Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Economic assistance, Australian China'
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Roberts, Justin Gareth. "Aid programmes by the governments of India and China to Nepal." Thesis, Hong Kong : University of Hong Kong, 1997. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record.jsp?B18812430.
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李鳳屛 and Fung-ping Lee. "China and Indochina: the politics of aid, 1950-78." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1991. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31209828.
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Ng, Hei Lin. "China foreign aid to Africa : features and implications." HKBU Institutional Repository, 2012. https://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_ra/1465.
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Li, Yuk-shing Kevin, and 李育成. "Urban poverty and poverty reduction programs in Bangkok and Shanghai." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2001. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31953153.
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Wei, C. X. George. "Interest, mentality, and strategy Americans and China's economic reconstruction, 1944-1949 /." access full-text, 1996. http://libweb.cityu.edu.hk/cgi-bin/ezdb/umi-r.pl?9704457.pdf.
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Li, Yuk-shing Kevin. "Urban poverty and poverty reduction programs in Bangkok and Shanghai." Hong Kong : University of Hong Kong, 2001. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk:8888/cgi-bin/hkuto%5Ftoc%5Fpdf?B23457314.
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Schickerling, Elizabeth Jane. "The role of the China Africa Development Fund in China's Africa policy." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/71761.
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Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2012.Includes bibliography
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: China and Africa's increased interaction over the past decade has received attention from the media, academics, economists and politicians alike. The rise of China as a potential world economic power has sparked both concern and suspicion. Concern over China's impact in African states has been voiced by Western and African leaders. The Chinese economy has experienced robust growth since embarking on ambitious reforms to open up its economy to outside investment and trade, as well as policies geared towards encouraging Chinese enterprises to go abroad. China's rise in importance in the international arena has led to increased scrutiny of its foreign policies and internal policies. In order to gain a balanced view of China's engagement in African states it is necessary to examine the various components of their involvement. This thesis has chosen to focus on CADFund as its main unit of analysis, and has illustrated that the Fund fulfils both a political and economic role in China's relations with Africa. This study will explore the political and economic motivations behind China's interest in Africa. Conclusions are drawn from the structural organisation, investment approaches and projects of CADFund. The way in which CADFund fits into China‟s Africa policy will be determined by looking at the Fund's activities and how they fit into the principles set out in China's Africa Policy. The main question posed by this study was regarding the role which CADFund plays in China’s Africa Policy. The mandate of the Fund is to provide funding and advisory and support services to Chinese enterprises wishing to invest in African states. With 60 completed projects to date, the Fund has arguably indeed helped to progress the Chinese government's goal of encouraging Chinese enterprises to invest in Africa. Recommendations for future research are encouraged in order to build on this specific field. For example, more extensive research could be pursued concerning CADFund linkages with the Chinese government. Together with this, questions regarding the perceived effectiveness of CADFund could also be addressed – specifically by investigating how projects are managed and monitored by CADFund. In these follow-up explorations, theoretical frameworks such as the “principle-agent theory” could also be incorporated as frameworks with which to view CADFund‟s relationship with the Chinese government.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: China en Afrika se verhoogde interaksie oor die afgelope dekade het baie aandag van die media, akademici, ekonome en politici ontvang. Die opkoms van China as 'n potensiële wêreld ekonomiese mag, het gelei tot beide agterdog en kommer. Kommer oor China se invloed binne Afrika state is geopper deur Westerse sowel as Afrika leiers. Die Chinese ekonomie het ongekende groei beleef sedert hul vertek op ambisieuse hervormings, om hul ekonomie meer vry en oop te maak vir buitelandse belegging en handel, sowel as beleid hervormings wat daarop gemik is om Chinese ondernemings oorsee te bevorder. China se opkoms as 'n belangrike moondheid op internasionale gebied, het gelei to nadere ondersoek van sy buitelandse beleide. Om 'n gebalanseerde beeld van China se betrokkenheid in Afrikastate te kry, is dit noodsaaklik om verskeie komponente van hul betrokkenheid te ondersoek. Hierdie tesis kies om te fokus op China-Afrika Ontwikkelingsfonds (CADFund) as die vernaamste eenheid van analise en beskryf beide die fonds se politieke sowel as 'n ekonomiese rol in China se betrekkinge met Afrika. Hierdie studie sal die politieke en ekonomiese beweegredes agter China se belange in Afrika verken. Gevolgtrekkings word gemaak van strukturele organisasie, belegging benaderings en projekte van China-Afrika Ontwikkelingsfonds. Die manier waarop China-Afrika Ontwikkelingsfonds by China se Afrika-beleid inpas, sal vasgestel word deur te kyk na die fonds se aktiviteite en hoe hulle by die neergelegde beginsels van China se Afrika-beleid inpas. Die belangrikste vraag wat hierdie studie stel, is met betrekking tot die rol wat China-Afrika Ontwikkelingsfonds in China se Afrika-beleid speel. Die mandaat van die fonds is om finasiering, raadgewende en ondersteunende dienste aan Chinese ondernemings te bied wat in Afrika-state wil belê. Met 60 voltooide projekte tot op datum, het die fonds inderdaad gehelp om by te dra tot die Chinese regering se doelwit om Chinese ondernemings aan te moedig om in Afrka te belê. Aanbevelinge vir toekomstige navorsing word aangemoedig om voort te bou op hierdie spesifieke gebied. Byvoorbeeld, meer uitgebreide navorsing oor China-Afrika Ontwikkelingsfonds se bande met die Chinese Regering. Samehangend hiermee,vrae in verband met die vermeende doeltreffendheid van China-Afrika Ontwikkelingsfonds kan ook ondersoek word - spesifiek deur te ondersoek hoe projekte bestuur en gekontroleer word deur China-Afrika Ontwikkelingsfonds. In hierdie opvolg ondersoeke, kan teoretiese raamwerke soos die ”principle-agent theory” ook ingesluit word as raamwerke waarna China-Afrika Ontwikkelingsfonds se verhoudinge met die Chinese Regering gekyk kan word.
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Cheng, Zhangxi. ""Friendship" in China's foreign aid to Africa : case studies from Ghana and Sierra Leone." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/12007.
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Following the dramatic takeoff of contemporary China-Africa relationship in the late 1990s, this once neglected international phenomenon has become one of the most topical themes over the past decade. This new popularity is due not only to the growing importance of both China and Africa on the global stage, but also China's rapidly increasing foreign aid on the continent. However, whilst most scholars are focusing on the financial side of the story – the massive concessional loan deals, the generous investments in natural resources and so forth, the primary purpose of this foreign aid – assisting African recipient countries' economic and welfare development – has only generated minimal interest. Little is known regarding how China delivers its foreign aid, and even less about how this foreign aid actually works in the African recipient countries. In light of this situation, this study asks: How has China's foreign aid been assisting Africa's development? On the basis of drawing specific attention to the effectiveness and sustainability of China's foreign aid in Africa, this study also explores the factors that affect these outcomes. Which, as this study finds out in the end, friendship – a factor that is often overlooked by Western scholars and patriotically examined by Chinese scholars. Not only has it continuously played a substantial role in shaping the development of China's foreign aid in Africa, but it is also frequently the most influential underlying consideration that practically undermines China's foreign aid outcomes. All in all, whilst purposed to promote China's foreign aid outcomes, this study improves our understanding of China's foreign aid in Africa. As well it delves into the development of China's foreign aid in Africa, assesses its performance, this study finds the shortcomings of China's foreign aid at present and searches for practical solutions that may contribute to its future development.
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Chan, Lit-fai, and 陳烈輝. "Feminization of poverty in Hong Kong: the experiences of pauperization of lone mothers receiving comprehensivesocial security assistance (CSSA)." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1999. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31978824.
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Schwebel, Amy Elizabeth. "Improving the impact of Australian aid: the role of AusAID's Office of Development Effectiveness." Connect to thesis, 2009. http://repository.unimelb.edu.au/10187/6732.
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This research is in response to the current debate on aid in Australia. The debate focuses on the volume of money allocated to aid rather than the impact. While Australian aid is still far from the UN commitment of 0.7 per cent of gross national income, this focus has kept public debate superficial and has deflected attention away from the more important discussion: is aid achieving outcomes and impacting positively in areas identified by developing countries as essential for their sustainable development.The release of the first Annual Review of Development Effectiveness provided the impetus to investigate whether the newly formed Office of Development Effectiveness (ODE) will introduce changes that will improve Australia’s approach to aid. Framed within national interest, development and aid literature, this research analyses what limitations, if any, there are to reform of aid policies and practices in Australia.
The thesis concludes that the potential for the ODE to significantly improve the effectiveness of Australia aid is limited. It is one of many voices – including the powerful national interest agenda furthered by foreign policymakers – shaping Australian aid policy and practice. However, the furthering of Australian national interest – narrowly defined as security and economic considerations – through the aid program is at the expense of poverty alleviation objectives. This negatively affects how the development ‘problem’ is framed and thus the focus of aid policy. Furthermore, efforts to prioritise national interest considerations undermine the adoption of ‘good’ practice essential for sustainable development.
This is a political reality that is unlikely to change. Thus, the role of the ODE is to provide recommendations within this restricted framework. However, it is only through scrutiny, discussion and debate that the discrepancy between ‘good development’ in theory and in practice can be narrowed. This should also be the role of the ODE.
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Botha, Ilana. "China in Africa : friend or foe? : China’s contemporary political and economic relations with Africa." Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/3405.
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Thesis (MPhil (Political Science))--University of Stellenbosch, 2006.Since the end of the Cold War, China has displayed a reinvigorated interest in the African continent. There are differing viewpoints as to whether China’s increasing involvement in Africa is beneficial to the African continent, or whether there are negative consequences. This assignment attempts to answer this question by exploring the nature of China’s political, economic, and aid relationships with the African continent, by highlighting examples from four countries: South Africa, Zimbabwe, Uganda and Sudan. China’s interests in Africa are motivated primarily by economics and diplomacy. In other words, Africa is important to China as a vast source of resources to feed its growing manufacturing base, as well as a source of energy security. In addition, China sees Africa as an important destination for its affordable manufactured goods. China’s interests in Africa, however, are not only confined to economics, but extend to diplomacy as well. China is attempting to position itself as an important power in the international system and, in so doing, promote its own views and policies within international multilateral organisations. Africa plays an important role in this regard, particularly in institutions with ‘one-country, one vote’ arrangements. Thus, China attempts to court African governments in order to secure access to Africa’s vast resources, as well as to garner support for its policies in the international arena. After an in-depth examination of the evidence, it is concluded that China’s engagement with Africa is based on strategic political and economic considerations and fits within a Realist explanatory framework. It is therefore contended that China’s presence on the African continent presents both opportunities as well as threats, although African governments need to be pro-active in order to exploit the potential opportunities. Furthermore, it is concluded that the negative consequences of China’s involvement in Africa are not only attributable to China’s behaviour in Africa, but some of the blame should also be shifted to corrupt African governments and elites who operate within a framework of neo-patrimonial politics which exacerbates corruption and mal-governance on the continent. Such behaviour stalls efforts emanating from ‘responsible’ African leaders to promote good governance and democracy on the continent, for example through institutions such as the New Partnership for Africa’s Development (Nepad) and the African Union (AU).
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Wu, Yan Ni. "The EU development aid policy : evolution, legal basis, features, effectiveness and its role in the EU-China relations." Thesis, University of Macau, 2009. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2099266.
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de, Somer Gregory John Humanities & Social Sciences Australian Defence Force Academy UNSW. "The Redefinition of Asia : Australian Foreign Policy and Contemporary Asian Regionalism." Awarded by:University of New South Wales - Australian Defence Force Academy. School of Humanities and Social Sciences, 2003. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/38666.
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This thesis set out to ascertain the position of recent Australian Governments on the latest instalments of Asian regionalism in the context of an assessment of whether there has been a redefinition of Asia and thus a redefinition of Australia???s engagement with Asia. It will concentrate on the broad themes of politico-strategic and economic engagement. Whilst there has been extensive research and documentation on the Asian economic crisis there has been less work on the issue of a new Asian regionalism and the implications for Australia???s complex and variable engagement with the region. This is the basis for the claim to originality of this thesis, a claim supported by its focus on the practical and policy implications of Australia???s engagement, or lack of it, with regional institutions. The process of regional integration has been extremely slow, thus supporting the conclusion that there is no evidence of a major redefinition of Asia. Efforts at Asian regionalism are meeting obstacles that pose immense challenges. Asian regionalism remains nascent and poorly defined. This reflects the diversity and enormous disparities in cultures, political systems and the levels of economic development and differences over economic philosophies within East Asia. What is discernible is that the regionalism is proceeding more rapidly on financial issues than on trade, and in the security area it is conspicuously absent. This research highlights the fact that the question of Asian engagement remains a sensitive issue in Australia and continues to grow more complex. Australia???s engagement with Asia since 1996 has been variable because of the Howard Government???s broader balance of priorities between global and regional issues, and because of the changing nature of the Asian region. The perception gleaned from sources is that, for the Australian Government, regionalism initiatives are characterised by much discussion but lack substance. Consequently, this appears to have led the Government to the position that exclusion from some manifestations of regionalism is not so important. Australia is excluded from some of the regional architectures being constructed. In its efforts to seek inclusion in ASEAN + 3 and ASEM, Australia is facing the same barriers that have stood in the way of an AFTA-CER agreement. Exclusion would be important if the performance of regional groupings was not so indifferent. Exclusion from ASEAN + 3 and ASEM, however, does not equate to Australia???s exclusion from the region.
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Hvoždová, Vladimíra. "Ekonomická expanze Číny do Afriky." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2011. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-85391.
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The goal of the thesis is to characterize specific features of China's foreign policy towards African continent and to analyze whether China is capable of contributing to long-term sustainable development in the poorest region of the world. The first chapter is focused on the theory of economic diplomacy and decribes its main functions, tools and actors. Following part represents a brief overview of the history of sino-african relations, with the aim to define the main motives for mutual cooperation. The characteristic of economic relations between China and Africa follows, with the focus on trade, foreign direct investment and development assistance. Conluding part deals with the identification and evaluation of main benefits and threats of the growing presence of China in Africa with respect to the long-term sustainable development in the region.
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Gomis, François. "Les nouveaux défis et enjeux de la politique étrangère de la France en Afrique francophone subsaharienne." Thesis, Paris 5, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014PA05D020.
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Des années 1960 jusqu’à la fin de la guerre froide, voire au-delà, l’influence voire la prépondérance de la France sur les territoires francophones d’Afrique noire est presque totale. Cependant, en ce XXIème siècle naissant, la compétition mondiale dans la recherche de nouveaux débouchés et de la sécurisation de l’approvisionnement énergétique amène inexorablement les grandes puissances à entrer en ‘‘conflit d’intérêts’’ par la pénétration réciproque des « arrière-cours ». Ceci est particulièrement vrai pour la France qui voit des pays tels que les Etats-Unis, la Chine, l’Inde, le Brésil, la Turquie, les pays du Golfe, etc., faire une entrée fracassante dans une région géographique qu’elle considère depuis longtemps comme sa « chasse gardée » compte tenu des liens historique, linguistique et politique. Ces nouveaux défis et enjeux pour la politique africaine de la France se mesurent désormais, à l’aune des transformations à l’œuvre sur la scène internationale avec la mondialisation et l’émergence de nouvelles puissances du Sud. Les défis et les enjeux sont importants pour l’action extérieure de la France et sa place dans le monde, compte tenu de la concurrence féroce des nouveaux acteurs et des changements des sociétés africaines en cours. Néanmoins elle possède encore des atouts économiques, diplomatiques et stratégiques susceptibles de lui permettre d’élaborer, grâce à l’espace culturel francophone, un projet original, ambitieux et porteur d’espoir. Pour ce faire, il faudra répondre aux deux interrogations suivantes : Comment réformer cette politique traditionnelle basée sur des relations étroites et privilégiées avec les dirigeants africains sans toutefois compromettre les avantages comparatifs de la France sur place? Quelle stratégie politique mettre en œuvre pour identifier les véritables intérêts communs des Français et des Africains francophones, en tenant compte des opportunités et des menaces, et les développer dans un partenariat mutuellement bénéfique ?From 1960s to the end of the cold war, even beyond, the influence even the supremacy of France in the French-speaking territories in Sub-Saharan Africa is almost total. However, in this 21st century, the world competition in the research of new markets and the security of the energy supply leads inexorably the great powers to enter in “conflict of interests” by the mutual penetration of the “back-yards”. This is particularly true for France which has countries such as the United States, China, India, Brazil, Turkey, the Gulf Arab States, etc., to make a dramatic entrance in a geographical area where she judged it for a long time as her “exclusive domain” considering the historical, linguistic and political links. These new challenges and issues for the African policy of France are measured from now on, in the light of the transformations at work in the world with the globalization and the emergence of new powers of the South. The challenges and the issues are important for the external action of France and its place in the World, considering the fierce competition between new stakeholders and the ongoing African society changes. Nevertheless it still has economic, diplomatic and strategic assets which enable him to elaborate, thanks to the francophone cultural center, an original project, ambitious and promising. With this aim in mind, it will be necessary to answer to the two following questions: How to reform this traditional policy based on close and privileged relationships with African leaders without compromising, however, the comparative advantages of France on the spot? Which political strategy has to be implemented in order to identify the real common interests of the French and the French-speaking Africans, by taking into account the opportunities and threats, and to develop them in a mutually beneficial partnership?
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Monnet, Rodolphe. "La politique extérieure de l'Inde en Afrique." Thesis, Sorbonne Paris Cité, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018USPCB025.
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Depuis 2001 et la recomposition des équilibres de puissance, l'Inde s'affirme comme l'un des acteurs qui compte dans un espace international de plus en plus multipolaire. Les mouvements de fond actuels provoquent une redistribution de cette puissance imposant de nouvelles alliances et de nouveaux jeux de pouvoirs. L'Inde n'est pas étrangère à cette tendance et encore plus depuis l'arrivée au pouvoir, en 2014, de l'actuel Premier ministre, Narendra Modi. Ce dernier conduit une politique extérieure ambitieuse pour que son pays accède à un statut de puissance mondiale. C'est dans ce cadre que se pose notre problématique qui est de savoir dans quelle mesure la place de l'Afrique dans la politique étrangère indienne permet-elle justement à l'Inde de parvenir à se hisser à ce statut de puissance. Pour y répondre, cette thèse investigue trois directions. D'abord, la place de l'océan Indien dans la relation indo-africaine doit rendre compte du rôle de l'Afrique dans la volonté indienne de faire de cet océan un espace pacifique et sécurisé sur lequel l'Inde puisse être un acteur incontournable face à des acteurs politiques puissants et hétérogènes. Ensuite, cette thèse s'attache à déterminer le rôle que l'Afrique joue dans la volonté de l'Inde d'être une puissance ayant une capacité d'influence politique sur la scène internationale au travers des instances internationales, de ses relations bilatérales avec les États africains et de la diaspora indienne installée dans ces pays. Enfin, cette recherche de statut passe par le champ économique et la nécessaire évaluation de l'empreinte économique que l'Inde souhaite imprimer en Afrique pour mieux asseoir ses capacités d'influence. Cette étude doit permettre de donner un éclairage sur la politique extérieure indienne à l'heure où les États-Unis réévaluent leur implication dans l'océan Indien, où la Chine met en place la « One Belt, One Road » et où l'Inde et le Japon viennent de s'unir pour proposer un nouveau partenariat à l'AfriqueSince 2001 and the reshuffling of the balance of power, India has become one of the influential actors in an increasingly multipolar international context. The current groundswells are reshuffling powers between Nations in shaping new alliances and new power games. India is, more than ever, involved in this trend since the current Prime Minister, Narendra Modi, came to power in 2014. He conducts an ambitious foreign policy as a means to make his country a global and respected power. The context of the issue detailed in this document is: to what extent does Africa's place in India's foreign policy enables India to reach this status of power? This thesis investigates the following three themes: Firstly, the Indian Ocean's place in the Indo-African relationship should reflect Africa's role in India's will to make the Indian Ocean region a peaceful and secured space in which India is a decisive player in front of powerful and heterogeneous political actors. Secondly, this thesis focuses on assessing Africa's role in India's initiatives to be an influential player on politics on the international agenda through international bodies, its bilateral relations with African states and the Indian diaspora settled down in these countries. Thirdly, India's search for that particular status goes through the economic area and the assessment of India's economic footprint in Africa to better establish its influence on that Continent. This study tries to shed the light on India's foreign policy while the United States are reassessing their involvement in the Indian Ocean, and while China is setting up its "One Belt, One Road" and India and Japan have just come together to propose a new partnership to Africa
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Chang, Chi-hsien, and 張齊顯. "American Economic Assistance to China -- Economic Cooperation Administration Mission to China (1948~1952)." Thesis, 2012. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/35619823477970088823.
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Anere, Ray L. "Australian aid to Papua New Guinea and Vanuatu." Master's thesis, 1985. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/148746.
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"Deceptive development: practices and discourses of microfinance in rural China." 2013. http://library.cuhk.edu.hk/record=b5884286.
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Xue, Cheng.Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2013.
Includes bibliographical references (leaves 159-167).
Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web.
Abstracts and appendix also in Chinese.
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Watanabe, Shino. "Foreign aid and influence : paradoxical power dynamics in Japan's official development assistance to China /." 2007. http://wwwlib.umi.com/dissertations/fullcit/3239969.
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"Transformation of trust structure: goal displacement of microfinance institutions in rural China." 2013. http://library.cuhk.edu.hk/record=b5549332.
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作為一種新型扶貧手段，小額信貸產業在過去三十年中於發展中國家迅速興起。從業者常常聲稱小額信貸機構能夠為貧窮農民提供金融機會，而這些弱勢群體過去往往被排除在傳統金融機構之外；與此同時，不同於以往的扶貧手段，小額信貸機構被認為能夠在財務上達到平衡乃至盈利。這種雙重目標的前景吸引了許多發展中國家的興趣，因此，小額信貸產業作為解決貧困問題的一種嘗試而在國際舞台上獲得了迅猛的發展。由於中國獨特的社會和政治環境，小額信貸機構的發展有其特殊的軌跡。本研究以深入訪談和參與式觀察為主要研究方法，通過為期三個月的田野調查，對中國西部與北部的兩個非政府小額信貸組織進行了深入考察。研究發現，小額信貸組織正面臨無法同時達成雙重目標的困境；基於觀察與資料分析，本文提出，中國農村社區信任結構的轉型是小額信貸組織面臨多重問題的主要原因。隨著市場經濟的發展與城市化的加速，在日漸瓦解的熟人社會中，小額信貸機構的社會目標被其財務目標所壓制，導致原有的扶貧、婦女賦權等目標難以達成，更形成了目標替代的組織現象。
為深入探討小額信貸產業中目標替代的現象，本文從組織目標的合法性與可測量性兩個角度提出假設，指出當邊緣目標具有強烈的合法性和直觀的可測量性，便可能取代相對難以觀測的核心目標。最後，本文指出，為保證小額信貸組織不偏離原有的社會目標，需要設計一種新型的、獨立的測量工具，用以跟踪記錄小額信貸組織的社會影響，並將其作為判斷組織表現的核心因素。
Known as an innovative tool for poverty alleviation, microfinance has been widely spread in developing countries in the past few decades. It is commonly claimed that microfinance institutions (MFIs) can provide financial opportunities to those who are unable to obtain loans from the formal system, while at the same time maintain their institutional sustainability. This promise has attracted the interest of developing countries with large population in poverty, leading to a remarkable emergence of microfinance industry on the global stage.
Because of the special social and political environment, the development of MFIs in China has its unique trajectory. Based on interviews and participant observation, this three-month research focuses on two non-governmental MFIs in Western China and Northern China, revealing a plight of infeasible dual objectives and proposing an explanation from the angle of transformed trust structure. In a collapsing acquaintance community, the social objectives are suppressed by the demands of self-sustainability, thus violating the original intention of poverty alleviation and women empowerment, and leading to a phenomenon of goal displacement.
To further discuss the logic behind the goal displacement phenomenon in microfinance industry, two propositions are suggested from the angles of legitimacy and measurability of organizational goals. The findings indicate that to ensure the social objective of MFIs, an independent evaluation system is needed to track the social impacts and better assess organizational performances in microfinance industry.
Detailed summary in vernacular field only.
Detailed summary in vernacular field only.
Detailed summary in vernacular field only.
Liu, Ran.
Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2013.
Includes bibliographical references (leaves 65-74).
Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web.
Abstracts also in Chinese.
Chapter 1. --- Introduction --- p.1
Chapter 2. --- Trust and its Transformation --- p.4
Chapter 3. --- Debates on Microfinance --- p.11
Chapter 3.1 --- Development of global microfinance --- p.11
Chapter 3.2 --- Microfinance in China --- p.18
Chapter 4. --- Research Settings and Methodology --- p.23
Chapter 4.1 --- Methodology and Limitations --- p.23
Chapter 4.2 --- Brief introduction of association A --- p.25
Chapter 4.3 --- Brief introduction of association B --- p.27
Chapter 5. --- Microfinance and the Transformation of Trust --- p.29
Chapter 5.1 --- Urbanization and the transition of clients --- p.29
Chapter 5.2 --- The Failure of group-lending model --- p.37
Chapter 5.3 --- The decoupling between practices and regulations --- p.42
Chapter 5.4 --- Target shift and goal displacement --- p.47
Chapter 6. --- Discussion: Dual Objectives and Goal Displacement --- p.51
Chapter 6.1 --- Multiple organizational goals of MFIs --- p.51
Chapter 6.2 --- Proposition 1: Sustainability as a legitimate goal --- p.55
Chapter 6.3 --- Proposition 2: Sustainability as a practical goal --- p.58
Chapter 7. --- Conclusion --- p.62
References --- p.65
Chapter Appendix: --- Information of Interviewees --- p.75
22
Chen, Zeng-jun, and 陳振鈞. "Study on the Strategy of Economic Assistance for China to Africa (1990-2005)." Thesis, 2007. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/35fred.
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Morton, Katherine. "Taming the yellow dragon : international assistance and environmental capacity development in China." Phd thesis, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/147356.
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24
Mausio, Asinate. "Boomerangs and the Fijian dilemma : Australian aid for rural development, 1971-1987." Phd thesis, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/150594.
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25
Asayama, Yumiko. "Pacific Island responses to Australian and Japanese government assistance in dealing with problems of adaptation to climate change." Master's thesis, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/150369.
Full textAbstract:
It is widely acknowledged that the Pacific Island Countries (PICs) are particularly vulnerable to the effects of climate change and that they have limited resources and capacity to deal with the problems of adaptation without assistance from the international community. While PICs might logically take a regional approach in requesting international assistance to implement adaptation measures, climate change affects a wide range of activities. This study examined Pacific Island responses to donors' assistance, with particular focus on Australian and Japanese assistance and explored cross-sectoral issues associated with planning and implementation of adaptation measures by PICs. Australia asserts that a scientific knowledge base and capacity to use timely locally tailored scientific data is a fundamental requirement for guide policy makers and planners to provide cost-effective resource management and the implementation of locally appropriate adaptation measures. Australia has provided assistance on that basis through its overseas aid program from the early 1990s. However, given the diversity of local concerns, the different stakeholders have different perceptions of the threat and risks of climate change and preferred response measures. Under these conditions, robust scientific knowledge alone does not necessarily translate into sensible decision-making processes, in the absence of further assistance to assist PIC in enhancing their institutional capacity and to implement climate change projects. Japanese assistance, which specifically targets climate change in PICs, was found to be limited to the promotion of climate change research and human resource development. More broadly, Japanese ODA has prioritized PICs' environmental problems and the improvement of their livelihood over time, because the primary objective of Japanese assistance is to support PICs' taking ownership of their own development through capacity development with its grant aid and technical cooperation. Interviewees' opinions, particularly those of government officials, regarding Japan's assistance indicated that PICs adaptation needs were generally consistent with their needs for livelihood improvement and economic growth. Responses also revealed that it was of fundamental importance to PICs that donors' recognize and understand the diverse condition in each country and develop individually tailored responses through comprehensive program-based assistance. The delivery of Japanese ODA on a bilateral basis was thus welcomed by many PICs. It is clear that PICs are unable to implement the necessary adaptation responses without significant financial and technical assistance from donors. Interviewees responses tended to highlight their personal or agencies' preferred process for obtaining and delivering aid. Both Australian and Japanese assistance to date have provided little impetus for institutional change to promote a long-term commitment to the implementation of adaptation measures by PICs. In addition, the different funding mechanisms have caused institutional fragmentation between agencies in PICs, resulting in limited information sharing and lack of policy coordination across agencies. Donor expectations and PICs' adaptation needs are unlikely to be met until PICs' institutional challenges, including the ability to effectively utilize existing funds, are addressed.
26
Achren, Lynda. "Whose development? a cultural analysis of an AusAID English language project in the Lao People's Democratic Republic /." 2007. http://wallaby.vu.edu.au/adt-VVUT/public/adt-VVUT20070917.125308/index.html.
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Batten, Aaron. "Aid effectiveness in the small island developing states of the South Pacific." Phd thesis, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/148450.
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Oakman, Daniel. "Crossing the frontier : Australia, Asia and the Colombo Plan, 1950-1965." Phd thesis, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/120880.
Full textAbstract:
The Colombo Plan for Cooperative Economic Development of South and
Southeast Asia developed out of a meeting of Commonwealth Foreign Ministers in
Ceylon, January 1950. To date, few scholars have examined the Colombo Plan in any
significant detail and most assessments focus on the development of educational links
between Australia and Asia, largely because of the significant numbers of scholars who
came to Australia under the scheme.
This thesis explores the Colombo Plan from a variety of perspectives, focusing on
the economic, political, social and strategic context surrounding the emergence and
implementation of the program between 1950 and 1965. This thesis argues that the
Colombo Plan had a much broader political and cultural agenda, and cannot be
understood from a humanitarian perspective alone. The Colombo Plan was an attempt to
counter communist expansion in the newly independent nations of Southeast Asia by
raising living standards and thus removing the conditions considered likely to create
popular sympathy for communist forces. More significantly, the Colombo Plan, with its
modernist assumptions about the importance of development, technology and social
progress, was to be a vehicle for the transmission of Western values.
By exploring the cultural, ideological and political underpinnings of the Colombo
Plan, this thesis illustrates that the plan was an important part of Australian foreign policy,
and was motivated by international security priorities and the need to allay domestic
cultural concerns. One of the important ways Australia expressed and promoted its
political and economic interests in the Asian region was through the Colombo Plan. This
scheme functioned as a humanitarian program intended to improve the living conditions
in Asian countries, however, it also operated as ‘unspoken propaganda’ designed to
improve trade relations, establish diplomatic and cultural contacts, and help deflect
criticism of the White Australia Policy. This examination of the Colombo Plan reveals
the changing nature of Australia’s regional identity and the nature of its engagement with
Asia during the 1950s and early 1960s.
29
Camilleri, Joseph. "Understanding the implications for Australia of Hong Kong's reversion to China : an analysis of Australian trade, investment and immigration with China, Hong Kong and Taiwan, 1960-1995." Thesis, 1997. https://vuir.vu.edu.au/30271/.
Full textAbstract:
Over the 1960-1995 period, patterns of Australian global trade, investment and
immigration shifted considerably, especially in relation to Asia and most notably in
relation to China, Hong Kong and Taiwan. Changes within the North East Asian Region
propelled Australia to respond in order to maintain its economic standards and its
international obligations. Greater emphasis was placed by successive Australian
governments on establishing closer ties with Asia, most notably China. However,
Australia's attention (and the world) on Hong Kong emerged with the commencement of
the Sino-British talks in 1983. This thesis is intended to contribute to an understanding of
the past and future impacts of the reversion of Hong Kong on trade, investment and
migration flows involving Australia, by a detailed study of those flows between Australia
and Hong Kong, China and Taiwan over the period 1960-1995.
30
Mather, Glenda M. (Glenda Mary). "A politics of culture and identity : education and development in Oceania / Glenda M. Mather." 1996. http://hdl.handle.net/2440/18747.
Full textAbstract:
Bibliography: leaves 373-418.xiv, 418 leaves : maps ; 30 cm.
Title page, contents and abstract only. The complete thesis in print form is available from the University Library.
Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Adelaide, Dept. of Politics, 1996?
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Mather, Glenda M. (Glenda Mary). "A politics of culture and identity : education and development in Oceania / Glenda M. Mather." Thesis, 1996. http://hdl.handle.net/2440/18747.
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Hong, Jin Wang. "Chinese economic and financial reforms : implications for foreign financial institutions." Thesis, 1996. https://vuir.vu.edu.au/18176/.
Full textAbstract:
Beginning in the late 1970s foreign banks were allowed to enter into China in line with
the country's overall economic reform and opening up program.
Recently, many of the world's larger banks have entered the Chinese market and have
settled into a strong presence in China, mainly through branches, operating subsidiaries
and representative offices in coastal cities and Special Economic Zones. However, unlike
other Australian industries which are strengthening their operations or cooperative
undertaking in China, in respect of their number of operating institutions in the Chinese
financial market Australian banks are behind many foreign banks such as those of the
United States, Japan, Hong Kong, UK and France and so on.
There has been no systematic study of Australian banking industry entry into the Chinese
market to date. This study attempts to identify the opportunities and challenges which
foreign banks will face in the second stage of the Chinese economic and financial
reforms. The study will also compare and evaluate the market strategies of French and
Australian banks in China.
The survey focused on both Chinese and foreign banks in China. The findings indicated
that the second stage of the Chinese economic and financial reforms should bring
opportunities to foreign banks which should outweigh their challenges or difficulties. The
study also indicated that Australian banks were in unfavourable position as compared
with French Banks, and the business strategies of Australian banks are more conservative
than those of the French banks.
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Anderson, Jane Louise. "A Kundu relationship : translating development in the Papua New Guinea church partnership program." Phd thesis, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/150897.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis addresses the puzzle of how a development policy model of partnership works by examining the case of the Papua New Guinea Church Partnership Program (CPP), involving seven Papua New Guinea churches, their partner Australian faithbased NGOs, the Australian Agency for International Development (AusAID) and the National Government. By focusing on the effects on churches of engaging in a donor-funded program, the research adds to a particular strand in the anthropology of development literature concerned with how development interventions work, and to another in development studies concerned with the relationship between religion and development. This thesis uses a Foucauldian governmentality perspective to understand development and foreign aid as regimes of practice, shaped by a secular tradition that uses a language in which the policy model of partnership has become both normative and instrumental. It also understands Christianity as a regime of practice, shaped by a religious tradition that uses a particular language for talking about development. Employing the extended metaphor of the kundu or hour-glass drum, the thesis analyses processes of translation of the Christian and secular 'rhythms', or languages of development, being played by the partners. Key interlocutors carry out the work of translation in order to make their languages mutually intelligible. In so doing, they find themselves enacting a kundu relationship, which affirms their personal agency as partnership trustees. As partners with diverse interests are brought together to achieve CPP outcomes and their own organisational goals, being in a kundu relationship creates local translation spaces where the dynamic interaction of Christian and secular regimes of practice occur. These spaces present opportunities for manoeuvre on the part of the churches, and for the exercise of a productive form of power that simultaneously disciplines and empowers them in unanticipated ways. In this way, the thesis discerns continuities in the dialectical encounters between the global and the local in Papua New Guinea's missionary and colonial histories and the present-day development landscape. The conclusion is that Papua New Guinea churches are assuming organisational identities as agents of a form of development that is underpinned theologically and translated into the vernacular. The churches are framing their engagement with development as a means of fulfilling what John's Gospel calls 'life in all its fullness'.
34
Hu, Ming. "Termination of NGO alliances in China : typology and determinants." Thesis, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/1805/4036.
Full textAbstract:
Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI)In 2008, grassroots NGOs formed 13 alliances in response to the need for emergency relief and post-disaster recovery after the Sichuan Earthquake that occurred in West China and killed approximately 87,000 people. These alliances served to raise and deliver relief materials, train and supervise volunteers, promote information sharing, and assist victims with mental health and livelihood recovery. However, all alliances were terminated within less than four years. Although plenty of scholarship discusses how corporate alliances evolve or fail, few studies focus on interorganizational collaboration among nonprofits. To explore how NGOs developed collective actions in China’s adverse sociopolitical environment, the author performed three years of observation in four coalitions and interviewed 60 alliance leaders, employees, and volunteers. This paper identifies four types of termination these NGO alliances experienced: three of them failed at their very births, five self-disbanded shortly after the end of emergency aid, three dissolved due to failed institutionalization, and the remaining two evolved into independent organizations. Tracking their life cycles, this study finds four main factors accountable for their terminations: political pressure, funding shortage, short-term orientation, and leadership failure. In particular, the repressive NGO regulation regime and limited funding sources fundamentally restricted all alliances’ capacity and sustainability. Further, the transient nature of disaster relief efforts and the conflict between disaster management and planned work areas contributed to the short-term orientation among alliance members and, thus, led to the closure of some alliances shortly after they provided emergency relief. In addition, though generally exempt from internal rivalry that often undermines inter-firm partnerships, NGO alliances of all types were confronted with leadership challenges—partner misfits concerning resources, strategy, and mission; flawed governing structures, and undesired individual leadership. The four factors interplayed and led to alliance dissolution through different combinations. The paper points out that, in addition to environmental uncertainty, leadership failure has become a major challenge for nonprofit collaborations.