Journal articles on the topic 'Economic and trade interests'
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Fordham, Benjamin O., and Katja B. Kleinberg. "How Can Economic Interests Influence Support for Free Trade?" International Organization 66, no. 2 (April 2012): 311–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818312000057.
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AbstractRecent research on the sources of individual attitudes toward trade policy comes to very different conclusions about the role of economic self-interest. The skeptical view suggests that long-standing symbolic predispositions and sociotropic perceptions shape trade policy opinions more than one's own material well-being. We believe this conclusion is premature for two reasons. First, the practice of using one attitude to predict another raises questions about direction of causation that cannot be answered with the data at hand. This problem is most obvious when questions about the expected impact of trade are used to predict opinions about trade policy. Second, the understanding of self-interest employed in most studies of trade policy attitudes is unrealistically narrow. In reality, the close relationship between individual economic interests and the interests of the groups in which individuals are embedded creates indirect pathways through which one's position in the economy can shape individual trade policy preferences. We use the data employed by Mansfield and Mutz to support our argument that a more complete account of trade attitude formation is needed and that in such an account economic interests may yet play an important role.1
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Korgun, Irina, and Vladimir Zuev. "Trade Policy and National Economic Interests in Korea." International Organisations Research Journal 15, no. 2 (June 1, 2020): 236–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.17323/1996-7845-2020-02-11.
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Membership in the World Trade Organization (WTO) and participation in free trade agreements (FTAs) are important instruments for governments to realize national economic interests. The Republic of Korea has been particularly successful in doing so. As the experience of Korea shows, a trade policy mix between multilateral liberalization under the WTO and preferential liberalization through FTAs allows the government to optimally balance national interests and strive for higher levels of social welfare and economic effectiveness, while simultaneously protecting national industries. However, such results seem to be possible only if national economic interests are clearly defined and are synchronized with a country’s goals regarding WTO membership and its strategy for FTAs. During recent decades, Korea has practiced an active long-term planning of trade policy so that trade benefits are not excessively concentrated in a narrow range of trade actors and are distributed more evenly in society. This meant appropriate balancing of liberalization and protection measures, reinforced by special support programmes that neutralized the negative impact of higher market openness. In this article, Korea’s strategy regarding trade policy is analyzed, including the reasons Korea pursued an FTA-centric policy and the benefits it obtained in addition to those it obtained from WTO membership.
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Wendt, Timothy. "Strategic Trade: Protecting American Economic and Political Interests." Proceedings of the Academy of Political Science 37, no. 4 (1990): 165. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1173780.
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Puślecki, Zdzisław W. "Foreign Trade Policy in Realisation of Economic and Political Interests." Applied Finance and Accounting 2, no. 1 (August 28, 2015): 19. http://dx.doi.org/10.11114/afa.v2i1.1058.
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In this research work, author focuses on the analysis of the theory of foreign trade policy and important political and economic interests. Realistic point is important trends in the trade regime. The decisions taken by the representatives of the governments participating in the World Trade Organisation (WTO) are, to a significant degree, influenced by various lobbies, such as organisations and unions of food producers or other non-governmental organisations, including trade unions. The main objective of the research task is to give a comprehensive analysis of the international trade policy. The particularly main concern the political economy models of foreign trade policy, protectionistic pressures in different political system, the level of protectionistic pressures, food producer pressures, international trade liberalization and environmental protection, bilateral tendencies in the foreign trade policy. It must be emphasis that on a theoretical level, understanding the choice of trade policies between liberalizm and protectionisme is very important. Despite the undeniable benefits of the multilateral WTO forum for trade liberalisation, the rapid increase of North-South bilateral and multilateral Free Trade Areas (FTAs) begs a systematic explanation for why some forums are prioritized relative to others.
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Andriani, Yeti. "Implikasi Perjanjian Kemitraan Ekonomi Komprehensif Indonesia-Australia (IA-CEPA) terhadap Perdagangan Luar Negeri Indonesia." Andalas Journal of International Studies (AJIS) 6, no. 1 (May 1, 2017): 79. http://dx.doi.org/10.25077/ajis.6.1.79-92.2017.
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This research is used to see IA-CEPA's contribution to trade of both countries especially to Indonesian foreign trade. With the research question, what is the economic implication of this economic partnership agreement politics, especially related to Indonesian trade sector? Adam Smith's theory in this research is that the liberal economy is closely related to the world economic development, an idea that requires the liberty of individuals or economic units to achieve their interests and an invisible hand can facilitate economic regulation and achieve high economic efficiency and growth, the government should not interfere and instead let the market run on its own mechanism. Added by David Ricardo that mutual interest is generated is a mutual interest-based benefit of the trade. The method used is qualitative method that is method with purpose to explain topic in detail. The result of this research is the IA-CEPA agreement can facilitate the access of Indonesian market and foreign trade to Australia.Key Words: Liberal Economics, IA-CEPA, Trade
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Chase, Kerry A. "Economic Interests and Regional Trading Arrangements: The Case of NAFTA." International Organization 57, no. 1 (2003): 137–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818303571053.
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This article examines lobbying in the United States on the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA). I argue that economies of scale and production sharing across borders create incentives for firms to seek regional trade liberalization. Statistical analysis demonstrates that sectors with these characteristics were more likely to lobby for free trade in North America; these sectors were also exposed to free trade more rapidly under the tariff-phasing schedule in the NAFTA treaty. However, corporate restructuring to rescale production for the regional market and to increase offshore assembly presented adjustment costs for U.S. workers, which created divisions between labor unions and their employers. I conclude that regional arrangements are an attractive mechanism to liberalize trade for firms in need of larger-than-national markets to take advantage of economies of scale or to develop production-sharing networks.
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Ignatova, Olga V., Olga A. Gorbunova, and Olga Yu Tereshina. "US–China Trade War: Russia’s Interests." Management and Economics Research Journal 5 (2019): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.18639/merj.2019.939744.
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The article is devoted to one of the urgent problems of the world economy: the trade opposition of the United States and China. Due to the fact that these countries occur to be the largest economies in the world, their conflict cannot in one way or another be reflected in other subjects of international economic relations. The article analyzes the main stages of the trade war between the United States and China and formulates the causes of the crisis. On the basis of a regional approach and analysis of statistical data, it became possible to make an assessment of the effects that the US–PRC rivalry has on mutual trade, investment, and energy cooperation between Russia and China. It is noted that in connection with the trade conflict, Russian–Chinese relations are reaching a new level of development, and the number of joint economic projects is growing. However, the confrontation between the United States and China brings not only opportunities but also risks for Russia. The authors make a forecast about the impact of the trade war on the economy of the Russian Federation in the short and medium term.
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Rho, Sungmin, and Michael Tomz. "Why Don't Trade Preferences Reflect Economic Self-Interest?" International Organization 71, S1 (April 2017): S85—S108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818316000394.
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AbstractThe dominant approach to the study of international political economy assumes that the policy preferences of individuals and groups reflect economic self-interest. Recent research has called this assumption into question by suggesting that voters do not have economically self-interested preferences about trade policy. We investigate one potential explanation for this puzzling finding: economic ignorance. We show that most voters do not understand the economic consequences of protectionism. We then use experiments to study how voters would respond if they had more information about how trade barriers affect the distribution of income. We find that distributional cues generate two opposing effects: they make people more likely to express self-serving policy preferences, but they also make people more sensitive to the interests of others. In our study both reactions were evident, but selfish responses outweighed altruistic ones. Thus, if people knew more about the distributional effects of trade, the correlation between personal interests and policy preferences would tighten. By showing how the explanatory power of economic self-interest depends on beliefs about causality, this research provides a foundation for more realistic, behaviorally informed theories of international political economy.
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Lynn, Andrew Paul. "From Self-Interest to Inclusive Interests Management: Mapping Ethical-Economic Trade-Off Approaches." Academy of Management Proceedings 2019, no. 1 (August 1, 2019): 14979. http://dx.doi.org/10.5465/ambpp.2019.14979abstract.
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Karasova, N., and A. Mishchenko. "GEO-STRATEGIC INTERESTS OF UKRAINE AND ECONOMIC PARTNERSHIP WITH TURKEY." Financial and credit activity: problems of theory and practice 2, no. 37 (April 30, 2021): 210–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.18371/fcaptp.v2i37.230177.
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Abstract. Broadening the scope of economic interests, together with the involvement of the strategic partner to resolve security issues, brings the dialogue between Ukraine and Turkey to a new level. This intensified negotiations on the establishment of a free trade area and the implementation of joint projects in the defense industry, cultural and humanitarian spheres. Thus, the study of priority areas of cooperation between Ukraine and Turkey in the Black Sea region for the effective realization of Ukraine’s geostrategic interests is becoming topical. The purpose of the article is to study the peculiarities of the economic partnership between Ukraine and Turkey, to calculate the impact and to determine the advantages and prospects of a deeper bilateral trade liberalization. The methodology is based on assessment of export specialization; the characterization of the relative advantages by the RXA coefficient; the impact assessment of bilateral trade on economic development through a descriptive gravity model. The study found that high tariff barriers are now applied to Ukrainian exporters in the Turkish market. Total exports from Ukraine to Turkey declined by more than 30 per cent from 2011 to 2019, while the low value-added products dominate in the highly concentrated structure of export flows. On the contrary, Turkish exports to Ukraine are quite diversified. The top ten exports include machinery, electrical equipment, vehicles and knitwear. Ukrainian grains, oilseeds and oils, iron and steel, ore and rail transport have comparative advantages in the Turkish market. The military-industrial sector and IT are promising areas for export development and investment cooperation in the Ukrainian economy. Bilateral trade surpluses are in favor of Ukraine. The economic development of Ukraine significantly influences the volume of bilateral trade, according to the results of the descriptive gravity model. A $1 increase in Ukraine’s GDP will lead to an increase in bilateral trade by $0.8. This makes Ukraine much more interested in entering the Turkish market. Keywords: strategic partnership, free trade area, international trade, exports, customs tariffs, liberalization. JEL Classification F13 Formulas: 3; fig.: 4; tabl.: 2; bibl.: 21.
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Kuznetsov, A. "Promoting Russian Economic Interests in Southern Africa." World Economy and International Relations 65, no. 11 (2021): 79–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2021-65-11-79-87.
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In this study Southern Africa refers to 10 countries: South Africa, Namibia, Botswana, Eswatini, Lesotho, Zimbabwe, Zambia, Malawi, Angola and Mozambique. The author states that this region can take an important place in the general policy of the economic turn of the Russian Federation to the Global South. The Soviet Union developed close ties with some countries, supporting them in their struggle for independence, but after the collapse of the USSR, our country “left the region”. Analysis of main features of modern Russian foreign trade in goods and services, as well as foreign direct investment, has shown that only South Africa and Angola are characterized by a diversified structure of bilateral economic relations, and quite favorable in terms of Russian exports of goods. However, even in South Africa and Angola, the dynamics of trade with Russia is unstable, Russian investment was made by a limited number of leading TNCs (mainly in raw materials). Imports from Angola are associated only with diamonds, which does not distinguish this country from Mozambique, Zimbabwe and Malawi, which mainly specialize in the supply of tobacco raw materials to Russia. Russian high-tech exports are primarily related to arms supplies, while a significant proportion of other high value-added goods are usually associated with small volumes of supplies (as in the case of Russia’s pharmaceutical exports to Angola). So far, Russian grain and mineral fertilizers are most in demand in Southern Africa. At the same time, almost all countries in the region have the potential to deepen cooperation with Russia. Russian companies that come to the region as investors will be able to significantly increase trade turnover and diversify its structure. The most significant investments have been made by Russian oil and gas TNCs and diamond mining giant ALROSA. However, Russian investors from other industries, as well as service companies, are also showing interest in Southern Africa. Acknowledgements. The article was prepared at IMEMO under the support of the Russian Science Foundation (project no. 17-78-20216).
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Hwang, Wonjae, and Ian Down. "Trade, societal interests, and political parties." Business and Politics 16, no. 2 (August 2014): 313–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/bap-2013-0038.
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We argue that international trade affects party systems but that this impact is conditioned on the types of societal interests trade brings about. When factor mobility is high, trade promotes class-based grievances that are unlikely to affect the structure of the party system. However, when factor mobility is low, trade will increase the diversity of group interests and policy preferences, thereby pressuring structural change in the party system. A consequence is an increase in the effective number of political parties. The empirical analysis supports these expectations. This paper contributes to our understanding of the political impact of economic liberalization on representative democracy.
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Li, Peng. "Summary of the Study of International Trade Interests from the Point of Value Added Trade." E3S Web of Conferences 53 (2018): 03066. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/e3sconf/20185303066.
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International trade interest is an important value index to judge a country's participation in international trade activities, under the background of economic globalization, value added trade has become the focus of international trade interest. Compared with the traditional trade statistics law, the research result of international trade interest based on value added trade is more accurate and practical. This paper will discuss the interests of international trade from the perspective of value-added trade, and put forward personal opinions.
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Yoshimatsu, Hidetaka. "Japan's Keidanren and Free Trade Agreements: Societal Interests and Trade Policy." Asian Survey 45, no. 2 (March 2005): 258–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2005.45.2.258.
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This article examines how societal actors' preferences and activities impinge on the evolution of a state's regional economic agreements in light of Keidanren's involvement in Japan's free trade agreements with Singapore, Mexico, and South Korea. The business federation has promoted the agreements by playing the role of a pressure group and information provider.
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McLean, Elena V. "Multilateral Aid and Domestic Economic Interests." International Organization 69, no. 1 (November 18, 2014): 97–130. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818314000289.
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AbstractExisting studies of foreign aid suggest that donor countries' economic groups, such as exporters, should be generally opposed to multilateral aid because multilateral flows do not allow donor countries to tie their aid implicitly or explicitly to the promotion of their domestic economic interests. However, economic groups can actually benefit from some types of multilateral aid, and this serves as an incentive for donor governments to support international organizations generating the benefits. I test my argument using data on aid allocated to the Multilateral Fund for the Implementation of the Montreal Protocol and the Global Environment Facility, and international trade by commodity. I find robust empirical support for the argument that when donors' domestic economic groups are likely to gain from opportunities created by international environmental organizations' programs, donor governments increase aid allocations to these organizations.
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Konovalova, Yulia A., and Stepan A. Ushanov. "EU in the system of trade interests of USA." RUDN Journal of Economics 27, no. 2 (December 15, 2019): 386–400. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-2329-2019-27-2-386-400.
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Article is dedicated to the trade and economic links of USA and EU. The authors tried to find out key features and characteristics of these cooperation. The result of the investigation and the analysis is development of the term “economic anamorphosis”, the concept of which is the critical domination of the weight and share of limited list of partners in the system of bilateral cooperation, when one of the partners is regional economic integration, and the biggest share of trade, capital, human and other flows is attracted by these determined limited list of countries. Such situation can be estimated as disproportion of partner’s estimation and evaluation by each other. It means that economic integration is estimated not as the complex partner and subject of the global economy but with the using of deduction method.
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Kumar, Vipin, Veena Jha, and Pankhuri Bansal. "Indias Position in the International Economic Order." Global Trade and Customs Journal 14, Issue 7/8 (August 1, 2019): 325–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/gtcj2019036.
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India holds a dominant position in influencing global issues related to climate change, world trade, international terrorism, and nuclear proliferation. Considering the trade war between US and China, the threat to multilateralism from the US and the uncomfortable trade relationship between US and EU and Japan, India is now at a crossroads in the international economic order. This offers a leadership opportunity to ‘Aspirational India’ that is willing to engage in new issues of international economic order. This article examines India’s position in Multilateral Trade System by comprehensively reviewing the difference between its overall trade and sectoral interests; India’s role at the World Trade Organization (WTO) and how it has evolved; the role of India’s foreign policy in guiding its regionalism; and the opportunities that India may have in the trade war currently prevailing in the global economy. The article concludes that India’s interest is to preserve a stable multilateral trading order through the WTO, while using regionals or even sectoral agreements to augment its trade competitiveness
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Fordham, Benjamin O., and Timothy J. McKeown. "Selection and Influence: Interest Groups and Congressional Voting on Trade Policy." International Organization 57, no. 3 (2003): 519–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818303573076.
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Studies of the effects of interest groups on congressional roll-call voting typically view party and ideology as competing factors and rely on a factoral model of interests or a sectoral model including only interest groups with a direct stake in the vote. We depart from that strategy in several ways. We define interest groups at the level of Standard Industrial Classification two-digit codes and observe the universe of interests. For 1979–90, we use measures of geographically and nongeographically based economic interests to estimate the representative's party and ideology. We also consider the factor endowments of individuals within a district to examine their impact on floor votes. We then investigate the influence of these interests on members' party affiliation and ideology, as well as a pool of five floor votes on foreign trade, using instrumental variables for party and ideology. Economic interests account for a substantial portion of the variance in all cases, and models that also include other explanatory variables are highly accurate in estimating floor votes.
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Pugachevska, Kateryna. "TRADE RESTRICTIONS IN THE CONTEXT OF FOREIGN TRADE LIBERALIZATION." Scientific Bulletin of Mukachevo State University. Series “Economics” 1(13) (2020): 51–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.31339/2313-8114-2020-1(13)-51-55.
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Research on the impact of the external component on economic growth shows the prevailing view of the positive impact of foreign trade and its liberalization on economic growth. At the same time, discussions on trends in foreign trade liberalization are part of the issue of contradictory impact of free cross-border movement of goods, capital and labor on the economic development. The majority of sources on endogenous growth contains a range of models for the relationship between trade restrictions and economic growth. Therefore, the aim of the article is to study trade restrictions in the context of foreign trade liberalization. At a high level of economic development, the liberalization of the economy allows to increase the benefits of foreign trade, but the issues related to the opening of national markets in the economic periphery remain controversial. The article considers the essence and classification of foreign trade restrictions. The views of scholars of leading economic schools on the relationship between trade liberalization and economic growth have been represented. It has been determined, that the main trends in the liberalization of foreign trade are: expanding the scope of regulatory measures by both national governments and global trade institutions; coordination and intensification of international cooperation in the areas of multilateral liberalization of foreign trade; growing non-tariff barriers to the development of international trade. The results of the study allow to deepen the understanding of the peculiarities of ensuring national economic interests in the conditions of dynamization of foreign trade. Key words: trade restrictions, national economic interests, import regulation, foreign trade liberalization, tariff and non-tariff restrictions.
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Ryzhova, N. "The Influence of Border Trade on Economic Development of Russia and China." Voprosy Ekonomiki, no. 6 (June 20, 2009): 137–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.32609/0042-8736-2009-6-137-150.
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National interests in developing border trade often contradict regional interests. Nevertheless if one examines border trade as a stimulus for developing border regions, the situation will be changed significantly. In this paper the author analyzes the case of Russian-Chinese border trade concerning social and economic development of the border regions of Russia and China.
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He, Ling-Yun, and Hui Huang. "Economic Benefits and Pollutants Emission Embodied in China–US Merchandise Trade—Comparative Analysis Based on Gross Trade, Value Added Trade and Value Added in Trade." Sustainability 13, no. 20 (October 13, 2021): 11322. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su132011322.
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The main focuses of the Sino–US trade dispute are the issue of trade interests. If taking environmental costs into consideration, the trade interests are even more overestimated. There are different methods for measuring trade interests, and the results obtained under different methods differ. This paper uses the gross trade, value-added trade and value-added-in trade framework to calculate the economic gains and correspondent embodied pollution in China–US trade, compares the differences in results under different models and makes possible explanations. Our conclusions are as follows: (1) Traditional gross trade statistics have overestimated China’s economic benefits. The trade balance in gross trade was overestimated by 35% and 40% compared to the value-added trade and value-added-in trade. (2) China was a net exporter of embodied pollution and paid huge environmental costs from 1995 to 2011. (3) China’s exports are environmentally worse than the United States, and the calculation of pollution terms of trade proves that China paid a greater environmental cost for the same amount of economic benefits. (4) Different accounting frameworks have a great impact on the embodied pollution results at the industry level. Pollution based on value-added trade was more concentrated. The major polluting industries also changed.
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Malbon, Justin. "The Australia-United States Free Trade Agreement: Trade Trumps Indigenous Interests." Media International Australia 111, no. 1 (May 2004): 34–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x0411100106.
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This article argues that the Australia–United States Free Trade Agreement (AUSFTA) selectively recognises and affirms international conventions and agreements that promote the narrow economic self-interests of powerful groups. It does this whilst disregarding those international instruments — including the Convention on Biological Diversity and the UNESCO Universal Declaration on Cultural Diversity — that seek to recognise and promote the cultural and intellectual property rights of Indigenous people. Although AUSFTA does make some concessions for Indigenous interests by providing negative exemptions from the chapters dealing with trade in services, government procurement and investment, these concessions are relatively weak in the face of the Agreement's pursuit of free trade. Using the model of Chapter 19, which imposes positive obligations on the United States and Australia to promote environmental interests, it is proposed that future Australian FTAs should enunciate positive obligations for Australia's Indigenous people.
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Irwin, Douglas A. "Trade Policy in American Economic History." Annual Review of Economics 12, no. 1 (August 2, 2020): 23–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev-economics-070119-024409.
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This article reviews the broad changes in US trade policy over the course of the nation's history. Import tariffs have been the main instrument of trade policy and have had three main purposes: to raise revenue for the government, to restrict imports and protect domestic producers from foreign competition, and to reach reciprocity agreements that reduce trade barriers. Each of these three objectives—revenue, restriction, and reciprocity—was predominant in one of three consecutive periods in history. The political economy of these tariffs has been driven by the location of trade-related economic interests in different regions and the political power of those regions in Congress. The review also addresses the impact of trade policies on the US economy, such as the welfare costs of tariffs, the role of protectionism in fostering US industrialization, and the relationship between the Smoot–Hawley Tariff Act and the Great Depression of the 1930s.
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Fedyakina, Lora N., and Arina A. Tinkova. "US foreign trade policy as a tool for protecting national interests." RUDN Journal of Economics 28, no. 4 (December 15, 2020): 842–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-2329-2020-28-4-842-857.
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National economic interests are changing in terms of high competition in the world economy, and its global players foreign trade policy direction is correlated with the protectionist sentiments of the United States. The purpose of the study is to identify and analyze the evolution, correlation and new trends in the mechanisms of US trade policy. As a result of the analysis of four mechanisms (international organizations, the official financing system, international integration, tariff and non-tariff regulation, as well as their variations in the form of trade wars and sanctions within the framework of a trade war instrument), authors describe the theoretical, evolutionary and practical aspects of protecting national interests and their impact on the world economy. The authors opinion on the place and role of sanctions in the system of trade policy mechanisms is presented, the sanctions economic aspect in the framework of trade wars is highlighted.
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Wordliczek, Łukasz. "North American Free Trade Agreement." Politeja 18, no. 5(74) (December 15, 2021): 293–313. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/politeja.18.2021.74.18.
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The article deals with the relationship between the United States and Mexico from the perspective of the US national security. The key areas of strategic interest in Mexico on the part of the United States include: limiting illegal immigration, fighting drug-related crime, economic cooperation, both bilateral and in the wider international dimension, for example the North American Free Trade Agreement. According to the United States, all three factors and their successful implementation are necessary and constituent elements of the national interest of the United States in its most important scope, that is, in increasing the security of the state. The analysis focuses on the U.S. economic relations with Mexico at the turn of the 20th and 21st centuries. The basis of economic relations between these countries is the North American Free Trade Agreement. The genesis of the NAFTA agreement and its effects on mutual relations in the context of the U.S. national interest and security was presented. Additionally, the reasons for President Donald Trump’s change from NAFTA to USMCA are described, from the perspective of U.S. strategic interests.
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Gupta, Pralok. "India’s Economic Integration in Services with ASEAN: From Bilateral FTAs to RCEP." Journal of Asian Economic Integration 1, no. 2 (September 2019): 207–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2631684619885778.
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Given the growing importance of services in Indian economy as well as in international trade, India has offensive interests in services and these are becoming an important part of India’s effort to economically integrate with global economies including Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). This article analyses India’s economic integration with the ASEAN region in services trade and discusses how India’s services trade interests are taken into consideration by ASEAN members in their free trade agreements with India. It also discusses services-related aspects in the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership agreement, a proposed free trade agreement among ASEAN and its six FTA partners including India, from which India has decided to opt-out recently. JEL Codes: F13, F14, F15
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Popov, A. A. "The Problem of Harmonizing the Economic Interests of the USSR and the Socialist Countries. The Сase of Soviet-Polish Trade and Financial Relations (1958–1964)." Modern History of Russia 11, no. 2 (2021): 422–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/11701/spbu24.2021.208.
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Soviet trade with Eastern European countries was one of the main forms of economic interaction within the socialist camp. The problem of imbalances in this trade traditionally has been associated with the politicization of intra-bloc relations. However, when harmonizing the interests of the USSR and the socialist interests vis-à-vis long-term trade agreements, economic motives were of great importance. This article discusses the process of harmonizing economic interests, using the case of Soviet-Polish trade relations in 1958–1964. This research based on archival documents from the Department of the Central Committee of the CPSU for Economic Cooperation with the Socialist Countries (in RGANI) and declassified documents from the special fund for the State Planning Commission of RGAE. The analysis shows that contradictions in trade issues provoked a discussion of a wider range of issues: military supplies, credit debt, and transit tariffs for the two countries. Moreover, each of the parties was guided by its own economic interests and rarely made concessions for political reasons. The Soviet government in 1958-1964 made a number of supply concessions, agreed to revise transit tariffs, and incurred part of the costs of maintaining the stability of intra-block trade in the distribution system. There was a change in the structure of Soviet-Polish trade, which significantly reduced the passive trade balance for Polish People’s Republic (RPL). Nevertheless, in accordance with Soviet calculations, after all these changes, trade with RPL and other socialist countries was profitable for the USSR.
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Rogozhin, Aleksander A. "The unique Vietnam trade-economic guide." Russian Journal of Vietnamese Studies 6, no. 4 (December 24, 2022): 83–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.54631/vs.2022.64-117630.
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The review is given to the handbook Vietnam Trade and Investment Partner a unique publication that combines the deep knowledge of Vietnam and a business approach that takes into account the interests of Russian entrepreneurs working or planning to work in Vietnam. The authors paid great attention to almost all sectors of the Vietnamese economy, analyzing their problems and assessing the prospects for their development, and also spoke about Vietnam's relations with the main partner countries and international economic organizations. The book provides information about the organization and conditions of doing business in Vietnam. This guide will be very useful to all Russian entrepreneurs who are already working in the Vietnamese market, and especially to those who are going to do so.
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Khoiruddin, Moh. "Perdagangan Efisien dalam Perspektif Islam: Kepentingan Simetris, Keseimbangan Informasi dan Keseimbangan Antar Sektor." Muqtasid: Jurnal Ekonomi dan Perbankan Syariah 2, no. 2 (December 1, 2011): 209. http://dx.doi.org/10.18326/muqtasid.v2i2.209-230.
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Many major problems arise in the trading. All these problems could not beseparated from the conventional economic concept belief that market force will create “order” and “harmony”, and every effort for the government intervention will only lead to market distortions and inefficiency. Symmetry concept between the public and private interests that will be able to realize a good trade order and fair, also the concept of self-interest as the cornerstone of all activities, including producers / sellers and consumers. That concept has been proven to cause market distortions and inefficiency within the micro and macro. Trade sector is a special emphasis in Islamic economics, for its links directly with the real sector. The author, based on reality problems and as well as exploration of Islamic values, particularly in trade areas, recommending solutions to trade problems. First, the concept of symmetry between the private and public interests are believed to bring good order and fair trade must be changed to be symmetrical between the interests of consumers, producers / sellers and the government. Second, the government as a regulator of trade must build systems that ensure the minimization of assymetric information anytime and anywhere, which essentially includes the publication of prices and product specifications in real time, accurate, inexpensive, and informative so that all parties to avoid deception or inaccurate information. Third, the regulations should not increase the cost burden of the public or business, let alone the additional costs outweigh the benefits. Fourth, to ensure stability and economic security, the development of financial sector development should be based on the real sector, in which is dominated by the trade sector
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Marks, Stephen V. "Economic interests and voting on the omnibus trade bill of 1987." Public Choice 75, no. 1 (January 1993): 21–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf01053879.
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Jansen, Giedo. "Solo self-employment and membership of interest organizations in the Netherlands: Economic, social, and political determinants." Economic and Industrial Democracy 41, no. 3 (September 20, 2017): 512–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0143831x17723712.
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Falling in-between the category of employers and employees, solo self-employed persons are poorly accommodated by the traditional system of corporatist interest representation through which the interests of employers are represented in employers’ associations, and the interests of employees are represented by trade unions. For business associations ‘micro businesses’ with no employees are difficult to reach and serve, as their interests are considered distinct from companies with employees. Trade unions in many countries even resisted the emergence of solo self-employment, fearing that these and other flexible arrangements would undermine not only secure working conditions but also union solidarity. This study examines differences in membership of interest organizations among solo self-employed workers. Various types of organizations are investigated, not only trade unions and business associations, but also new freelancer associations. Theoretically, three categories of determinants are examined to explain differences in membership: economic explanations, social explanations, and political explanations. Empirically, survey data are used from the Netherlands, a country with an increase in self-employment and a diverse supply of interest organizations. It is concluded that economic determinants explain both ‘generic’ membership (of any organization), as well as membership of specific organizations. Social and political determinants do not explain generic membership, but instead help to explain why some self-employed workers join particular types of organizations.
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Khalid, Ijaz, Syed Umair Jalal, and Muhammad Usman Ullah. "Beijing Interests in CPEC." Global Strategic & Securities Studies Review IV, no. I (December 30, 2019): 11–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gsssr.2019(iv-i).02.
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The paper investigates the PRC interests being developed in China Pakistan Economic Corridor since long its announcement in 2015. The study also analysis the factors that led to the adoption of policy being chalk out for the joint venture of CPEC. Beijing articulated its interests under the prism of political, security, economic and strategic perspectives. The Western World comprehended Chinese interests in the strategic perspective but Chinese always define it as economic and a win-win game for both the receiver and PRC. The paper concluded that China deep political and strategic interest in CPEC that undermines the interest of many major powers including USA, India and some extent Russia. The study also finds that CPEC has been marked the shortest and safest commercial route to Beijing global trade that cut down fourteen thousand miles of distances while reaching from eastern China to the Arabian Sea.
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Parsadanishvili, Nino. "CHALLENGES FACED BY THE WTO’S ECONOMIC SYSTEM IN TRADE IN SERVICES NEGOTIATIONS." Globalization and Business 4, no. 8 (December 27, 2019): 121–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.35945/gb.2019.08.015.
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resent paper focuses on current crises in international trade in services negotiations from the perspective of consideration of trading interests of developing and least developed countries in line with the operational agenda of the World Trade Organization (WTO). Through the analysis of the existing international legal texts and scholarly works particular attention is paid to the different rounds of trade in services negotiations in parallel to the consideration of the results of relevant ministerial conferences of the World Trade Organization, drawing attention to the situation with regards of consideration of the interests of developing and least developed country members of the WTO. Special focus is paid to the complexity of the decision making process and it’s complication over time due to increased participation of parties concerned in the process of trade in services negotiations resulting in no progress in the overall process. Next to analyzing the challenges faced by the WTO in trade in services negotiations, especially in terms of considering the interests of developing and least developed countries, paper shows the ways that could be used during 2020 Kazakhstan Ministerial Conference of the World Trade Organization for finding solutions to simplify the decision making process and establish freer international trade in services by the way of either implying new approaches in interpreting the existing multilateral treaties that deal with trade in services between all member states of the WTO or deepening the discussions on a new plurilateral agreement helping the organization to overcome the stagnated process of trade in services negotiations and therefore ensuring the compliance with it’s own operational goals.
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Trinidad, Dennis D. "Understanding Policy Shift: Class Interests, Exogenous Pressure, and Policy Reform in the Philippines." Philippine Political Science Journal 27, no. 1 (December 21, 2006): 31–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2165025x-02701002.
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The paper is a theoretical discourse on policy shift, defined as the turning point or threshold by which policymaking agents abandon old policy preferences in favor of new ones. It contends that policy shift is contingent upon two factors: (1) the nature of elite interests, and (2) exogenous pressures like world prices and economic crises. The dismantling of cohesive elite interests is essential before policy shift could take place. Exogenous pressures can help achieve this by altering the settings which define these interests. Specifically, the paper examines the liberalization of trade and investment in the Philippines as an episode of policy shift. In the 1980s, the sudden reversal of international prices of agricultural products forced many agrarian elites to abandon agriculture and shift to other more lucrative business ventures like services and manufacturing. In the process, they explored new areas of interest and formulated corresponding sets of policy preferences. Against this backdrop and under a new constitution, former President Fidel V. Ramos and his successors pursued liberalization. The trend toward further economic liberalization became irreversible due to the country’s commitment to international agreements such as the World Trade Organization, ASEAN Free Trade Area, ASEAN-China Free Trade Agreement and the proposed Philippines-Japan Economic Partnership Agreement.
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Bezvin, O. S. "TRADE UNIONS AS AN INTEGRAL ELEMENT OF PUBLIC SERVICE." Legal horizons, no. 19 (2019): 13–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.21272/legalhorizons.2019.i19.p13.
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The article deals with the trade unions as a grant to protect the rights and interests of civil servants, reveals the main tasks of trade unions. The activity of trade union organizations in the structure of the state body in Ukraine is analyzed. The legal mechanisms of asserting the violated rights of a civil servant by a trade union organization of a public body and the role of trade unions in protecting the rights of civil servants in developed countries are emphasized. The state at certain times gave the trade unions great powers to protect the rights and interests of workers, and then deprived the trade unions of these powers. In connection with this, various problems arose in regulating the activities of trade unions in the protection of individual and collective rights and interests in the protection of public servants. All this affected the legal status of trade unions. However, it should be noted that trade unions are in constant flux and this leads to improvements in the regulations governing their activities. However, it should be noted that today there are many problems in Ukraine regarding the exercise by the trade union organizations of their powers in the civil service. In particular, the legal status of trade unions in the civil service is not regulated enough, which, in turn, does not allow them to fully protect the legal rights and interests of civil servants. Considering the importance of trade unions in protecting labor rights and the socio-economic interests of workers, in developing democratic forms of citizen participation in managing economic and political processes, a democratic, legal, and social state, which is Ukraine, should support trade unions and take care of legislative consolidation. their authority. Trade unions at all levels should once again return to the consideration of their core functions and pay attention to those that will now be more conducive to the achievement of the main objective of the creation and activity of trade unions – the protection of social-labor rights and interests of trade union members. Today’s Ukraine needs strong unions. A strong union is a union that effectively protects the interests of its members, enjoys their trust and support, is able to organize, if necessary, collective action to protect the socio-economic rights and interests of employees, has sufficient organizational, financial, and human resources to fulfill its statutory tasks. Keywords: trade union organization, protection, rights, the role of trade unions, legal mechanisms.
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Klasen, Stephan. "Handelspolitik mit Afrika und Bekämpfung von Fluchtursachen." Zeitschrift für Wirtschaftspolitik 67, no. 3 (December 1, 2018): 275–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/zfwp-2018-0019.
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Abstract There is renewed interest in Europe to deepen trade with Africa in the hope that this will reduce migrant flows. While improved trade with Africa will not reduce but likely stimulate migrant flows, it could promote African development and further European long-term economic interests. To deepen trade, this article argues for further trade integration with North Africa with a long-term EU membership perspective. To further trade with Sub Saharan Africa, it suggests greater use of unilateral trade opening on the part of the EU, including more flexible application of rules of origin.
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Zhai, Liangliang, Shilin Yuan, and Yujing Feng. "The economic effects of export restrictions imposed by major grain producers." Agricultural Economics (Zemědělská ekonomika) 68, No. 1 (January 25, 2022): 11–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.17221/329/2021-agricecon.
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This paper uses the global trade analysis project (GTAP) to evaluate the impact of grain export restrictions on world food security during the COVID-19 epidemic. The study found that export restrictions distort world market prices, which in turn distort consumption and production, harm the interests of consumers and farmers in some countries, and threaten food security. In this regard, maintaining the convenience of the food trade is the wise choice of all countries. It is necessary to tighten the World Trade Organization (WTO) disciplines related to export restrictions, strengthen global food security governance and jointly build a community with a shared future for mankind.
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Schonhardt-Bailey, Cheryl. "Lessons in Lobbying for Free Trade in 19th-Century Britain: To Concentrate or Not." American Political Science Review 85, no. 1 (March 1991): 37–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1962877.
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I present a modified version of the public choice interest group model that integrates concentrated and deconcentrated interests with successful lobbying. It is argued that effective free trade lobbying required the political fusion of the economic interests representing two fundamental changes in nineteenth-century Britain's economy: (1) geographic concentration of the core export industry (cotton textiles) and (2) deconcentration of the broader export sector both geographically and in terms of industrial structure. Empirical evidence from both national and individual levels firmly supports the contention that the timing and political success of Britain's nineteenth-century free trade lobby required the combined forces of core export interests and the more diverse and geographically more evenly distributed interests of the export sector as a whole.
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Kerkhof, Jasper van der. "Indonesianisasi of Dutch economic interests, 1930-1960 : The case of Internatio." Bijdragen tot de taal-, land- en volkenkunde / Journal of the Humanities and Social Sciences of Southeast Asia 161, no. 2 (2009): 181–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22134379-90003707.
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This article looks in detail into the process of indonesianisasi at Internatio, a major Dutch trading firm in Indonesia. I draw on Dutch archival records and the voluminous Dutch and international literature on the changing environment for Dutch private business in Indonesia in the 1950s. Internatio’s case is particularly instructive for the following reasons: – Internatio was a leading trading firm in Indonesia and regarded as a ‘trendsetter’ among the so-called ‘Big Five’, the leading Dutch import houses in the archipelago. – Successive Indonesian cabinets considered import trade crucial in the process of indonesianisasi, and for this reason the sector was targeted for policies aimed at wresting control from Dutch firms and encouraging the development of indigenous ones. – Internatio had a pivotal role in the Indonesian economy due to its extensive interests, not only in import trade but also in exports, estates, manufacturing, shipping, and insurance. The article is chronologically structured, distinguishing five periods: depression and diversification (1930-1940); the end of Dutch supremacy (1940-1945); revolution and rehabilitation (1945-1950); adjusting to new realities (1950- 1956); confrontation and nationalization (1956-1960).
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Dür, Andreas. "Bringing Economic Interests Back into the Study of EU Trade Policy-Making." British Journal of Politics and International Relations 10, no. 1 (February 2008): 27–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-856x.2007.00316.x.
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Rathgeb, Philip. "When weak governments confront inclusive trade unions: The politics of protecting labour market outsiders in the age of dualization." European Journal of Industrial Relations 24, no. 1 (June 21, 2017): 5–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0959680117713785.
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Some European welfare states protect outsiders from economic uncertainty better than others. Conventional theories attribute this either to the material interests of producer groups or the vote-seeking actions of political parties. By contrast, this article focuses on the interaction between trade unions and governments, drawing on empirical experience in Austria and Sweden. High levels of inclusiveness provide trade unions with a powerful interest in protecting outsiders. Governments, however, have moved towards dualistic policy choices, but when weakened by intra-coalitional divisions or a hung parliament, they retain a political incentive to negotiate political deals with trade unions, and this forces them to compensate outsiders for economic uncertainty.
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Fordham, Benjamin O. "Economic Interests, Party, and Ideology in Early Cold War Era U.S. Foreign Policy." International Organization 52, no. 2 (1998): 359–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/002081898753162857.
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Although it is widely acknowledged that economic interests influence the politics of trade policy, most research on international relations treats security issues differently. Do conflicting economic interests shape political debate over foreign policy even when security issues are highly salient? To answer this question, I test a range of hypotheses about conflicting interests in the economic stakes of U.S. foreign policy during the early Cold War era. I present evidence that economic interests in their home states were closely related to senators' voting patterns on foreign policy issues. These patterns hold across economic and security issues. I also find that political parties play an important mediating role, making senators more or less receptive to various economic interests.
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Park, Sang-Chul. "Mega FTAs in East Asia and Their Strategies: Competition and Cooperation by Reshaping Global Supply and Value Chains." APEC Studies Association of Korea 14, no. 2 (December 30, 2022): 23–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.52595/jas.14.2.23.
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The EU’s single market provides several implications to East Asian countries building their FTAs for their regional economic integration. They participate in different mega FTAs such as the RCEP and the CPTPP. As a result, their economic interests are rather divided deeply and related to political and security issues in the Asia and Pacific region. Particularly, the trade conflicts between the U.S. and China have continued since 2018, and the U.S. negated the TPP that turned to CPTPP without the U.S., while India withdrew from the RCEP in Nov. 2019. This paper deals with Mega FTAs as well as East Asian collaboration and competition. It also argues what are East Asian countries’ economic interests by participating in the RCEP and the CPTPP as well as how to overcome the newly emerging protectionism caused by the new U.S. trade policy and trade conflicts between G2. Finally, it also analyzes the roles and strategies of China, Japan, and Korea to protect their regional and global economic interests overcoming protectionism in the global trade environment individually and collectively, while the new global supply chains are reshaping in the region.
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Andersson, Erik. "Who Needs Effective Doha Negotiations, and Why?" International Negotiation 17, no. 1 (2012): 189–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157180612x630983.
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AbstractThe growth and resilience of world trade indicate that the original aim of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) has been largely fulfilled. This success makes the economic interest of parties in the Doha Development Round (DDR) less clear. This article analyzes how countries express their interests in the Doha round, based on their reactions to the breakdown in Geneva in July 2008. A qualitative analysis of these reactions reveals that the interests of the actors differ considerably. Only a minority of the member countries express an interest in negotiations congruent with the Ricardian logic of the original mandate of GATT and the WTO. The interests of other parties seem to be furthered by stalling negotiations. An increasingly important dimension of the DDR is the negotiation and institutionalization of norms, but this dimension hitherto has not been overtly handled. Unless they are productively dealt with, this difference in actors’ interests, and the opaque negotiation of norms, will decrease the effectiveness of the Doha negotiations.
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Maggi, Giovanni, and Ralph Ossa. "The Political Economy of Deep Integration." Annual Review of Economics 13, no. 1 (August 5, 2021): 19–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev-economics-121020-032425.
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Modern trade agreements no longer emphasize basic trade liberalization but instead focus on international policy coordination in a much broader sense. In this review we introduce the emerging literature on the political economy of such deep integration agreements. We organize our discussion around three main points. First, the political conflict surrounding trade agreements is moving beyond the classic antagonism of exporter interests who gain from trade and import-competing interests who lose from trade. Second, there is a more intense popular backlash against deep integration agreements than there was against shallow integration agreements. Finally, the welfare economics of trade agreements has become more complex, in the sense that the goal of achieving freer trade is no longer sufficient as a guide to evaluating the efficiency of international agreements.
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Irmawati, Irmawati, and Patricia Benedicta Watania. "BANTUAN LUAR NEGERI JEPANG DALAM SKPT MOROTAI, MALUKU UTARA." Journal of Urban Sociology 4, no. 2 (December 22, 2021): 90. http://dx.doi.org/10.30742/jus.v4i2.1773.
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Japan provided bilateral assistance for the construction of SKPT Morotai in North Maluku Province with an aid value of Rp 1.8 billion in 2018. Foreign assistance or Official Development Assistance is used for physical development and capacity building in the fisheries sector. Thus, the fisheries sector could enter export markets including to Japan. In the study of political economy, the economic policy of the country is not only related to purely economic affairs but is influenced by political interests. The state will use its power to maximize the national interest. Based on the results of the study, it was found that Japan as a donor country uses ODA as a foreign policy instrument based on economic interests and political interests in Indonesia. Economically, Japan benefits from the presence of fish products from Morotai, but on the other hand Japan does not want the dominance of fish products from Indonesia by imposing import duties. Politically, ODA becomes a means of concession of trade protection policies in the fisheries sector even though Indonesia and Japan have signed free trade agreements. Keywords: Jepan, SKPT Morotai, North Maluku
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Stevens, Candice, and C. Ford Runge. "Freer Trade, Protected Environment: Balancing Trade Liberalization and Environmental Interests." Land Economics 71, no. 4 (November 1995): 546. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3146721.
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Ozer-Imer, Itir, and Emrullah Can Kilic. "Higher expectations from international trade: ‘Proactive’ and ‘reactive’ contributions to Turkish-Russian relations." Acta Oeconomica 72, no. 2 (June 23, 2022): 195–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/032.2022.00011.
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Abstract Turkish foreign policy has undergone a distinctive transformation in the last two decades, placing a greater emphasis on trade relations with her neighbours, which had previously been beyond the scope of Turkish foreign policy. In this respect, Turkey's relations with Russia improved dramatically due to strong trade relations, which not only contributed to the development of these countries but also resulted in peace-inducing effects. This study aims to highlight and analyse the role of economic interests and gains in the transformation of Turkish foreign policy from a political economic perspective. The study suggests that economic interests brought Turkey and Russia together, making hostilities less likely among the two countries. We make also policy recommendations, which take peculiarities of Russia into consideration in order to highlight further gains in trade relations with this country.
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Petyur, Roman, and Anastasiia Viunenko. "Trade missions in the system of Ukrainian economic diplomacy." Grani 23, no. 9 (October 28, 2020): 15–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/172081.
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The article is devoted to the study of trade missions as a tool of economic diplomacy. The purpose of the article is to study the Ukrainian practice of using the mechanism of trade missions abroad and to develop proposals for improving the system of trade and economic representation of the country abroad.The paper presents global examples of the implementation of economic diplomacy, as well as models that can be borrowed from Ukraine. The authors give examples not only of forms of trade representations, but also of coordination methods of activity of such foreign bodies of foreign relations. The relevance of the study is due to a number of reasons, including: increased competition from global markets, as well as the need to expand opportunities of Ukrainian exports after the forced abandonment of the Russian market in 2013-2014. Trade offices are an effective form of trade presence in foreign markets thus ensuring not only the development of the national economy, but also protecting the interests of business entities. Given that currently the institution of trade missions in Ukraine does not have a mechanism that would meet modern needs, there is a need to explore appropriate models of developed countries to adapt the system of public administration in Ukraine to the challenges of international economic relations.Particular attention was paid to the evolution of the system of trade and economic missions (TEM) of Ukraine. The authors assessed the consequences of the liquidation of TEM in 2010 and the introduction of new forms of representations of Ukraine abroad to ensure national economic interests and the implementation of economic diplomacy, as well as the feasibility of such changes. It is established that the Ukrainian model of economic diplomacy needs significant reforms in order to effectively ensure the function of representation in the economic sphere outside the country. Having studied the similar experience of foreign countries, the authors offer a number of successful cases for borrowing these approaches in Ukrainian practice.
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Debongo Devincy Yanne Sylvaire. "An Analysis of Constraints to Economic and Trade Cooperation between the China-Africa Community with a Shared Future." International Journal of Engineering and Management Research 10, no. 5 (October 5, 2020): 12–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.31033/ijemr.10.5.3.
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The constraints in the economic and trade cooperation of the China-Africa community of shared future that cannot neglect. The main constraints to the development of China-Africa economic cooperation include the imbalance of China-Africa economic and trade, the unitary commodity structure, and competition in the international market. There are differences in the political and legal values between China and Africa. Western developed countries restrict and exclude the economic cooperation between the Chinese and African communities, fabricate the China threat theory, and seek energy and political interests to disrupt the smooth development of China-Africa economic and trade cooperation.