Relevant bibliographies by topics / Economic and trade interests

Academic literature on the topic 'Economic and trade interests'

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Published: 10 December 2022
Last updated: 28 January 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Economic and trade interests"

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Fordham, Benjamin O., and Katja B. Kleinberg. "How Can Economic Interests Influence Support for Free Trade?" International Organization 66, no. 2 (April 2012): 311–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818312000057.

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AbstractRecent research on the sources of individual attitudes toward trade policy comes to very different conclusions about the role of economic self-interest. The skeptical view suggests that long-standing symbolic predispositions and sociotropic perceptions shape trade policy opinions more than one's own material well-being. We believe this conclusion is premature for two reasons. First, the practice of using one attitude to predict another raises questions about direction of causation that cannot be answered with the data at hand. This problem is most obvious when questions about the expected impact of trade are used to predict opinions about trade policy. Second, the understanding of self-interest employed in most studies of trade policy attitudes is unrealistically narrow. In reality, the close relationship between individual economic interests and the interests of the groups in which individuals are embedded creates indirect pathways through which one's position in the economy can shape individual trade policy preferences. We use the data employed by Mansfield and Mutz to support our argument that a more complete account of trade attitude formation is needed and that in such an account economic interests may yet play an important role.1
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Korgun, Irina, and Vladimir Zuev. "Trade Policy and National Economic Interests in Korea." International Organisations Research Journal 15, no. 2 (June 1, 2020): 236–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.17323/1996-7845-2020-02-11.

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Membership in the World Trade Organization (WTO) and participation in free trade agreements (FTAs) are important instruments for governments to realize national economic interests. The Republic of Korea has been particularly successful in doing so. As the experience of Korea shows, a trade policy mix between multilateral liberalization under the WTO and preferential liberalization through FTAs allows the government to optimally balance national interests and strive for higher levels of social welfare and economic effectiveness, while simultaneously protecting national industries. However, such results seem to be possible only if national economic interests are clearly defined and are synchronized with a country’s goals regarding WTO membership and its strategy for FTAs. During recent decades, Korea has practiced an active long-term planning of trade policy so that trade benefits are not excessively concentrated in a narrow range of trade actors and are distributed more evenly in society. This meant appropriate balancing of liberalization and protection measures, reinforced by special support programmes that neutralized the negative impact of higher market openness. In this article, Korea’s strategy regarding trade policy is analyzed, including the reasons Korea pursued an FTA-centric policy and the benefits it obtained in addition to those it obtained from WTO membership.
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Wendt, Timothy. "Strategic Trade: Protecting American Economic and Political Interests." Proceedings of the Academy of Political Science 37, no. 4 (1990): 165. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1173780.

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Puślecki, Zdzisław W. "Foreign Trade Policy in Realisation of Economic and Political Interests." Applied Finance and Accounting 2, no. 1 (August 28, 2015): 19. http://dx.doi.org/10.11114/afa.v2i1.1058.

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In this research work, author focuses on the analysis of the theory of foreign trade policy and important political and economic interests. Realistic point is important trends in the trade regime. The decisions taken by the representatives of the governments participating in the World Trade Organisation (WTO) are, to a significant degree, influenced by various lobbies, such as organisations and unions of food producers or other non-governmental organisations, including trade unions. The main objective of the research task is to give a comprehensive analysis of the international trade policy. The particularly main concern the political economy models of foreign trade policy, protectionistic pressures in different political system, the level of protectionistic pressures, food producer pressures, international trade liberalization and environmental protection, bilateral tendencies in the foreign trade policy. It must be emphasis that on a theoretical level, understanding the choice of trade policies between liberalizm and protectionisme is very important. Despite the undeniable benefits of the multilateral WTO forum for trade liberalisation, the rapid increase of North-South bilateral and multilateral Free Trade Areas (FTAs) begs a systematic explanation for why some forums are prioritized relative to others.
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Andriani, Yeti. "Implikasi Perjanjian Kemitraan Ekonomi Komprehensif Indonesia-Australia (IA-CEPA) terhadap Perdagangan Luar Negeri Indonesia." Andalas Journal of International Studies (AJIS) 6, no. 1 (May 1, 2017): 79. http://dx.doi.org/10.25077/ajis.6.1.79-92.2017.

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This research is used to see IA-CEPA's contribution to trade of both countries especially to Indonesian foreign trade. With the research question, what is the economic implication of this economic partnership agreement politics, especially related to Indonesian trade sector? Adam Smith's theory in this research is that the liberal economy is closely related to the world economic development, an idea that requires the liberty of individuals or economic units to achieve their interests and an invisible hand can facilitate economic regulation and achieve high economic efficiency and growth, the government should not interfere and instead let the market run on its own mechanism. Added by David Ricardo that mutual interest is generated is a mutual interest-based benefit of the trade. The method used is qualitative method that is method with purpose to explain topic in detail. The result of this research is the IA-CEPA agreement can facilitate the access of Indonesian market and foreign trade to Australia.Key Words: Liberal Economics, IA-CEPA, Trade
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Chase, Kerry A. "Economic Interests and Regional Trading Arrangements: The Case of NAFTA." International Organization 57, no. 1 (2003): 137–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818303571053.

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This article examines lobbying in the United States on the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA). I argue that economies of scale and production sharing across borders create incentives for firms to seek regional trade liberalization. Statistical analysis demonstrates that sectors with these characteristics were more likely to lobby for free trade in North America; these sectors were also exposed to free trade more rapidly under the tariff-phasing schedule in the NAFTA treaty. However, corporate restructuring to rescale production for the regional market and to increase offshore assembly presented adjustment costs for U.S. workers, which created divisions between labor unions and their employers. I conclude that regional arrangements are an attractive mechanism to liberalize trade for firms in need of larger-than-national markets to take advantage of economies of scale or to develop production-sharing networks.
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Ignatova, Olga V., Olga A. Gorbunova, and Olga Yu Tereshina. "US–China Trade War: Russia’s Interests." Management and Economics Research Journal 5 (2019): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.18639/merj.2019.939744.

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The article is devoted to one of the urgent problems of the world economy: the trade opposition of the United States and China. Due to the fact that these countries occur to be the largest economies in the world, their conflict cannot in one way or another be reflected in other subjects of international economic relations. The article analyzes the main stages of the trade war between the United States and China and formulates the causes of the crisis. On the basis of a regional approach and analysis of statistical data, it became possible to make an assessment of the effects that the US–PRC rivalry has on mutual trade, investment, and energy cooperation between Russia and China. It is noted that in connection with the trade conflict, Russian–Chinese relations are reaching a new level of development, and the number of joint economic projects is growing. However, the confrontation between the United States and China brings not only opportunities but also risks for Russia. The authors make a forecast about the impact of the trade war on the economy of the Russian Federation in the short and medium term.
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Rho, Sungmin, and Michael Tomz. "Why Don't Trade Preferences Reflect Economic Self-Interest?" International Organization 71, S1 (April 2017): S85—S108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818316000394.

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AbstractThe dominant approach to the study of international political economy assumes that the policy preferences of individuals and groups reflect economic self-interest. Recent research has called this assumption into question by suggesting that voters do not have economically self-interested preferences about trade policy. We investigate one potential explanation for this puzzling finding: economic ignorance. We show that most voters do not understand the economic consequences of protectionism. We then use experiments to study how voters would respond if they had more information about how trade barriers affect the distribution of income. We find that distributional cues generate two opposing effects: they make people more likely to express self-serving policy preferences, but they also make people more sensitive to the interests of others. In our study both reactions were evident, but selfish responses outweighed altruistic ones. Thus, if people knew more about the distributional effects of trade, the correlation between personal interests and policy preferences would tighten. By showing how the explanatory power of economic self-interest depends on beliefs about causality, this research provides a foundation for more realistic, behaviorally informed theories of international political economy.
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Lynn, Andrew Paul. "From Self-Interest to Inclusive Interests Management: Mapping Ethical-Economic Trade-Off Approaches." Academy of Management Proceedings 2019, no. 1 (August 1, 2019): 14979. http://dx.doi.org/10.5465/ambpp.2019.14979abstract.

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Karasova, N., and A. Mishchenko. "GEO-STRATEGIC INTERESTS OF UKRAINE AND ECONOMIC PARTNERSHIP WITH TURKEY." Financial and credit activity: problems of theory and practice 2, no. 37 (April 30, 2021): 210–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.18371/fcaptp.v2i37.230177.

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Abstract. Broadening the scope of economic interests, together with the involvement of the strategic partner to resolve security issues, brings the dialogue between Ukraine and Turkey to a new level. This intensified negotiations on the establishment of a free trade area and the implementation of joint projects in the defense industry, cultural and humanitarian spheres. Thus, the study of priority areas of cooperation between Ukraine and Turkey in the Black Sea region for the effective realization of Ukraine’s geostrategic interests is becoming topical. The purpose of the article is to study the peculiarities of the economic partnership between Ukraine and Turkey, to calculate the impact and to determine the advantages and prospects of a deeper bilateral trade liberalization. The methodology is based on assessment of export specialization; the characterization of the relative advantages by the RXA coefficient; the impact assessment of bilateral trade on economic development through a descriptive gravity model. The study found that high tariff barriers are now applied to Ukrainian exporters in the Turkish market. Total exports from Ukraine to Turkey declined by more than 30 per cent from 2011 to 2019, while the low value-added products dominate in the highly concentrated structure of export flows. On the contrary, Turkish exports to Ukraine are quite diversified. The top ten exports include machinery, electrical equipment, vehicles and knitwear. Ukrainian grains, oilseeds and oils, iron and steel, ore and rail transport have comparative advantages in the Turkish market. The military-industrial sector and IT are promising areas for export development and investment cooperation in the Ukrainian economy. Bilateral trade surpluses are in favor of Ukraine. The economic development of Ukraine significantly influences the volume of bilateral trade, according to the results of the descriptive gravity model. A $1 increase in Ukraine’s GDP will lead to an increase in bilateral trade by $0.8. This makes Ukraine much more interested in entering the Turkish market. Keywords: strategic partnership, free trade area, international trade, exports, customs tariffs, liberalization. JEL Classification F13 Formulas: 3; fig.: 4; tabl.: 2; bibl.: 21.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Economic and trade interests"

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Yuvaci, Abdullah. "International Politics, Special Interests and Foreign Trade Policy: A Study of Turkish-American Textile Trade Relations." Oxford, Ohio : Miami University, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=miami1271800423.

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Reid, Emily Sarah. "Reconciling economic and non economic interests in the legal regulation of international trade : lessons from the European Community?" Thesis, University of Southampton, 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.289576.

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Londoño, María del Pilar. "Institutional arrangements that affect free trade agreements : economic rationality versus interest groups /." Rotterdam : Rotterdam : Erasmus Research Institute of Management (ERIM), Erasmus University Rotterdam ; Erasmus University Rotterdam [Host], 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/1765/7578.

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Grewlich, Jerome. "International trade in wine and geographical indications : common interests between the EU and South Africa." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/49995.

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Thesis (MScAgric)--Stellenbosch University, 2004.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: European-South African trade relations concerrnng wine and spirits are characterized by various opportunities and, at the same time, a range of conflicts. The latter notably relates to the dispute over geographical indications and designations of origin. Considering this confusing amalgamation of discord and harmony, it is the purpose of this study, entitled "International Trade in Wine and Geographical Indications - Common Interests between the EU and South Africa", to understand the rationale for trade in wine from both sides of the coin. Moreover, this research assesses possible multilateral and bilateral solutions for dealing with trade frictions between the EU and South Africa and identifies common interests with a view to establish a lasting foundation for blossoming trade in wine and sustained growth. The underlying methodology is a qualitative interpretative approach and bases on insights into modern marketing and international management theory. On this basis the "objective" interests of the EU and South Africa in trade in wine are analysed in order to assess the coming into existence of the Trade, Development and Cooperation Agreement as well as the Wine and Spirits Agreement. Pivot of these trade negotiations is the dispute on geographical indications, which is scrutinized by looking into relevant chapters of the WTO and its TR.IPS Agreement. With regards to the Wine and Spirits Agreement it is salient to ask whether it is economically and politically reasonable for South Africa to accept a financial package from the EU to secure the 'voluntary' phasing out of a number of trademarks and geographical indications. The study concludes with an outlook regarding the globalisation of the world's wine market, potential future investment flows between the EU and South Africa and the need for an effective marketing strategy in order to become or remain global player in an increasing competitiveness caused by globalisation.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Europese en Suid-Afrikaanse handelsverhoudinge in wyn en spiritualieë word gekenmerk deur verskeie geleenthede en terselfdertyd 'n reeks konflikte. Laasgenoemde hou merkbaar verband met die twis oor geografiese indikatore en aanwysings van oorsprong. Gegewe hierdie verwarrende tweedrag en harmonie, is die doel van hierdie studie, getiteld "Internasionale Handel in Wyn en Geografiese Aanwysings - Gemeenskaplike belange tussen die EU en Suid-Afrika", om die 'rationale' agter die wynhandel van twee kante te beskou. Verder ondersoek hierdie navorsing moontlike multi- en bilaterale oplossings vir die handelswrywing tussen die EU en Suid-Afrika en identifiseer gemeenskaplike belange met die doelom 'n fondament te bou vir volhoubare groei in die wynhandel. Die onderliggende metodologie is 'n kwalitatiewe verklarende benadering, gebaseer op insigte uit moderne bemarkings- en bestuursteorie. Op hierdie vlak word die 'objektiewe' belange van die EU en Suid-Afrika in die wynhandel ontleed om gevolgtrekkings oor die Handels-, Ontwikkelings- en Samewerkingsooreenkoms en die Wyn- en Spiritualieë- Ooreenkoms te maak. Onderliggend aan hierdie onderhandelinge is die twis oor geografiese aanwysings, wat noukeurig ondersoek is deur relevante hoofstukke van die WHO Ooreenkoms en sy TRIPS-komponent te raadpleeg. Met verwysing na die Wyn- en Spiritualieë- Ooreenkoms is dit voor die hand liggend om te vra of dit ekonomies en polities verstandig vir Suid-Afrika is om 'n finansiële pakket van die EU te aanvaar in ruil vir die vrywillige uitfasering van 'n aantal handelsmerke en geografiese aanwysings. Die studie sluit af met '11" blik op globalisering van die wêreld se wynmarkte, die potensiële toekomstige vloei van beleggings tussen die EU en Suid-Afrika, en die behoefte aan 'n effektiewe bemarkingsstrategie om 'n globale speler te word.
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Spadafore, Annemarie Michaela. "Excess Baggage: Weighing the Contribution of Political and Corporate Interests in the W.T.O. Cases over Commercial Aircraft Subsidies." Oxford, Ohio : Miami University, 2008. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=miami1218774986.

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Mavura, Mike Tigere. "The European Union trade, development and cooperation agreement (TDCA) with South Africa : promoting development or self interest?" Thesis, Rhodes University, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1007572.

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This research analyses development cooperation between the European Union (EU) and South Africa with the objective of determining which between the two entities, ultimately benefits more out of this arrangement The research goes beyond the altruistic reasons offered by the EU as the rationale for development cooperation to investigate whether South Africa's development is actually being promoted by this cooperation. Further, the research investigates whether there is also EU self-interest that informs this development cooperation. This research is conceptualised within the development aid debate framework. The research argues that this development cooperation is important to South Africa even though its impact is in real terms has not been extensive due to a number of factors. It further contends that there are EU political, security and economic interests amongst others that are being promoted by this development cooperation. The research concludes by asserting that this development cooperation promotes the mutual interests of the EU and South Africa. This conclusion challenges the paradigms of the debate on development aid which is premised in black and white terms of development aid promoting either donor or recipient interests.
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Marcellin, Sherry Suzette. "The political economy of pharmaceutical patents : US sectional interests and the African group at the WTO : a case study in international trade decision-making and the possibility for change." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2008. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/1049/.

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The public international backlash against the TRIPS Agreement and the global pharmaceutical industry that followed in the wake of the March 2001 lawsuit brought by 39 pharmaceutical companies against the government of South Africa prompted a critical investigation into how the current order came into being and how it might be in a process of changing. To do this the thesis follows Cox’s insight in Critical IPE that each successive historical structure generates the contradictions and points of conflict that bring about its transformation (Cox, 1995: 35). The research therefore first looks at the making of the patent provisions in TRIPS as a case study in institutional capture by the transnational drug industry (TDI), dominated by American interests. This question is developed theoretically as well as empirically by first developing a theoretical framework that explains continuity in the global political economy (GPE) as a way of intimating how the TDI was able to secure all of its demands for pharmaceutical patents under TRIPS despite the prevalence of conflict and opposition from developing countries in the Uruguay Round (UR), and notwithstanding the single undertaking of the UR package. The thesis then examines the negotiations on patents in the UR to determine the nature of decision-making and to probe the questions of conflict and contradictions in the present that provide a framework of analysis on the shakiness of the prevailing order. The thesis then looks at how, why and under what circumstances the initial ‘capture’ of TRIPS by the TDI was arguably successfully challenged by probably the weakest global economic actor, the African Group (AG) at the WTO. Specifically looking at the role of conflict in change this question probes further points of conflict and contradictions in the present to set the scene for the wide scale offensive against TRIPS as a result of its implications for access to healthcare in the poorest countries which already suffer overwhelmingly from a high disease burden. The post-TRIPS challenge mounted by transnational civil society and the AG (the two constituting a counter-society) take the thesis from its analysis of continuity in the GPE, towards theorising the circumstances under which the prevailing historical structure can at least partially be transcended to render legitimate the demands of the poor. The thesis advances its contribution, both theoretically and empirically, to Critical International Political Economy, particularly as it concerns the work of Robert Cox.
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Smotlachová, Martina. "České obchodně-ekonomické zájmy a jejich prosazování v EU." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2010. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-81358.

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The aim of this thesis is to provide the reader with an overview of the system and the process of promoting Czech trade and economic interests in the European Union. I would like to see the content of this work could serve as an aid to Czech entrepreneurs in promoting their interests in the European Union. The first chapter focuses on defining the Czech trade and economic interests. The second part describes the current state of the system of promoting these interests, where I mention its main defaults and possible solutions. The third chapter is devoted to instruments and institutions involved in the system mentioned above and their roles. The following chapter explains the process defending Czech national interests in the European Union. The fifth and very important part of the thesis is questionnaire part, which gives reader a realistic picture of the system from the perspective of Czech entrepreneurs themselves.
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Bianculli, Andrea C. "Trade governance in latin America. Interest articulation and institutions across negotiations in Argentina and Chile." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Pompeu Fabra, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/7255.

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The trade agenda has undergone significant transformations during the last 25 years. Negotiations have moved from the reciprocal reduction of tariff barriers to include the construction and harmonization of regulatory frameworks in different policy areas, while trade liberalization has simultaneously advanced at the regional and multilateral levels.
This research explores under what conditions the launch of trade negotiations - symmetric (South- outh), asymmetric (North-South), and multilateral - have a differential impact on domestic governance. Based on a systematic and contextualized comparative analysis of the complex constellation of domestic actors and interests, and the relationships and interactions established among them in a particular institutional setting, our study argues that these different trade agendas generate diverse policy dynamics.
Findings show that the variation in the scope of the agenda, the uncertainty of political outcomes, and the technical requirements attached to these negotiations have important consequences for the ways in which domestic state and non-state actors define their interests and collective action strategies.
La agenda comercial ha sufrido importantes modificaciones durante los últimos 25 años. Las negociaciones han pasado de la reducción recíproca de tarifas a la construcción y armonización regulatoria en distintas áreas de política, mientras que la liberalización comercial ha avanzado simultáneamente a nivel regional y multilateral.
Esta investigación explora bajo qué condiciones el lanzamiento de negociaciones comerciales - imétricas (Sur-Sur), asimétricas (Norte-Sur) y multilaterales - tiene un impacto diferente sobre la gobernanza doméstica. A través de la comparación sistemática y contextualizada de la compleja constelación de actores e intereses domésticos, y de las relaciones e interacciones establecidas entre ellos en un determinado escenario institucional, nuestro estudio plantea que estas distintas agendas generan diferentes dinámicas políticas.
Los resultados muestran que la variación en el alcance de la agenda, la incertidumbre de los resultados políticos, y los requisitos técnicos de estas negociaciones tienen importantes consecuencias sobre la manera en que los actores estatales y no estatales definen sus intereses y estrategias de acción colectiva.
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Bianculli, Andrea Carla. "Trade governance in latin America. Interest articulation and institutions across negotiations in Argentina and Chile." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Pompeu Fabra, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/7255.

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The trade agenda has undergone significant transformations during the last 25 years. Negotiations have moved from the reciprocal reduction of tariff barriers to include the construction and harmonization of regulatory frameworks in different policy areas, while trade liberalization has simultaneously advanced at the regional and multilateral levels.This research explores under what conditions the launch of trade negotiations - symmetric (South- outh), asymmetric (North-South), and multilateral - have a differential impact on domestic governance. Based on a systematic and contextualized comparative analysis of the complex constellation of domestic actors and interests, and the relationships and interactions established among them in a particular institutional setting, our study argues that these different trade agendas generate diverse policy dynamics. Findings show that the variation in the scope of the agenda, the uncertainty of political outcomes, and the technical requirements attached to these negotiations have important consequences for the ways in which domestic state and non-state actors define their interests and collective action strategies.
La agenda comercial ha sufrido importantes modificaciones durante los últimos 25 años. Las negociaciones han pasado de la reducción recíproca de tarifas a la construcción y armonización regulatoria en distintas áreas de política, mientras que la liberalización comercial ha avanzado simultáneamente a nivel regional y multilateral.Esta investigación explora bajo qué condiciones el lanzamiento de negociaciones comerciales - imétricas (Sur-Sur), asimétricas (Norte-Sur) y multilaterales - tiene un impacto diferente sobre la gobernanza doméstica. A través de la comparación sistemática y contextualizada de la compleja constelación de actores e intereses domésticos, y de las relaciones e interacciones establecidas entre ellos en un determinado escenario institucional, nuestro estudio plantea que estas distintas agendas generan diferentes dinámicas políticas. Los resultados muestran que la variación en el alcance de la agenda, la incertidumbre de los resultados políticos, y los requisitos técnicos de estas negociaciones tienen importantes consecuencias sobre la manera en que los actores estatales y no estatales definen sus intereses y estrategias de acción colectiva.
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Books on the topic "Economic and trade interests"

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Caldwell, Rhoda. Canada's economic interests in the FTAA. [Ottawa]: Dept. of Foreign Affairs and International Trade, 1998.

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Foreign interests and Nigerian trade unions. Ibadan [Nigeria]: Heinemann Educational Books, 1986.

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Foreign interests and Nigerian trade unions. Oxford: Malthouse Press, 1986.

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Otobo, Dafe. Foreign interests and Nigerian trade unions. Oxford: Malthouse, 1987.

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Scott, Rozelle, and Huang Jikun, eds. China's evolving interests in global agricultual trade. Washington, DC: Institute for International Economics, 2004.

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Dogra, Bharat. In the interests of interest: Trade, aid, and debt in an unequal world. New Delhi, India: B. Dogra, 1991.

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Goldstein, Judith. Ideas, interests, and American trade policy. Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1993.

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R, Lilley James, Willkie Wendell Lewis 1951-, and American Enterprise Institute for Public Policy Research., eds. Beyond MFN: Trade with China and American interests. Washington, D.C: AEI Press, 1994.

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Globalization's limits: Conflicting national interests in trade and finance. Burlington, VT: Ashgate Pub., 2009.

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Perceptions and interests: Developing countries and the international economic system. Bern: Peter Lang, 1990.

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Book chapters on the topic "Economic and trade interests"

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Gruère, Guillaume P. "National Trade Interests." In Socio-Economic Considerations in Biotechnology Regulation, 215–27. New York, NY: Springer New York, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4614-9440-9_15.

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McKenzie, Lachlan, and Katharina L. Meissner. "EU–Singapore Negotiations: Overlapping Negotiations, Conflicting Interests?" In A Geo-Economic Turn in Trade Policy?, 273–93. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-81281-2_12.

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Weiß, Wolfgang. "Interpreting Essential Security Exceptions in WTO Law in View of Economic Security Interests." In Global Politics and EU Trade Policy, 255–84. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-34588-4_12.

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von Weizsäcker, Carl Christian, and Hagen M. Krämer. "A New Era of International Economic Policy." In Saving and Investment in the Twenty-First Century, 261–74. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-75031-2_10.

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AbstractWe distinguish between a “Friedman world” and a “Keynes world,” the latter being characterized by the zero lower bound problem. With the natural rate of interest tending to fall over time, the Keynes world is becoming the norm. In the Keynes world, voters defend their interests as producers more than their interests as consumers. This strengthens protectionism at the ballot box. We are less and less able to rely on the USA to serve as the engine of the global economy via its high current account deficits. In addition to the WTO rules, an international fiscal order is needed to rescuefree trade: 1. At low real interest rates, countries with current account surpluses undertake to eliminate them by increasing government net borrowing. 2. At high real interest rates, countries with current account deficits undertake to eliminate them by cutting fiscal expenditure or raising taxes.
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Fröhlich, Hans-Peter. "EU Trade Policy: Special Interests versus Social Welfare." In The Political Economy of Trade Conflicts, 17–31. Berlin, Heidelberg: Springer Berlin Heidelberg, 1994. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-642-45740-1_3.

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Naef, Tobias. "Introduction." In European Yearbook of International Economic Law, 1–16. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-19893-9_1.

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AbstractData protection is an area where fundamental rights collide with trade policy. Personal data has become an essential asset for the digital economy. Consequently, the free flow of personal data across borders has been described as a “new battleground” for states trying to protect their vital economic and non-economic interests—especially now that trade negotiations are shifting to digital trade. There is a deep disagreement about when data protection should be considered data protectionism. This research explores EU-style data protection and shows where the line between data protection and data protectionism in international trade law currently is, and how it can, or should be redrawn.
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Nagy, Csongor István. "World Trade, Regional Economic Integrations and Local Public Interest: Comparative Perspectives." In World Trade and Local Public Interest, 1–7. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-41920-2_1.

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Odularu, Gbadebo, and Chinedu Samuel Okonkwo. "Advancing Regional Trade Interests between Africa and South Korea: Emerging Issues, Concerns and Policy Options." In Advances in African Economic, Social and Political Development, 85–100. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-45569-3_6.

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Gaiotti, Eugenio, Paola Giucca, and Stefano Micossi. "Cooperation in Managing the Dollar (1985–1987): Interventions in Foreign Exchange Markets and Interest Rates." In International Economic Interdependence, Patterns of Trade Balances and Economic Policy Coordination, 347–92. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1992. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-22256-8_16.

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Accaoui Lorfing, Pascale. "Screening of Foreign Direct Investment and the States’ Security Interests in Light of the OECD, UNCTAD and Other International Guidelines." In Public Actors in International Investment Law, 179–99. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-58916-5_10.

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AbstractThis chapter analyses the concept of the “national security interest”, which is widely recognised as allowing a state to determine which areas of its economy are restricted or prohibited to foreign investors. This chapter seeks to identify what constitutes a threat for a state and how that threat is managed both domestically and internationally. Despite the recognition of a state’s right to take measures it considers essential to its security, there are limits. The rules established by the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) and the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD) and other international instruments are non-binding but can serve as a guide for states in determining the limits of the national security approach. International investment agreements can restrict the right of states to take security-related measures. Finally, customary international law, in light of the good faith obligation, can serve as a basis for assessing measures taken by a state and pave the way for a better balance between the rights of a state and those of foreign investors.
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Conference papers on the topic "Economic and trade interests"

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Tengiz, Yusuf Ziya, Emine Şule Aydeniz, and Ali Göksenli. "Effects of Financial Risks in Turkish and Eurasian Economies on Real Economic Growth and Public Sector Borrowing: 2000-2013." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c05.01083.

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The effects of global and economical crisis on Turkey and Eurasian countries depend strongly on countries’ dependence ratio of foreign trade, on integrations and economic structure. Real economic growth of Russian and Belarus economies is affected by Euro and US-dollar rate of exchange (RoE), Kazakhstan’s economy by Euro RoE, Turkmenistan’s by Euro exchange and interest and Turkish economy by Euro RoE and consumer price index (CPI). The effect of public borrowings ratio on gross domestic product is affected in Russian economy by Euro RoE, CPI and interests 1 and 2, in Kazakhstan economy by US dollar RoE and interest, in Belarus economy by US dollar RoE, interest and CPI, in Turkmenistan’s by Euro RoE and interest and Turkish economy by interest and CPI. Russia must regulate improving economy politics in Euro exchange, interest and CPI indicators to increase real economical growth and decrease ratio of public borrowings on gross domestic product. Kazakhstan must focus on Euro RoE, US dollar RoE, interest and CPI indicators. The same situation is valid for Belarus. Turkmenistan must give importance to Euro exchange and interests in its politics of economy. Turkey must take Euro exchange, CPI and interests into consideration. Thereby real economy growth will increase and ratio of public borrowings on gross domestic product will decrease. To decrease shocks against fragility, to develop global competition strength and decrease of foreign-source dependency, Turkey and Eurasian countries must develop new strategies and constitute and develop economy politics for global competition capacity.
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Batagaeva, M. S., and A. D. Rakhimova. "TRADE WAR BETWEEN CHINA AND THE USA FROM THE POINT OF VIEW OF RUSSIAN NATIONAL INTERESTS." In CONTEMPORARY ECONOMIC PROBLEMS OF RUSSIA AND CHINA. Amur State University, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.22250/medprh.11.

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The paper evaluated the impact of the of the trade war between China and the United States on the Russian economy. The main spheres of the Russian economy affected by the international conflict are highlighted and the impact on them is assessed.
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HUI, XIE. "TНЕ LEGAL RISKS OF HEILONGJANG PROVINCE'S COOPERATION WITH RUSSIAN FAR EAST AND THE COUNTERMEASURES UNDER THE BACKGROUND OF FREE TRADE ZONE." In CONTEMPORARY ECONOMIC PROBLEMS OF RUSSIA AND CHINA. Amur State University, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.22250/medprh.1.

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In the current complicated and changeable international environment and regional integration trend, Heilongjiang Province, an important window of China's opening up to the north and a major province cooperating with Russia, grasps the new opportunities brought by the establishment of China (Heilongjiang) Pilot Free Trade Zone and the approval of the Development Plan of Sino-Russian Cooperation in Russian Far East (2018-2024). To predict and prevent the possible legal risks of Heilongjiang province in cooperation with Russian Far East, it's proposed to take some specific countermeasures, such as promoting the communication between governments, consolidating the foundation of cooperation, standardizing the investment of enterprises, promoting the internationalization of RMB, accelerating the development of trade transformation, and safeguarding rights and interests by laws.
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Kartal, Burak. "Examining the Turkish-Russian Trade Relations after Russia’s World Trade Organization Accession." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c04.00817.

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Turkey and the Russian Federation (RF) have deep historical political and economic relations. The trade between the two countries have been growing since late 1980s when Turkey began to procure natural gas from Russia. The dissolution of USSR and the revival of Russian economy offered new opportunities for Turkish businessmen. During the last decade, Russia became one of the few major markets for Turkish construction and contractor companies whereas Turkey has been a favorable touristic destination for Russians. The agreements regarding Akkuyu nuclear power plant and natural gas pipelines have strengthened the ties between the two countries. In 2012, Russia became the 156th member of the WTO. Russia’s WTO accession, along with the country’s other economic cooperation and integration moves provide foreign companies interested in Russia with a better investment climate and business environment. Having competitive advantage in many goods and services categories needed by Russia, Turkish companies should benefit the new developments in RF and increase their business volumes in that country. This paper examines the current trade relations between RF and Turkey in detail considering the potential effects of RF’s WTO membership.
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Gözkaman, Armağan. "The European Union’s Attitude towards Russia between Values and Interests." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c06.01410.

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The study will focus on the European Union’s attitude towards Russia by taking into consideration a dilemma: The European Union (EU) wants to uphold its values and principles while endeavoring to maximize its interests. In the post-Cold War period, Moscow’s policy choices have often been problematic for the Europeans. In the period following the Ukrainian conflict, the analysis of the relations between the two “strategic partners” is more difficult than ever. At least three reasons underlie this difficulty. First, the EU is notoriously incapable of reaching a common position on how to deal with the Russian problem. Second, trade is an important factor for the relations between the EU and Russia where oil occupies a significant place. Third, Russia has also a signification position vis-à-vis the EU as a powerful actor of international relations.
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Wibowo, Rudi, and Ratnawati Ratnawati. "Conflict Dynamics Of Protectionism Policy Trading Of Biofuel Commodities Between Indonesia And The European Union." In LPPM UPN "VETERAN" Yogyakarta International Conference Series 2020. RSF Press & RESEARCH SYNERGY FOUNDATION, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.31098/pss.v1i1.200.

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The dynamics of the conflict in bio-fuel commodity trade policies was triggered by the conflict of economic interests between Indonesia and the European Union. A series of steps for negotiation and diplomacy were taken by the government and Indonesian business actors to negotiate and resolve these problems by holding talks with important (state) actors in Europe.
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Ardıl, Cemal. "Turkey - Black Sea Economic Cooperation Organization: Foreign Trade Relations during the 1996-2012 Period." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c04.00661.

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This paper presents the regional economic relations between Turkey and Black See Economic Cooperation Organization (BSEC). The Heads of State and Government of eleven countries: Albania, Armenia, Azerbaijan, Bulgaria, Georgia, Greece, Moldova, Romania, Russia, Turkey and Ukraine signed the Summit Declaration and the Bosphorus Statement giving birth to the Black Sea Economic Cooperation on 25 June 1992, in Istanbul. On 5 June 1998, the Heads of State or Government signed the BSEC Charter, came into force on 1 May 1999 BSEC has evolved into an international regional organization for economic cooperation. The organization has 12 members since Serbia joining the organization in 2004. It came into existence as a unique and promising model of multilateral political and economic initiative aimed at fostering interaction and harmony among the Member States, as well as to ensure peace, stability and prosperity encouraging friendly and good-neighbourly relations in the Black Sea region. Countries bordering the Black Sea, Balkan and Caucasus formed the BSEC countries cover an area of approximately 20 million square kilometer and represent more than 350 million people. The region with the foreign trade volume of U.S. $ 300 billion per year draws attention to the rich natural resources; and is the main European energy and transport corridor transfer. The Black Sea region is a contested neighbourhood and the subject of intense debates and conflicts in the globe. Also, this reflects the changing dynamics of the Black Sea region, its complex realities, the interests of outsiders and the region’s relations with the rest of the globe. Moreover, its strategic position, linking north to south and east to west, as well as its oil, gas, transport and trade routes are all important reasons for its increasing relevance. Turkey's foreign trade volume with BSEC member countries is steadily increasing as per the findings over the period of 1996-2012.
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Zhou, Yanling. "Discussion on the Interest Appeal of the Sino-Russian Economic and Trade Cooperation." In Proceedings of the 4th International Conference on Economy, Judicature, Administration and Humanitarian Projects (JAHP 2019). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/jahp-19.2019.152.

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Özdil, Tuncer, Ainura Turdalieva, and Cengiz Yılmaz. "Comparing the Turkish and Russian Economies by the Using of Input-Output Analysis." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c11.02319.

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Nowadays, progress in information technologies and globalization, influenced disappearing the borders between countries in economic terms; and the competition has spread worldwide and became influential on all countries and territories. In this process, countries have joined forces to create a stronger competitive environment. The results obtained from comparative study of the production structures is extremely important to countries for achieving economic cooperation to increase mutual economic interests, the relations between their countries’ economies and planning. The purpose of this paper is to describe the production structures of Turkey and Russian economies. The comparative analysis of the similarities and differences in the production structures of both countries made by input-output approach. Given research based on analysis of input-output tables prepared by the Statistics Committees of two countries. For the study purpose forward and backward linkages, key sectors, efficiency in intermediate product usage, production techniques, external trade and production structure were calculated and compared on sectoral and macro-level. The results, obtained from the analysis, allow giving recommendations to further development of economic relations between countries.
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Gerni, Cevat, Selahattin Sarı, Dilek Özdemir, and Ömer Selçuk Emsen. "The Effects of Exchange Rate Volatility, Reserve Volatility and Real Interest Rates on Trade: Applications on Transition Economies." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c04.00711.

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On the basis of volatility or sharp fluctuations in macroeconomic variables, especially in the 1970s, it can be said to play a role in deepening the financial capital deepening. Deepening on volatility forms the basis of not only domestic and but also international economic deviations. With the collapse of the Eastern Bloc, a lot of countries have attempted to liberalize. This situation has caused volatility on mainly rate of exchange then many macroeconomics variables. In this aspect, the multi-relationship between volatility in foreign trade balance and the real interest rate, exchange rate and reserves’ volatility are investigated empirically with the appropriate set of data on 11 transition economies for the period 1996-2011. In this study, the effects of the volatility of foreign trade (netxvol) on the exchange rate volatility (kurvol), reserve volatility (rezvol), and real interest rates subjected with using panel data analysis. Moreover to regression analysis, centred on Granger Causality Test the volatility of the foreign trade balance, import and export volatility, exchange rate volatility, volatility of reserves and try to determine the causal relationship between the real interest rate. The findings have light on that the volatility of trade balance was mostly affected to the volatility of the reserve. It may well be said that the volatility of the interest rate and the exchange rate at the independence of the trade predispose to speculative movements.
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Reports on the topic "Economic and trade interests"

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Cornick, Jorge, Jeffry Frieden, Mauricio Mesquita Moreira, and Ernesto H. Stein. Open configuration options Political Economy of Trade Policy in Latin America. Inter-American Development Bank, February 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0003986.

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Few propositions in economics are as widely accepted as the theory of comparative advantage: If two countries have a comparative advantage in the production of different goods and services, trade can be welfare-enhancing for both. But trade policy has always been controversial in Latin America, as it is not made by academic economists but by politicians who need to gather and maintain the support of constituents who in some cases have much to lose or gain from different trade policies. This book walks the reader through a complex thicket of contending interests and disparate political institutions to analyze why Latin American governments make the trade policies they do. Its chapters show how an array of different governments have attempted to navigate frequently conflicting interests and ideas, and how different institutional arrangements impinge on trade policy design and outcomes. It is to be hoped that the experiences analyzed here can inform the making of future policy and, perhaps, help improve it.
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Kelly, Luke. Definitions, Characteristics and Monitoring of Conflict Economies. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), February 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2022.024.

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The idea of conflict economies is a broad concept encompassing several research angles. Definitions differ according to these focuses. Some of the main uses of the concept are to understand: • economic analysis of the motives for and likelihood of war • financing of state and non-state belligerents • how the continuation of conflicts can be explained by rational motives including economic ones • how conflict affects economic activity, and how conflict parties and citizens adapt Some distinctive characteristics of war economies are (Ballentine & Nitzschke, 2005, p. 12): • They involve the destruction or circumvention of the formal economy and the growth of informal and black markets, • Pillage, predation, extortion, and deliberate violence against civilians is used by combatants to acquire control over lucrative assets, capture trade networks and diaspora remittances, and exploit labour; • War economies are highly decentralised and privatised, both in the means of coercion and in the means of production and exchange; • Combatants increasingly rely on the licit or illicit exploitation of / trade in lucrative natural resources • They thrive on cross-border trading networks, regional kin and ethnic groups, arms traffickers, and mercenaries, as well as legally operating commercial entities, each of which may have a vested interest in the continuation of conflict and instability. The first section of this rapid review outlines the evolution of the term and key definitions. Most of this discussion occurs in the academic literature around the early 2000s. The second looks at key characteristics of conflict economies identified in the literature, with examples where possible from both academic and grey literature. The third section briefly identifies methodologies used to measure and monitor conflict economies, as well as some current research and programmes on conflict economies, from academic literature as well as NGOs and other sources. The findings have been derived via a literature search and advice from experts in the field. Given time constraints, the report is not comprehensive. The review is gender- and disability blind.
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Ferguson, Thomas, Paul Jorgensen, and Jie Chen. The Knife Edge Election of 2020: American Politics Between Washington, Kabul, and Weimar. Institute for New Economic Thinking Working Paper Series, November 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.36687/inetwp169.

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This paper analyzes the 2020 election, focusing on voters, not political money, and emphasizing the importance of economic geography. Drawing extensively on county election returns, it analyzes how spatial factors combined with industrial structures to shape the outcome. It treats COVID 19’s role at length. The paper reviews studies suggesting that COVID 19 did not matter much, but then sets out a new approach indicating it mattered a great deal. The study analyzes the impact on the vote not only of unemployment but differences in income and industry structures, along with demographic factors, including religion, ethnicity, and race. It also studies how the waves of wildcat strikes and social protests that punctuated 2020 affected the vote in specific areas. Trump’s very controversial trade policies and his little discussed farm policies receive detailed attention. The paper concludes with a look at how political money helped make the results of the Congressional election different from the Presidential race. It also highlights the continuing importance of private equity and energy sectors opposed to government action to reverse climate change as conservative forces in (especially) the Republican Party, together with agricultural interests.
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Mpofu, David, Michael Ndiweni, Kwanele Moyo, Samuel Wadzai, and Marjoke Oosterom. Youth Active Citizenship for Decent Jobs: A Handbook for Policy & Practice. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), March 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/ids.2022.017.

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This Handbook has been created for development partners and civil society actors that design and implement youth employment interventions, particularly in contexts marked by fragility and political-economic crises. Youth employment programmes usually strengthen young people’s business and entrepreneurship skills. They fail to consider the civic and political competencies needed by young people in order to negotiate fair, safe, and decent working conditions and influence the wider policy environment for decent work. The Handbook offers suggestions for integrating youth active citizenship strategies into youth employment interventions, thus building young people’s civic and political skills. Adopting these strategies will strengthen the capacities of young people to engage both private sector and government actors, foster inclusion, and strengthen coalitions that can influence a enabling environment for decent jobs for youth. Recognising that many young people start their trade and businesses in theinformal economy, the Handbook takes their experiences as the point of departure. It is widely recognised that political economy matters for development and development interventions. This also applies to youth employment programming. Ideas in this Handbook recognise that politics influence youth employment opportunities. This is particularly the case in contexts commonly referred to as fragile, conflict-affected and violent settings (FCVS). Approaches to youth employment interventions need to respond to these dynamics to avoid that powerful actors capture them to serve their interests and avoid increasing risks to conflict. Moreover, the Covid-19 pandemic has proved that fragility is multidimensional and manifests in many countries across the globe. Early on in the pandemic, it quickly became clear that the informal economy would be hard hit. In addition, the challenging politics of FCVS influence opportunities for both formal and informal employment.
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Salazar-Díaz, Andrea, Aaron Levi Garavito Acosta, Sergio Restrepo-Ángel, and Leidy Viviana Arcila-Agudelo. Real Equilibrium Exchange Rate in Colombia: Thousands of VEC Models Approach. Banco de la República Colombia, December 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.32468/be.1221.

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Behavioral Equilibrium Exchange Rate (BEER) models suggest many variables as potential drivers of equilibrium real exchange rates (ERER). This gives rise to model uncertainty issues, as ERER depends and varies, often drastically, on a particular set of chosen variables. We address this issue by estimating thousands of Vector Error Correction (VEC) specifications for Colombian data between 2000Q1-2019Q4. According to an extensive literature review, we employ thirty-five proxies categorized among five fixed groups of economic fundamentals that underlie the ERER: Indebtedness, Fiscal sector, Productivity, Terms-of-Trade, and Interest Rate Differentials. Our approach derives an empirical distribution of ERER that allows us to state with greater certainty, among hundreds of plausible economic specifications, whether the real exchange rate is either misaligned or in equilibrium.
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Herbert, George, and Lucas Loudon. The Size and Growth Potential of the Digital Economy in ODA-eligible Countries. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), December 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2021.016.

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This rapid review synthesises evidence on the current size of the digital market, the countries promoting development of digital business and their approach through Trade Policies or Incentive Frameworks, and the current and potential size of the market with the UK / China / US / other significant countries. It draws on a variety of sources, including reports by international organisations (such as the World Bank and OECD), grey literature produced by think tanks and the private sector, and peer reviewed academic papers. A high proportion of estimates of the size of the digital economy come from research conducted by or for corporations and industry bodies, such as Google and the GSMA (which represents the telecommunications industry). Their research may be influenced by their business interests, the methodologies and data sources they utilise are often opaque, and the information required to critically assess findings is sometimes missing. Given this, the estimates presented in this review are best seen as ballpark figures rather than precise measurements. A limitation of this rapid evidence review stems from the lack of consistent methodologies for estimating the size of the digital economy. The OECD is attempting to develop a standard approach to measuring the digital economy across the national accounts of the G20, but this has not yet been finalised. This makes comparing the results of different studies very challenging. The problem is particularly stark in low income countries, where there are frequently huge gaps in the relevant data.
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Carrasquilla-Barrera, Alberto, Arturo José Galindo-Andrade, Gerardo Hernández-Correa, Ana Fernanda Maiguashca-Olano, Carolina Soto, Roberto Steiner-Sampedro, and Juan José Echavarría-Soto. Report of the Board of Directors to the Congress of Colombia - July 2020. Banco de la República de Colombia, February 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.32468/inf-jun-dir-con-rep-eng.07-2020.

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In Colombia, as well as in the rest of the world, the Covid-19 pandemic has seriously damaged the health and well-being of the people. In order to limit the damage, local and national authorities have had to order large sectors of the population to be confined at their homes for long periods of time. An inevitable consequence of isolation has been the collapse of economic activity, expenditure, and employment, a phenomenon that has hit many countries of the world affected by the disease. It is an unprecedented crisis in modern times, not so much for its intensity (which is undoubtedly immense), but because its origin is not economic. That is what makes it so unpredictable and difficult to manage. Naturally, its economic consequences are enormous. Governments and central banks from all over the world are struggling to mitigate them, but the final solution is not in the hands of the economic authorities. Only science can provide a way out. In the meantime, the economic indicators in Colombia and in the rest of the world cause concern. The output falls, the massive loss of jobs, and the closure of businesses of all sizes have become daily news. Added to this, there is the deterioration in global financial conditions and the increase in the risk indicators. Financial volatility has increased and stock indexes have fallen. In the face of the lower global demand, export prices of raw materials have fallen, affecting the terms of trade for producing countries. Workers’ remittances have declined due to the increase of unemployment in developed countries. This crisis has also generated a strong reduction of global trade of goods and services, and effects on the global value chains. Central banks around the world have reacted decisively and quickly with strong liquidity injections and significant cuts to their interest rates. By mid-July, such determined response had succeeded to revert much of the initial deterioration in global financial conditions. The stock exchanges stopped their fall, and showed significant recovery in several countries. Risk premia, which at the beginning of the crisis took an unusual leap, recorded substantial corrections. Something similar happened with the volatility indexes of global financial markets, which exhibited significant improvement. Flexibilization of confinement measures in some economies, broad global liquidity, and fiscal policy measures have also contributed to improve global external financial conditions, albeit with indicators that still do not return to their pre-Covid levels.
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Freeman, Richard. Trade Wars: The Exaggerated Impact of Trade in Economic Debate. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, October 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w10000.

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Mutreja, Piyusha, B. Ravikumar, and Michael J. Sposi. Capital Goods Trade and Economic Development. Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.20955/wp.2014.012.

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Alvarez, Fernando, Francisco Buera, and Robert Lucas. Idea Flows, Economic Growth, and Trade. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, November 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w19667.

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