. Moreover, prolonged recession magnifies inequality. With the employment situation surrounding young people worsening, there arose an inequality between those finding jobs and those unemployed. And, the prolonged recession led to a huge budget deficit and the accumulation of government debt. Tax revenue shrank, and the government repeatedly increased public investment in the form of economic stimulus measures, but the Japanese economy did not recover in a sustained fashion.Japan's low growth has already continued for 20 years. Incomes of the younger and middle-aged segments of the population have not increased. Additionally, Japan is an aging society. The aged need pensions, and medical treatment and care, costs which must be borne by younger and middle-aged segments of the population, in fact those who have not experienced Japan's prosperous times.This paper discusses issues relating to the Great Recession, inequality, and the budget deficit and burden of an aging population.Japan's Great Recession is basically explained by monetary shocks. Just the bubble and its bursting are not solely responsible for the prolonged slump. There is no empirical evidence for the assertion that certain structural problems lessened the efficiency of the Japanese economy in the 1990s. TFP (total factor productivity) in the 1990s did not decline compared with the early 1980s. Fiscal policy and the diminution of the financial intermediary function can only explain the Great Recession in small part.The absence of any real monetary policy hampered economic growth through the channels of stock prices and improvement in bank balance sheets. Using vector autoregressive models, the exchange rate was not found to be an important channel of monetary policy, but there is some evidence that it significantly affected output.On inequality problems, that among younger generations is important since it will increase inequality in the future. Japan's economy will stagnate for a long time if the young are not employed and cannot garner skills.Another important point is that the way of maintaining social stability and alleviating inequality in Japan is extremely inefficient. To construct useless dams, roads, ports, and airports is extremely costly just to give jobs to the unemployed. It would be much better to give direct assistance to those in need.There is some reason to think that a budget deficit is not so serious a problem as generally believed, and that the important thing is to cut wasteful government expenditure and not raise government revenue. While I admit this argument carries some weight, there is nevertheless good reason to think that it is necessary to reduce the budget deficit.Before the global financial crisis, Japan's budget deficit was controlled, and declining, but subsequently became uncontrollable. Additionally, and more importantly, an aging population demands more social security expenditure, which causes serious budget problems, but Japan does not seem ready to cope with such problems.The selection of these topics is subjective, but I believe that these are reflected in the Japanese concerns now. Japanese academic circles do not necessarily respond to the interests of the society, but I have tried to select papers on these topics to the extent possible.
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Kobets, P. N. "FEATURES OF IMPROVING JAPANESE FOOD SECURITY IN THE XXI CENTURY – ONE OF THE MOST IMPORTANT ELEMENTS OF ENSURING THE ECONOMIC INDEPENDENCE OF THE STATE." Scientific Review Theory and Practice 11, no. 5 (2021): 1287–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.35679/2226-0226-2021-11-5-1287-1296.
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The object of the study of this work was the analysis of the features of improving Japanese food security at the beginning of the third decade of the XXI century. This scientific work is an attempt to study the problematic issues of improving the Japanese agro-industrial policy, the most important element of ensuring state food security and, accordingly, the economic security of the country. In the course of the study, the author found that the Japanese government does not stop taking measures to reduce dependence on imports of agricultural products and to provide assistance to agricultural production. The state measures taken to improve food security have led to the fact that today Japan is assigned the third place in the world in terms of state support for individual agricultural producers. Investigating the identified problems, the author concludes that the agrarian economy is sufficiently developed in modern Japan, the state is implementing serious measures related to the support of the agro-industrial complex. These steps make it possible not only to guarantee the provision of food products to the population of the country, but also, in addition, contribute to agricultural producers, without compromising food security, to the implementation of stable export of food products abroad. At the same time, in the process of supporting agricultural production, the state takes measures to preserve the natural environment, consolidate the population in the places of their historical residence, support the life style, style and rhythm that has been rooted and established for centuries.
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Kulish, I., O. Hrymak, V. Chemerys, and I. Voronyj. "State policy for the development of rural areas in conditions of limited natural resources (on the example of Japan)." Scientific Messenger of LNU of Veterinary Medicine and Biotechnologies 22, no. 95 (October 28, 2020): 38–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.32718/nvlvet-e9507.
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It is shown that agriculture is sometimes not the main branch of the rural economy. It is emphasized that ensuring control over the impact of agricultural production on the environment is the responsibility of the state. It is revealed that in view of the rapid development and change of international relations, the definition of “food security” as the independence of the state solely through its own production is no longer relevant, today it depends more on the foreign and domestic policy of the country, as well as the importance of its opinion for other countries. It is noted that despite membership in the World Trade Organization, Japan has formed and implemented a policy of comprehensive support for its own producers and encourages the diversification of economic activities in rural areas. Legislatively approved principles of environmental policy of agriculture, forestry and fisheries are strictly controlled and are binding on all business entities. It is emphasized that Japan does not approve of the practice of renting agricultural land in other countries and makes maximum use of its own natural resources. The ways in which Japan provides support and assistance to developing countries to improve the condition of rural areas and agriculture were analyzed, and it was noted that the amount of this assistance is more than 21 % of total assistance. It is shown that in order to preserve agricultural lands, Japan creates artificial territories (islands and coastline extensions), on which large buildings and airports are built. The careful quality control of food introduced by the Government of Japan is noted. The flexible state policy of Japan on the redistribution of resources, which prevents the creation of critical situations in the provision of food to the population, is analyzed. Japan promotes the accelerated construction of vertical farms, which have no analogues in the world in the degree of environmental friendliness. It is shown how powerful Japanese companies - manufacturers of electronics on a global level are willing to expand their scope of activities by growing ultra-pure fruits and vegetables. The need for further research on the policy of rural development and agriculture of the State of Israel was emphasized.
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Ni, Shy Chwen, Carlos Thomas, Yu Yonezawa, Yasushi Hojo, Takehiko Nakamura, Kenichiro Kobayashi, Hiroki Sato, John D. Da Da Silva, Takuya Kobayashi, and Shigemi Ishikawa-Nagai. "Comprehensive Assessment of the Universal Healthcare System in Dentistry Japan: A Retrospective Observational Study." Healthcare 10, no. 11 (October 30, 2022): 2173. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/healthcare10112173.
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Japan’s universal healthcare insurance is facing economic challenges due to the advanced aging society, however, objective data of dental expenditure has never been introduced. This study aimed to identify the associated factors with dental expenditures using government-provided digitized insurance claims data and calculated the spending in the context of dental cost per person (DCPP). Seven associated factors analyzed were age, demographic, geographic, socioeconomic, regional wealth, the impact of the 8020-national campaign implementation (keep 20 teeth at age 80), and the effect of the home-visit dentistry for the elders. The average DCPP was high in older populations (75+) in all prefectures. The prefectures with the highest and lowest DCPP were significant compared to other states and retained their respective places in the cost hierarchy over the four years. The prefectures with more citizens participating in government assistance programs (GAP) had greater DCPPs. Dental costs were significantly related to geographic regions, age, per capita income, government assistance program prevalence, office complete denture frequency, and home visit care per patient. With a growing aging population, dental care costs will continue to increase, burdening its fiscal future. Associated factors identified should be considered to control the contentious increase of healthcare cost.
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Nakashima, Tadayoshi, and Shigeyuki Okada. "Financial Imbalances in Regional Disaster Recovery Following Earthquakes—Case Study Concerning Housing-Cost Expenditures in Japan." Sustainability 10, no. 9 (September 10, 2018): 3225. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su10093225.
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In the aftermath of the 1995 Kobe Earthquake, a large-scale effort towards reconstruction of houses damaged by the quake was required. This led to increased mortgage, thereby financially plaguing a number of earthquake victims and inhibiting their long-term sustainability and self-supported recovery. The current framework of housing reconstruction assistance provided by the Japanese government does not account for regional disparities in cost and other socioeconomic factors. This study proposes a technique for estimating the cost of reconstructing household units damaged in an earthquake by considering the effects of construction methods influenced by regional climatic zones. The financial constraints on rebuilding resources have been estimated by considering the annual regional income and household savings, as determined by social factors and employment opportunities. The susceptibility of regions to the occurrence of earthquakes has also been factored in the calculation of recovery costs. Together, these factors are used to provide a more complete picture of economic costs associated with earthquake recovery in different regions of Japan, thereby revealing large disparities in the difficulty and financial burden involved in the reconstruction of household units. Results of this study could be used to develop a robust system for earthquake-recovery assistance that accounts for differences in recovery costs between different regions, thereby improving the speed and quality of post-earthquake recovery.
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Kawata, Yoshiaki. "Special Issue on the Worst Disaster Damage Scenarios Resulting National Crisis and Reduction." Journal of Disaster Research 11, no. 5 (October 1, 2016): 815. http://dx.doi.org/10.20965/jdr.2016.p0815.
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The 2011 Great East Japan earthquake has shown all too clearly that disaster management and mitigation measures seen from the viewpoint of protecting society are not sufficient for addressing a national crisis such as the projected Nankai Trough earthquake or Tokyo inland earthquake whose damage is expected to exceed the present estimated damage. Our study explores the weakness against disasters in how modern Japanese society uses “reverse thinking” in which investigates studying how large-scale disasters may adversely affect society and increase damage effectively. This process profiles the worst disaster scenarios that could conceivably lead to a national crisis. Classifying these worst scenarios, we suggest policies to the problems that are common to many scenarios, and we present action plans for individual problems. First, we conduct workshops for identifying damage magnification factors and evaluating their importance under the categories of human damage, property damage, and damage to social functions, unifying the awareness of research organization. Second, we have researchers on 1) mortality, 2) tsunami inundation, 3) liquefaction, 4) capital function, 5) evacuation, 6) required assistance, 7) lifelines, 8) high buildings, 9) information networks, 10) government systems, and 11) economic systems analyze damage magnification conditions due to hazard, vulnerability and measure aspects. Third, we sort potential final consequences and separate them based on commonality, and propose new policies and concrete action plans for preventing the occurrence of worst-case scenarios. This research is expected to give new paradigms in disaster management science and new ways of policy making and action planning that will minimize the undesirable consequences of catastrophic earthquake and tsunami and yield new knowledge on disaster processes and damage magnification scenarios. Most importantly, we conclude that it is necessary to have a new Japanese governmental organization, such as a Ministry of Disaster Resilience or a Disaster Resilience Management Agency, handle these national crises.
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Enkhtur, Ariunaa. "Perceived contributions to national development." Asian Education and Development Studies 9, no. 2 (December 18, 2019): 217–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/aeds-03-2018-0056.
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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to explore how Mongolian alumni of three different scholarship programs sponsored by governments of Japan and Mongolia view their role in national development after graduation. Design/methodology/approach This paper reports findings from a phenomenological study (Creswell, 2007) – the first phase of an exploratory sequential mixed-methods study in a recent PhD study. Based on semi-structured interviews with 24 alumni the study aimed to understand alumni’s perspectives in their voices. Findings Alumni were motivated to contribute to their communities, institutions, economic, political, social and legal conditions of Mongolia. However, they faced various structural challenges including getting jobs in the public sector even when they had binding agreements with employers. The findings call for long-term support for alumni projects and hubs as well as policy frameworks that tie the scholarship programs with national development goals. Originality/value Despite the high mobility rate of Mongolian scholars and a long history of Japanese Official Development Assistance to develop human resources in developing countries especially in Asia, little is known about the impact of these programs on the Mongolian national development. Through the phenomenological study, this study expands the understanding of ways in which alumni contribute to their national development.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Economic assistance, Japanese Government policy"
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Chan, Chi-ming Victor. "Domestic institutions and Japan's foreign economic policy the Japanese economic assistance to Southeast Asia, 1997-1999 /." Hong Kong : University of Hong Kong, 2001. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record.jsp?B23242139.
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Chan, Chi-ming Victor, and 陳志明. "Domestic institutions and Japan's foreign economic policy: the Japanese economic assistance to Southeast Asia, 1997-1999." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2001. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31223941.
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Honda, Tomoko. "Japan's aid policy : tension in aid reform for poverty reduction." Thesis, Swansea University, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.678554.
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Yamaguchi, Hideka. "How sustainable is Japan's foreign aid policy? an analysis of Japan's official development assistance and funding for energy sector projects /." Access to citation, abstract and download form provided by ProQuest Information and Learning Company; downloadable PDF file, 227 p, 2009. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1833646501&sid=2&Fmt=2&clientId=8331&RQT=309&VName=PQD.
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Nanami, Akiko. "Showing Japan's Face or Creating Powerful Challengers? Are NGOs really partners to the government in Japan's foreign aid?" Thesis, University of Canterbury. School of Political Science and Communication, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/949.
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This thesis is exploring interactions of Japanese NGOs to be influential in official foreign aid from outside of the exclusive Japanese decision-making process. Three case studies have been undertaken to examine how Japanese NGOs have developed or adopted various means to exert influence on the government. Japanese NGOs have emerged as powerful actors in foreign aid under a policy of "Kao no Mieru Enjyo (visible Japanese aid)" in the 1990s following some domestic incidents and an international trend in development. However, the Japanese government has maintained a hostile attitude toward NGOs despite its official claim of regarding NGOs as 'partners'. The government's awkward reaction to NGOs comes from Japan's traditional idea of extreme respect for the government and looking down on citizenry. This traditional political culture of "Kan Son Min Pi (supremacy of bureaucracy)" has dominated Japan and that has made the government hostile to powerful outsiders such as NGOs, which may threaten their supremacy. The exclusive decision-making system, "the Iron Triangle", has also contributed to distance NGOs from the government. By this means, an atmosphere between NGOs and the government in Japan has been far from 'partnership'. Against this hostile environment, Japanese NGOs have developed and adopted interactions to exert influence. Various means have been used by each NGO in accordance with each speciality and operation field. The thesis has focused on three areas of Japan's foreign aid - development, anti-personnel landmines and environment - and undertaken three case studies. Four NGOs have been analysed - Japan International Volunteer Center (JVC), Japanese Campaign to Ban Landmines (JCBL), Greenpeace Japan and Friends of the Earth (FoE) Japan. Some NGOs have developed their own interactions and others have been adopted from international partners and authorities. On a whole, they have all crafted these interactions to suit the Japanese political culture. Among several interactions, building international networks and personal relationships with powerful individuals such as politicians have appeared to be most useful. These two interactions work effectively on Japan's reactive and highly personalised aspects of politics, which is reactive to external pressure (Gai-atsu) and rely heavily on the personality and ability of individual leaders. The case studies reveal that Japanese NGOs have exerted influence effectively by making use of these valuable interactions. However, Japanese NGOs are at a crossroad because of high turn-over of staff and a focus-shifting in Japan's foreign policy to sending Self-Defence Forces (SDF) overseas. NGOs also need to obtain solid financial source which is getting difficult after a downturn in the Japanese economy. These will be the issues that Japanese NGOs need to tackle soon in order to be true 'partner'.
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Rammutle, Radithebe. "Foreign aid and NGO-state relations in South Africa : post-1994 developments." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/53429.
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Thesis (MA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2003.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study investigates the impact of foreign aid on the relations between Non- Governmental Organisations (NGOs) and the state in South Africa since 1994. There are three different ways in which NGOs can interact with the state and public policy: viz. they can support and help to implement policies, attempt to reform policies, or oppose them. During apartheid, the nature of NGO-state relations was characterised by political confrontation and distrust. NGOs primarily served as organisations of opposition to the state's exclusivist and dehumanising policies. Many NGOs, however, also provided developmental and social services to communities who were neglected by the apartheid state. After the first democratic election in 1994, the role of NGOs underwent a significant process of change. Various factors contributed to this change. This study, however, primarily focuses on the role of foreign aid and its effect on NGO activities in South Africa, post-1994. This study relied on secondary data sources (both qualitative and quantitative) available in the area of NGO state relations. The study also focused on two major donor agencies in South Africa: European Union (EU) and United States Agency for International Development (USAID). Analysis of data reveals that, since 1994 much of the funding that was previously directly channeled to civil society now goes to the state, which distributes it to targetted NGOs. As a result many NOOs have collapsed because of a shortage of financial resources to sustain their work. Secondly, since 1994 the rationale and purpose behind international donor policies has been to advance the New Policy Agenda (NPA), which is aimed at promoting free market-orientated reforms and the consolidation of liberal democracy. As a result, foreign aid donors have endorsed the liberal economic policies, which are set out in the government's macroeconomic strategy, viz. Growth, Employment, and Redistribution (GEAR). Thus, both government and donors have prioritised NGOs who are involved in service delivery rather than those that are likely to challenge and oppose liberal market policies. They have also shown preference to NGOs that are more concerned with the norms and practices of procedural democracy as opposed to those that are concerned with issues of participatory and social democracy. This has resulted in constraining the overtly political and advocacy role, which characterised NGOs during the apartheid era. International donors, via government disbursement institutions such as the National Development Agency (NDA), have also constrained the work of NGOs by insisting on numerous managerial related requirements that have been made conditional for the receiving of financial support. Many small, informal, rural community based organisation that lack the required administrative capacity have, as a result, been facing serious financial crises. Subsequently, NGO-state relations, since 1994, have become less adversarial and confrontational. Most NGOs, complement and support the state's social services delivery programmes and also serve as organisations which help shape the norms and practices of procedural democracy. The study concludes, that the persistent inequality, poverty and unemployment which is associated with the GEAR macroeconomic policy and endorsed by international donor agencies, will lead to the resurgence of advocacy NGOs. Furthermore, in order to resuscitate their role and to ensure their vitality as organisations, which promote participatory democracy, it is essential to focus on strategies, which can effectively challenge the current funding environment to NGOs. These include, building the administrative capacity of both the NDA and NGOs, ensuring NDA independence, and ensuring recognition by funding institutions of the importance of advocacy NGOs in the consolidation of economic democracy.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie studie ondersoek die impak van buitelandse hulp op die verhoudinge tussen Nie-Regeringsorganisasies (NRO'S) en die staat sedert 1994. Daar is drie verskillende wyses waarop NRO's interaksie kan bewerkstellig met die staat en met openbare beleid, naamlik, hulle kan help om beleid te implementeer, hulle kan help om beleid te verander, of hulle kan beleid teenstaan. Tydens apartheid, is die aard van NRO - staat verhoudings gekenmerk deur konfrontasie en wantroue. Die NRO's het primêr gedien as organisasies van opposrsie teen die staat se eksklusiwistiese en onmenslikingsbeleid. Talle NRO's het egter ook ontwikkelings- en sosiale dienste voorsien aan gemeenskappe wat afgeskeep is deur die apartheidstaat. Na die eerste demokratiese verkiesing in 1994, het die rol van NRO's 'n beduidende proses van verandering ondergaan. 'n Verskeidenheid faktore het bygedra tot hierdie verandering. Hierdie studie fokus egter primêr op die rol van buitelandse hulp en die uitwerking daarvan op NRO's se aktiwiteite in Suid-Afrika na 1994. Hierdie studie het staatgemaak op sekondêre bronne (kwalitatief sowel as kwantitatief) in die gebied van NRO's - staat verhoudinge. Die studie fokus ook op twee belangrike donateur agentskappe in Suid-Afrika: die Europese Unie (EU) en die Verenigde State Agentskap vir Internasionale Ontwikkeling (VSAlO). 'n Analise van die data toon aan dat, sedert 1994, heelwat van die befondsing wat voorheen direk gekanaliseer is aan die openbare gemeenskap, nou na die staat gaan, wat dit versprei na geteikende NRO's. Gevolglik het talle NRO's ineengestort vanweë 'n tekort aan finansiële bronne om hulle werk vol te hou. Tweedens, sedert 1994 was dit die rasionaal en doelstelling van internasionale donateurskapsbeleid om die Nuwe Beleid Agenda (NBA) te bevorder, wat as doelstelling het die bevordering van vrye mark-georiënteerde hervormings en die konsolidasie van 'n liberale demokrasie. Gevolglik het buitelandse hulp donateurs liberale ekonomiese beleidvorming onderskryfwat uiteengesit word in die regering se makro-ekonomiese strategie, nl. Groei, Werkverskaffing en Herverdeling (GEAR). Dus het sowel die regering as donateurs prioriteit gegee aan NRO's wat betrokke is in dienslewering, eerder as dié wat geneig is om liberale markbeleid teen te staan. Hulle het ook voorkeur gegee aan NRO's wat meer besorg is oor die norme en praktyke van 'n prosedurele demokrasie in teenstelling met dié wat besorgd is oor die vraagstukke van 'n deelnemende en sosiale demokrasie. Dit het die resultaat gehad dat die openlike politiese en kampvegtersrol wat kenmerkend van die NRO's was gedurende die apartheidsera, beperk is. Internasionale donateurs het, Vla regerings-instellings soos die Nasionale Ontwikkelingsagentskap (NOA), ook die werk van NRO's beperk deur die aandrang op talle bestuursverwante vereistes wat as voorwaarde gestel is vir die ontvangs van finansiële ondersteuning. Talle klein, informele landelike gemeenskaps-gebaseerde organisasies wat die vereiste administratiewe kapasiteit kort, het gevolglik ernstige finansiële krisisse begin ondervind. Daaropvolgend, het NRO-staat verhoudinge sedert 1994 minder konfronterend begin raak. Die meeste NRO's ondersteun die staat se diensleweringsprogramme en dien ook as organisasies wat help om die norme en praktyke van 'n prosedurale demokrasie te vorm. Die studie kom tot die gevolgtrekking dat die voortdurende ongelykheid, armoede en werkloosheid wat geassosieer word met die makro-ekonomiese beleid van die regering se program vir Groei, Werkskepping en Herverdeling (GEAR) sal lei tot In nuwe opkoms van kampvegter NRO's. Voorts, ten einde hulle rol te stimuleer en hulle lewenskragtigheid as organisasies te verseker, kan ons die huidige befondsingsomgewing van NRO's doeltreffend uitdaag. Dit sluit in die bou van die administratiewe kapasiteit van beide die NOA en NRO's, die versekering van NOA onafhanklikheid, en die versekering van die erkenning deur befondsingsinstellings van die belangrikheid van kampvegter NRO's in die konsolidasie van 'n ekonomiese demokrasie.
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Lujabe, Busisiwe. "The impact of poverty reduction programmes in King Sabata Dalindyebo Municipality." Thesis, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10948/d1019721.
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This study focuses on investigating the impact of poverty reduction programmes in improving the quality of lives of the people in the King Sabata Dalindyebo Local Municipality, in relation to interventions that have been implemented by the South African government to address poverty. The purpose of the study is to understand the situation in King Sabata Dalindyebo Municipality and come up with recommendations that will assist government to enhance delivery of poverty reduction programmes in order to improve the quality of life of the rural poor in King Sabata Dalindyebo Local Municipality. The research methodology for this study is descriptive, sourced from available literature. Due to the restricted extent of the research, no empirical survey is conducted. A number of normative criteria that deal with the research problem are identified from the available literature from which findings are drawn and recommendations made. The findings of the study show that; whilst significant progress has been made to address poverty through policy and legal frameworks and through implementation of poverty reduction strategies and programmes, there is a general consensus in literature that poverty is still widespread in South Africa and that activities put in place to reduce and eradicate it are not sufficiently translating into required outputs necessary for desired outcomes which ultimately impact on poverty. The study has identified the gaps that exist in service delivery as well as the challenges faced by government in effectively impacting on poverty through its poverty reduction programmes. Based on the findings the study has made recommendations that will assist government to enhance service delivery so that poverty reduction programmes are conducted in an effective and efficient, integrated and coordinated manner which will cause government to achieve its desired outcomes.
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Dai, Ke. "Theoretical analysis of US's foreign aid." Thesis, University of Macau, 2012. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2595544.
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Wu, Yan Ni. "The EU development aid policy : evolution, legal basis, features, effectiveness and its role in the EU-China relations." Thesis, University of Macau, 2009. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2099266.
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Lwanga-Iga, Ivan. "Evaluation of international aid in Nelson Mandela Bay and Buffalo City Metropolitan Municipalities in the Eastern Cape Province of South Africa." Thesis, University of Fort Hare, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10353/d1007219.
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International Aid or Official Development Assistance (ODA), especially its implementation and effectiveness, has long been and continues to be a vigorously contested matter amongst the stakeholders in the development arena. The objective of this study is to evaluate the effectiveness of ODA in two municipalities in the Eastern Cape – Buffalo City and Nelson Mandela Metropolitan Municipalities – during the period 2005–2010. This period coincided with the introduction of the Paris Declaration (PD), an intervention intended to improve the ODA or Aid landscape globally. This was also the period during which the so-called service delivery protests in almost all municipalities in South Africa escalated. A diversified methodology including both quantitative and qualitative approaches was used in this study while adhering to the evaluation framework of the Paris Declaration as recommended by the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD). This framework put special focus on the five principles of ownership, alignment, harmonisation, managing for results and mutual accountability. Of particular significance in this study is the special attention paid to the actual beneficiaries on the ground, namely the communities, which is contrary to most existing Paris Declaration evaluations. The research findings suggested that there had been no conscious efforts to implement the Paris Declaration in the two municipalities that were investigated. Furthermore, the prevailing weaknesses in governance, coupled with both administrative and operational paralysis in these two institutions, provided for less than fertile ground for this intervention to thrive.The findings also highlighted that ODA programmes were very poorly known by most stakeholders, especially the communities who were supposed to benefit directly from this assistance. These results also underscored the partisan nature of ODA and how it influenced the perceptions of the various key players. The success and future of ODA programmes in South Africa, particularly in municipalities, will largely rely on “Active Citizenry”. Although ODA’s contribution to South Africa seems negligible in monetary terms, its significance lies among others in the innovations, piloting, risk mitigation, catalytic initiatives and capacity development it introduces or generates and which need to be correctly exploited, implemented and maximised. ODA in South Africa should therefore focus at the local level, the municipalities, which represent the interface between the citizens and the state. To ensure that the ensuing innovations are optimally cascaded down in an organised and effective manner to where they are mostly needed, ODA should preferably operate at the strategic level in municipalities. This would in turn assist in counteracting the current high levels of poverty and inequality in the country. Study findings further suggest that South Africa should cease its current ambivalence regarding ODA and refrain from the so-called “Triangular” ODA in support of the rest of Africa. The demands in it’s own back yard are steadily mounting. This is clearly reflected by the continuous service delivery protests and instability in several municipalities in South Africa.
Books on the topic "Economic assistance, Japanese Government policy"
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Kaihatsu enjo seisaku. Tōkyō: Nihon Keizai Hyōronsha, 2011.
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Kobayashi, Shōichi. Keizai kyōryoku enjo ni okeru kigyō to kokka no arikata. Tōkyō: Kaigai Konsarutingu Kigyō Kyōkai, 1990.
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Fujibayashi, Yasushi. ODA o dō kaereba ii no ka. Tōkyō: Komonzu, 2002.
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Japans Entwicklungszusammenarbeit: Auf dem Weg zu Good Governance? Hamburg: IFA, 2003.
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Nihon Bengoshi Rengōkai. Kōgai Taisaku Kankyō Hozen Iinkai. Tōnan Ajia ni miru Nihon no kōgai yushutsu to kankyō hakai: Kaigai shinshutsu to ODA o kangaeru. Tōkyō: Nihon Bengoshi Rengōkai Kōgai Taisaku Kankyō Hozen Iinkai, 1990.
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Gurōbaru-ka to ningen no anzen hoshō: Kōdōsuru shimin shakai. Tōkyō: Nihon Keizai Hyōronsha, 2001.
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Rix, Alan. Japan's foreign aid challenge: Policy reform and aid leadership. London: Routledge, 1993.
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Bruce, Koppel, and Orr Robert M, eds. Japan's foreign aid: Power and policy in a new era. Boulder: Westview Press, 1993.
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The manner of giving: Strategic aid and Japanese foreign policy. Lexington, Mass: Lexington Books, 1986.
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Yasutomo, Dennis T. The new multilateralism in Japan's foreign policy. New York: St. Martin's Press, 1995.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Economic assistance, Japanese Government policy"
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Asuka, Jusen. "Japanese Green New Deal to Bring Happiness and Prosperity." In Energy Transition and Energy Democracy in East Asia, 81–97. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-0280-2_6.
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AbstractIn Japan, Prime Minister Suga announced in October 2020 a new goal of “carbon neutrality by 2050.” However, the energy/climate policy issued by the government after the announcement did not show any major changes in the current targets or policies. At this rate, there is a very high possibility that “carbon neutral by 2050” and the current “46% reduction by 2030 compared with 2013” pledge will become nothing but a mere political slogan. In February 2021, the “Energy Conversion for the Future Research Group” published “Report 2030: A Roadmap to 2030 for Green Recovery and Carbon Neutrality in 2050” as a Japanese version of the Green New Deal. This is an alternative to the government’s current energy/climate policies. This report presents a roadmap to the year 2030 which clarifies Japan’s essential aims and actions to be realized by 2030 in order to achieve carbon neutrality by 2050. Specifically, the report draws a systematic roadmap for investment, economic benefits, greenhouse gas emission reduction benefits, air pollution control benefits, unemployment measures, and financial resources by 2030. This chapter provides a concrete picture of Japan’s ideal green recovery by conveying the essence of the report as well as global trends.
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Yamazaki, Keiichi, and Mauricio Bugarin. "Brazilian Workers in Japan and Public Policies for Promoting Their Social Integration with a Focus on Basic Education for Children." In Brazil—Japan Cooperation: From Complementarity to Shared Value, 141–76. Singapore: Springer Nature Singapore, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-4029-3_6.
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AbstractThe main objective of this research is to find an efficient way to improve the educational environment for the children of Brazilian residents in Japan. The secondary objective is to identify a better way to improve the social and economic positions of these residents through further integration into Japanese society. We believe that the potential for them to become a vital bridge between the two countries in the near future is significant, but that potential is not yet being tapped sufficiently. Therefore, the goal of this analysis is more than simply improving working and living conditions, but of promoting career development in Japanese society. To that end, educational background is highly important, especially education and acquisition of the Japanese language beginning in primary school is of utmost importance. For this reason, our paper focuses on the basic education (especially Japanese language education) of Brazilian children in Japan. We conclude that the style of “afterschool” is most efficient as well as socially equitable. We propose a public policy to be adopted by the Japanese government to induce Brazilian families to adopt the hybrid afterschool education system.
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Flath, David. "Environmental Policy." In The Japanese Economy, 321–30. 4th ed. Oxford University PressOxford, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192865342.003.0013.
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Abstract This chapter is devoted to the environmental policy of Japan, broadly defined. It first describes the four environmental crises of the 1950s and 1960s that prompted government action—the mercury poisoning in Minamata and Niigata, the cadmium poisoning in Toyama, and the industrial pollution in Yokkaichi. The response was the 1973 law for compensation of pollution-related health injuries, which taxed polluters to compensate those harmed. The taxes included a sulfur oxide emissions tax and automotive tonnage tax. To these were joined k-class controls that imposed maximum allowable emissions of sulfur oxides. These measures represented a command-and-control approach to pollution abatement, as opposed to a market-based system relying on tradeable permits for example. The discussion in the chapter then turns to fundamental concepts on which economic analysis of environmental policy rests. The core concept is Coase’s law, the principle that if property rights are fully tradeable, market exchange will allocate them to their highest valuers. Externalities (or spillovers) can only arise if there are impediments to trade. Tort cases, such as those in Japan involving the right to sunshine, assign tradeable rights to one party or another and are followed by trade which leads to the efficient outcome. Many externality problems in Japan and elsewhere are resolved by extension or exercise of private property rights rather than by government administration. The chapter offers several examples including rules set by private landlords and by proprietors of private restaurants and rules and customs among fishermen that curb overfishing.
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Flath, David. "Industrial Policy." In The Japanese Economy, 251–81. 4th ed. Oxford University PressOxford, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192865342.003.0010.
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Abstract This chapter describes and evaluates Japanese industrial policy from the Meiji era to the twenty-first century. It begins with a basic definition of industrial policy—essentially industrial targeting—and lays out the arguments supporting such a policy. Some of the widely invoked criteria for industrial targeting are specious such as having high value-added or high value-added per worker, but others are not. The valid criteria include contribution to national defense, Marshallian externality, coordination failure, and possibilities for collecting oligopoly rent from foreign trade. The chapter goes on to detail the content of Japanese industrial policy from the mid-nineteenth century to the present day—what industries were targeted and what policy tools were used. Early instances of industrial policy can be discerned in the Meiji model factories, government enterprises, subsidies of coastal shipping, and government banks. But it was not until the outbreak of war with China in 1937 that Japan attained a comprehensive industrial policy that amounted to a controlled system for shifting resources toward the production of munitions. The wartime controls survived into the Occupation Period but ended with the Dodge line only to resurface after the occupation ended. The ensuing “high-growth” period, 1953–1964, was the zenith of Japanese industrial policy, in which MITI played the lead role in allocating foreign exchange, controlling access to subsidized loans, and awarding tax credits and antitrust exemptions. These policies targeted coal mining, steel, shipbuilding, and petrochemicals—politically influential industries that contributed little to Japan’s economic growth and development.
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Flath, David. "Economic History, Part 2." In The Japanese Economy, 61–92. 4th ed. Oxford University PressOxford, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192865342.003.0004.
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Abstract This chapter describes the economic history of Japan in the twentieth century up to 1945. It explains Japan’s World War I boom, the rise of the business groups called zaibatsu, the economic malaise of the interwar period, Japan’s surprisingly strong economic performance in the 1930s, and the turn finally toward military government and war, first with China and then with the western alliance after having joined the Axis powers. Japan’s World War I boom was fueled by the spike in world interest rates from which it profited by becoming a net lender. The zaibatsu came into prominence about this time, though most Japanese economic activity remained outside the zaibatsu orbit. The 1920s, Japan’s decade of government by political parties and cooperation with the West, brought financial crises and slowed growth, both exacerbated by the 1923 Tokyo earthquake and the misguided policy of returning to the gold standard at the pre-war parity. The two years in which Japan succeeded in re-establishing the gold standard, January 1930–December 1931, coincided with the start of the world-wide depression. Fiscal and monetary expansion under the guidance of the famous finance minister Takahashi Korekiyo effected a rapid recovery but could not forestall the hijacking of the Japanese government by a military bent on war. From the outbreak of war with China in 1937, Japan’s economy was placed on a war footing, which entailed a widening web of government command and control, a dramatic departure from the essentially laissez-faire regimes of the immediate past.
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Flath, David. "Economic History, Part 3." In The Japanese Economy, 93–118. 4th ed. Oxford University PressOxford, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192865342.003.0005.
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Abstract This chapter addresses the many changes in the Japanese economy introduced during the American Occupation of Japan, 1945–1962, and the famously rapid Japanese recovery from the devastations of the war. Japan still bears the stamp of laws and regulations enacted during the American Occupation under the banner of “democratization.” Land reform and zaibatsu dissolution were much touted at the time but in retrospect had few lasting effects. Other changes were more important. The Constitution, written by MacArthur’s military staff and promulgated in 1946, remains in effect without amendment. So do the labor laws enacted in 1946 and 1947, anti-monopoly laws, land use controls, regulation of the production and distribution of rice, and regulations of banking and securities. But the extensive price controls, inflation-financed government subsidies, and state control of foreign trade that bedeviled Japan’s early postwar years, thankfully, did not survive the reverse course in American policy. The Japanese miracle began the day in February 1949 that Joseph Dodge went to work dismantling government control of the Japanese economy. Once free of government restraint, Japan’s citizens set about replacing the wealth destroyed during the war. The Solow growth model is the indispensable framework needed to understand Japan’s rapid economic recovery. The chapter describes the logic of the Solow model and applies it in showing that Japan’s convergence on a steady-state growth path came about from ongoing private saving and investment in response to market incentives. Government planning and direction had nothing to do with it.
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Aoki, Masahiko. "The Japanese bureaucracy in economic administration: a rational regulator or pluralist agent?" In Government Policy towards Industry in the United States and Japan, 265–300. Cambridge University Press, 1988. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/cbo9780511572111.010.
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Ito, Takayasu. "Short-term Cross-currency Basis Swap and Japanese Government Bond Markets under Non-traditional Monetary Policy." In International Symposia in Economic Theory and Econometrics, 27–39. Emerald Publishing Limited, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/s1571-038620190000026002.
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Calia, Roland. "Countercyclical Fiscal Policy During the COVID-19 Pandemic." In Handbook of Research on Transforming Government, Nonprofits, and Healthcare in a Post-Pandemic Era, 1–19. IGI Global, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-6684-2314-1.ch001.
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The COVID-19 pandemic has posed a monumental economic and fiscal challenge to state and local governments. Their ability to use fiscal policies to address these challenges is limited due to structural and capacity issues. Only the federal government has the resources and capacity to implement meaningful countercyclical fiscal policies to mitigate the severe economic and fiscal disruption in the states caused by the pandemic. This chapter presents data on the amount of direct financial assistance provided to state and local governments through the CARES Act of 2020, Coronavirus Relief Fund, and the American Rescue Plan Act of 2021 and describes how the State of Illinois, Cook County, and the City of Chicago are utilizing those funds.
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"Countercyclical Fiscal Policy During the Covid-19 Pandemic." In Handbook of Research on Transforming Government, Nonprofits, and Healthcare in a Post-Pandemic Era, 0. IGI Global, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-6684-2314-1.314596.
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The COVID-19 pandemic has posed a monumental economic and fiscal challenge to state and local governments. Their ability to use fiscal policies to address these challenges is limited due to structural and capacity issues. Only the federal government has the resources and capacity to implement meaningful countercyclical fiscal policies to mitigate the severe economic and fiscal disruption in the states caused by the pandemic. This essay presents data on the amount of direct financial assistance provided to state and local governments through the CARES Act of 2020 Coronavirus Relief Fund and the American Rescue Plan Act of 2021 and describes how the State of Illinois, Cook County and the City of Chicago are utilizing those funds.
Conference papers on the topic "Economic assistance, Japanese Government policy"
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Takahashi, Koji, Shinichi Urabe, Shuichi Umeno, Keiji Kozawa, Isao Fukuda, and Takeo Kondo. "Port Logistics Policy of Japanese Government for Strengthening Global Competitiveness of Industry in Case of Ocean Space Utilization." In ASME 2013 32nd International Conference on Ocean, Offshore and Arctic Engineering. American Society of Mechanical Engineers, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/omae2013-11226.
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A port logistics is classified into two kinds, a container logistics and a bulk logistics. In the field of a container logistics, a terminal operator pursues large-scale management of its container terminals by global M&A corresponding to the global growth of the container handling number, which resulted in container terminal operators’ oligopolization. In the field of a bulk freight logistics, the private enterprises, which invest in and improve port equipment by themselves, are changing in the direction to reduce number of handling ports and to invest in port equipment intensively corresponding to the vigorous resource demand of the world. The economic activities of the private enterprises are progressing on the basis of the management strategy which differs between “oligopolization” of a container logistics and “selection and concentration” of a bulk freight logistics. On the other hand, since management of ports is the basis supporting a national logistics, each country of the world carries out various public participations, such as a legal support and a financial support. For example, in Japan, although ‘a port authority system’ was brought to Japan almost 60 years ago by U.S.A. and the management right of main ports were transferred to local governments from national government, Japanese government has been taking the lead in implementation of many policies to strength global competitiveness of industry reflecting the flow of global privatization and concession. Recently, many countries have been changing their public participation policies. A country has established the system which increases private investment and reduces public financial support since capital investment remaining power has decreased according to aggravation of the finances of national government and local governments. The other country has established the system which backs up logistics activity with public support. This paper, to utilize ocean space, will show a port logistics policy of Japanese government, particularly the historical flow and the prospective view of the public participation to a port logistics based on the logistics trend of the world.
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Tsintsadze, Asie, Irina Vashakmadze, Irina Tavadze, and Lilit Meloyan-Phutkaradze. "Analysis of the Financial Market as a Driving Force of the Regional Economy in the Conditions of pre- and post – Pandemic." In 22nd International Scientific Conference. “Economic Science for Rural Development 2021”. Latvia University of Life Sciences and Technologies. Faculty of Economics and Social Development, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.22616/esrd.2021.55.025.
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The pandemic has negatively affected the financial sector, as well as the real sector of the economy, both losses and credit risks in the financial market have increased on the background of the economic activity slowed-down. In 2019, the credit activity was high, however after the spread of the virus the activity slowed down significantly. This is natural, as due to the suspension of production –organizing, the unemployment has increased. Volume of the direct foreign investments has decreased by 42 %. Government of Georgia has developed an anti-crisis plan, important part of which is about the mitigation of deteriorated living conditions caused by the unemployment, whereas the National Bank of Georgia has pursued monetary and fiscal policies for the purpose of mitigation of negative influence of COVID-19 on the country’s financial sector and for the stimulation of the country's economy. In general, saving the business is considered as a priority. The current situation in the banking, insurance and stock markets and their role in the fight for maintaining the economic stability are analysed in the present article. It is important to note that, the insurance sector is the part of the economic, which did not need financial assistance in a difficult situation, but due to the common socio-economic situation, diseases caused by the stressful conditions of the population, it was necessary to make significant changes in the list of the insurance services. This, to the extent had led to some unforeseen costs, which had affected the financial conditions of the companies. According to the evaluation of the credit rating company -Fitch, the trustworthy policy implemented by the National Bank of Georgia, had played an important role in the maintenance of the financial stability and Georgian sovereign rating remained unchanged, at BB level, however, what parameters and in what area was the rating maintained and how the positions of the main players in the financial market have been changed, are the main directions of the article's research.
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Janay, Abdullahi Ibrahim, and Bülent Kılıç. "The World Bank and its Roles toward Health: Common Criticisms." In 6th International Students Science Congress. Izmir International Guest Student Association, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.52460/issc.2022.053.
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The World Bank (WB) was established in 1944 for the purpose of issuing long-term loans to governments for reconstruction and economic development following the Second World War (1). Over the time perspectives on development have changed dramatically. In particular, the WB’s focus began to shift to investments in health, energy, telecommunication, transport and infrastructure to earn more profit. In the field of health, the WB has focused on three areas, especially in developing countries: health, nutrition, and population. WB now has a more sophisticated view of well-being, living standards, and poverty and is committing more than 1 billion USD annually for new health projects. (2). The WB’s roles include financing, provision of information, surveillance, technical assistance and training and policy advice (3). The WB has achieved some gains in the fight against poverty. Reducing poverty focuses in part encompassing policies to promote equality but inequalities are still increasing all over the World, especially in the developing countries (4). However, the WB has faced a lot of critiques related to health. Some critiques related to health sector polices and say the bank's conditions on borrowing countries emphasize privatization and public sector contraction. This involved reducing government expenditures (in some cases for health) which have deleterious health effects (2). Other critiques related to the way of raising funds called a user charge for using public sector health services and point to evidence showing that user charges result in a decline in the uptake of services, especially among the people who are most socioeconomically deprived. The bank is also criticized for introducing DALYs to global health assessments. Critics point out that the introduction of DALYs was not based on sound methodology and that the underlying assumptions for their usefulness are weak (2, 5). Finally, the WB is also accused of bribing or conniving top government officials in the developing countries where it projects (6). There is a need for strengthening across the WB in several areas. A critical area is for the WB to strengthen its ability to work on multi-stakeholder solutions through engagement with the public sector, private sector, and citizens, and support primarily the public sector for health services. Similarly, about half of low-income countries are classified as fragile and conflict-affected, posing particular challenges. Furthermore, progress in fighting against poverty and sharing prosperity is accompanied by rising inequality in many countries. So, the WB should increase its efforts to address these issues (4). Introducing evidence into policy making is also a key issue to be strengthened for the future (5). It is also needed to strengthen the monitoring and evaluation methods in the countries.
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حسين عبد الجبوري, احمد. "Forced displacement from the outskirts of Kirkuk in 2014 challenges and hopes for return." In Peacebuilding and Genocide Prevention. University of Human Development, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.21928/uhdicpgp/9.
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"Introduction: Military and political crises and conflicts have been part of the reality of many countries of the world, which are witnessing political, economic, social, intellectual, cultural and sectarian changes that have made violence and terrorism an essential material for expressing the content of the conflict and its extensions, then turning to other societies. In mid-2014, Iraq was subjected to a fierce attack by the so-called Islamic State (ISIS) on the governorates of Mosul, Kirkuk, Salah al-Din, Diyala and Anbar, which led to the occupation of some of them by the organization's forces, and thus led to the forced migration of hundreds of thousands of people to the safe provinces. Stable, the extension of this crisis and its various effects made it a strategic challenge for Iraq that requires exceptional national efforts to achieve stability and ensure the return of the displaced to their areas of residence within a legal framework of a humanitarian nature. The problem of the study: The problem of the research lies in answering several questions that were raised in the study, which are what are the reasons that led to this forced migration and mass displacement, and what are the challenges facing the displaced and displaced in Kirkuk, and how to coexist amid the charged atmosphere in the city of Kirkuk, which is threatened by invasion from Before the forces of the organization, and how to reach solutions that satisfy all parties and end this crisis and ensure the dignified return of the displaced families to their homes after the liberation of the region and the restoration of security to it. Study hypothesis: The hypothesis that the researcher starts from in order to answer the questions raised by the problematic, confirmed or denied by the data of the study. Therefore, the absence of a unified national strategy that addresses the crisis of forced displacement and mass displacement in Iraq in general and in Kirkuk in particular and responds to the requirements of their relief and return to their areas would reduce the The quality of the humanitarian response policy and achieve social justice befitting the life of the Iraqi citizen. The importance of the study: The importance of this research comes since the crisis of forced displacement and mass displacement began in mid-2014, after ISIS took control of the northern and central regions of Iraq, the humanitarian emergency in Iraq became more severe, according to United Nations estimates, as the number of displaced people in Iraq exceeded Nearly three million displaced people, while more than eight million people are in need of humanitarian assistance, and with the lack of funding by the United Nations, and the presence of the Iraqi government and the Kurdistan Regional Government also under economic pressure as a result of the war on ISIS, the protection of human rights and the provision of assistance are at risk Also at great risk. Objectives of the study: 1- Getting to know the international evidence for the displaced. 2- The impact of the characteristics of the displaced in Kirkuk and the effects of the crisis. 3- Knowing the national efforts to curb the effects of the crisis. 4- Defining the general framework for the sustainable solutions required to ensure the success of return or resettlement cases. Study methodology: The study adopted the analytical method of an inductive nature based on reality, as a method in proving the hypothesis in order to reach the research objectives. Structure of the study: The study was divided into two sections. The first section included the challenges facing the displaced in Kirkuk, which included three main axes: first the political and security challenges, secondly the economic challenges, and thirdly the social challenges. The second topic dealt with the procedures used to deal with the crisis, which was divided into the situation The government from the crisis, the position of local associations and international organizations from the crisis, and finally the proposed solutions to end the crisis of forced displacement and displacement in Iraq in general and Kirkuk in particular. Results of the study: The study reached several results, including 1- The relief programs and the humanitarian response policy were unable to mitigate the economic, social and psychological impact of the displaced, which deepened the severity of the crisis and its repercussions. 2- Doubling the national and international effort is a necessity to limit the spillover effects of the crisis, provided that these efforts are linked and encapsulated by legal frameworks. 3- Returning to the liberated areas is among the most sustainable solutions. Therefore, the return of the displaced must be accompanied by achieving stability, providing services and security. Sources study: The sources of the study varied from the reports of the High Commission for Human Rights in Iraq, UNICEF, Amnesty International of the United Nations, and the reports of the International Organization for Migration and other organizations that used to issue their periodic reports and in numbers on the tragic conditions experienced by the Iraqi diaspora, including the book The Displacement Crisis in Safe Iraq. And protection issued by the Cisfire Center for Civilian Rights in London, the national report on human development in Iraq, the reports of the World Food Program, and other sources in the course of the study. "
Reports on the topic "Economic assistance, Japanese Government policy"
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Díaz de Astarloa, Bernardo, and Ezequiel Tacsir. Cluster Initiatives and Economic Resilience: Evidence from a Technology Cluster in Argentina. Inter-American Development Bank, December 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0004594.
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In this paper, we study the role of a cluster initiative in fostering economic resilience among firms in a local technology cluster in Argentina. We focus on two aggregate shocks that hit the Argentine economy, including first wave of the COVID-19 pandemic. Our analysis is based on interviews with authorities and members of the cluster initiative, local firms, and policy makers, as well as on firm-level administrative tax records. We find that the cluster organization provides members with resources that could foster resilience, including access to specialized human capital, information on business opportunities, and assistance in applying for government support programs. However, while members of the cluster organization appear to be more resilient than non-members, even within the same regional cluster, after conditioning on firm characteristics we find little evidence of a positive association between belonging to the cluster organization and economic resilience. Members of the cluster organization are neither less likely to exit nor adapt by switching their main economic activity and did not show statistically significantly higher revenue growth than nonmembers. Member firms do appear to have been more able than non-members to keep up with tax obligations during the first wave of the COVID-19 pandemic.
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Carrera-Marquis, Daniela, Marisela Canache, and Franklin Espiga. Open configuration options Hurricane Dorian “AT-A-GLANCE” Assessment of the Effects and Impacts DALA Visualization. Inter-American Development Bank, March 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0004056.
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fter hurricane Dorian and the provision of initial emergency services, the government of The Bahamas asked the Inter-American Development Bank (IDB) to assess the resulting damage, losses and additional costs. The IDB requested the United Nations Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC) for technical assistance with the assessment. The report, Assessment of the Effects and Impacts of HURRICANE DORIAN in THE BAHAMAS, published in August 2020 presents the results in detail (1). It also brings recommendations to guide a resilient reconstruction process that can reduce vulnerabilities and risks for the population and for every sector of the economy. Since 2015, it is the fourth assessment in this kind conducted by IDB and ECLAC in The Bahamas. The Bahamas Country Office Preparedness Recovery and Reconstruction Team (P2RCT) has prepared a visual summary of the Assessment of the Effects and Impacts of HURRICANE DORIAN in THE BAHAMAS. This brief will facilitate the dissemination and awareness of key information related to The Bahamas vulnerability to the effects of natural disasters, as well as emphasize the need to strengthen efforts in policy management and disaster risk management (DRM) to achieve greater levels of resilience and risk mitigation. The HURRICANE DORIAN “AT-A-AGLANCE” Assessment of the Effects and Impacts DALA Visualization document, collects economic data and the most relevant aspects of the work carried out during the field sessions, with IDB and ECLAC experts analysis and recommendations.
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Quak, Evert-jan. Russia’s Approach to Civilians in the Territories it Controls. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), March 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2022.041.
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This rapid review synthesises the literature from academic sources, knowledge institutions, non-governmental organisations (NGOs), and trusted independent media outlets on the approach used by the Russian government to provide any support or services to civilians in the territories it controls. The rapid review concludes that Russia provides economic, social, government, and military support to de facto states that it controls, such as Abkhazia, South Ossetia, Transnistria and the Donbas region. Russia covers large parts of the state’s budget of these separatist regions. This review uses the term aid referring to a wide range of support, such as humanitarian, social safety nets, basic services, infrastructure, state development, and security. Due to the lack of transparency on the Russian aid money that flows into the regions that are the subject of this review, it is impossible to show disaggregated data, but rather a broader overview of Russian aid to these regions. Russia used humanitarian aid and assistance to provide for civilians. During armed conflict it provided, to some extent, food, and medicines to the people. However, from the literature Russia has used humanitarian aid and assistance as an instrument to pursue broader policy goals that could not be defined as humanitarian in nature. Russia often relied on the language of humanitarianism to strengthen its credentials as a neutral and impartial actor and to justify its continued support for the residents and de facto authorities of Abkhazia, South Ossetia, and Transnistria, to secure its aim to strengthen the political and social ties with these regions while weakening their allegiance to Georgia and Moldova. As the humanitarian activities to the Donbas region in eastern Ukraine demonstrate, the Russian state is not willing to allow scrutiny of their humanitarian aid by independent organisations. Mistrust, corruption, and the use of aid for propaganda, even smuggling arms into the separatist region, are commonly mentioned by trusted sources. After a conflict becomes more stabilised, Russia’s humanitarian aid becomes more of a long-term strategic “friendship”, often sealed in a treaty to integrate the region into the Russian sphere, such as the cases of South Ossetia, Abkhazia, and Transnistria clearly show. Although all these separatist regions rely on Russia (economically, politically, and through Russia’s military presence), this does not mean that they always do exactly what Russia wants, which is particularly the case for Abkhazia and Transnistria.