Journal articles: 'Economic and strategic interdependence'

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Reilly, J. "Counting On China? Australia's Strategic Response to Economic Interdependence." Chinese Journal of International Politics 5, no. 4 (November 11, 2012): 369–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cjip/pos016.

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Inoguchi, Takashi. "Japan’s Politics of Interdependence." Government and Opposition 25, no. 4 (October 1, 1990): 419–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1990.tb00394.x.

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THIS ARTICLE DESCRIBES AND ILLUSTRATES HOW JAPAN conceives the political meaning of many kinds of interdependence and uses this concept to advance what it considers to be its national interests and global interests without upsetting the balance of world interdependence. ‘Interdependence’ means the mutual vulnerability and sensitivity of all governing-cum-economic units in the world. ‘The politics of interdependence’ means, then, how actors make strategic use of interdependence with enough self-restraint not to jeopardize the system of interdependence itself. Thus ‘Japan's politics of interdependence’ means how Japan makes strategic use of interd pendence guided by its own standards of conduct. In this sense, this article is an attempt to combine the following two intellectual traditions: the interdependence literature and the economic statecraft literature to define Japan's politics of interdependence. First, I will summarize three principles of Japan's political conceptualization of interdependence. Then I will illustrate them by some recent examples. Thirdly, prospects for Japan's politics of interdependence will be briefly discussed along with some discussion on the lines of research to be further explored.

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Maoz, Zeev. "Network Polarization, Network Interdependence, and International Conflict, 1816–2002." Journal of Peace Research 43, no. 4 (July 2006): 391–411. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022343306065720.

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This study examines the effect of polarization and interdependence on systemic conflict. It argues that both polarization and interdependence must be conceptualized in terms of different types of relations among states and that different relationships would reflect varied levels of polarization and inter-dependence. Accordingly, this study develops general measures of network polarization and interdependence that allow measurement of these concepts over a wide array of international relations. Hypotheses are deduced from the realist and liberal paradigms about how alliance polarization, trade polarization, and cultural polarization affect systemic conflict. Likewise, hypotheses are deduced regarding the expected effects of strategic and economic interdependence on conflict. These hypotheses are tested using data on alliance, trade, linguistic, and religious networks over the period 1816–2002. The findings suggest that alliance polarization and strategic interdependence increase the amount of systemic conflict, while trade polarization and economic interdependence have a dampening effect on the amount of conflict in the international system. The theoretical implications of these results are discussed.

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Yang, Mu-Jeung. "The interdependence imperative: business strategy, complementarities, and economic policy." Oxford Review of Economic Policy 37, no. 2 (June 1, 2021): 392–415. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxrep/grab010.

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Abstract An enduring idea in economics and management sciences is that successful business strategies exploit complementarities across management practices within a firm. From this complementarity perspective, the success of business strategy requires utilizing a variety of interdependencies across management practices. Navigating large arrays of possible interdependencies implies that strategic decision-making is often conducted under high complexity and uncertainty. This paper provides an introduction to the conceptual foundations of complementarities in business strategy, and its implications for strategic decision-making and managerial learning. Against this backdrop, I outline issues of measurement and data collection for strategy practices, drawing on recent measurement efforts by academic researchers as well as national statistical agencies. The last part of the paper discusses how increased large-scale data collection on firm activity complementarities and strategy practices can inform a variety of policy areas, such as antitrust policy and merger review, industrial and innovation policy, tax policy, and public–private partnerships.

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Gehrke, Tobias. "EU Open Strategic Autonomy and the Trappings of Geoeconomics." European Foreign Affairs Review 27, Special Issue (April 1, 2022): 61–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eerr2022012.

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The EU’s new trade strategy promises to advance open strategic autonomy that is to balance the benefits of economic interdependence with growing demands to manage Europe’s exposure to the risks it entails. What explains these shifting priorities? This article situates open strategic autonomy in the theoretical debates of International Political Economy (IPE) literature on economic interdependence and geoeconomics to aid our understanding of the debates ensnaring economic strategy in the EU, but also related debates in the United States, China and elsewhere. This framework, the article argues, helps us understand changing strategic priorities in economic policy by reference to wider structural shifts engulfing the global economy. It then identifies four priority targets of EU economic policy in which (new) autonomous policies are forthcoming: (i) tackle economic distortions; (ii) defend against economic coercion; (iii) link with values and sustainability; and (iv) protect critical assets and supply chains. These observations build towards addressing the main research question: Has open strategic autonomy turned a corner on EU principles of openness, liberalization and international cooperation? trade and investment, European Union, geoeconomics, International Political Economy

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YOSHIMATSU, Hidetaka. "Economic Interdependence and Security Tension: China's Rare Earth Policy." East Asian Policy 04, no. 03 (July 2012): 55–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793930512000268.

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China regards rare earth elements (REEs) as strategic products and fosters the REE industry with neo-mercantilist support. It then restrains exports of REEs as a means of exerting pressure on Japan in maritime security disputes. In response, Japan pursues a soft balancing strategy to strengthen linkages with Vietnam and India, and reconfirms the value of security linkages with Washington. Thus, the economic instrument became a catalyst in stimulating balancing behaviour.

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Ahmad, Sohail, Sadia Sohail, and Muhammad Rizwan. "China Pakistan Economic Corridor and the Complex Interdependence." Global Regional Review III, no. I (December 30, 2018): 64–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/grr.2018(iii-i).05.

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Presented in the late 70s, the theory of Complex Interdependence is in line with the contemporary scenario of international politics. International politics has given up the traditional approaches of hard power. Non-state actors now serve as significant stakeholders in world peace. This paper examines CPEC along the framework of Complex Interdependence. China will build a network of roads, railways and highways across Pakistan, contributing to infrastructure development and economic growth. The notion that China and Pakistan are “iron brothers” is popular among the diplomatic circles of both states. Both states share military, diplomatic and strategic ties. However, the economic ties could not be realized to the full potential as contacts at the societal level are minimal. CPEC possesses the ability to bridge these gaps and transform the relation into “Complex Interdependence”.

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Larrosa, Juan M. C. "STRATEGIC EQUILIBRIA IN A MODEL OF ECONOMIC GROWTH WITH INPUT INTERDEPENDENCE." Bulletin of Economic Research 64, no. 4 (March 25, 2011): 537–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8586.2010.00374.x.

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Bayer, Ralph, and Frank Cowell. "Tax compliance and firms' strategic interdependence." Journal of Public Economics 93, no. 11-12 (December 2009): 1131–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jpubeco.2009.07.007.

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Jaleel, Sabahat, Naureen Talha, and Zahir Shah. "CPEC and Regional Integration." Global Regional Review IV, no. IV (December 30, 2019): 19–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/grr.2019(iv-iv).03.

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China-Pakistan Economic Corridor is an emerging debate. This project called a game-changer for Pakistan-China and for whole region. The main argument based on the phenomena of economic interdependence established peace and integration in the region. The new world order revolves around economic power rather than nuclear power. The economic strength is playing a significant role in regional integration and peace. The CPEC project based on both economic and strategic aspects. This project deals the growing economic interdependence and the phenomena of power politics in South Asia. The CPEC is important part of Chinas Marshall plan OBOR and providing a win-win situation for all states of region. This study contributes that how growing economic interdependence through CPEC established peace and integration for whole region. This study based on field survey and discourse analysis.

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Kastner, Scott L. "Ambiguity, Economic Interdependence, and the US Strategic Dilemma in the Taiwan Strait." Journal of Contemporary China 15, no. 49 (November 2006): 651–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10670560600836705.

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K.H. Abudalbouh, Walid, and Mohammed Abu Anzeh. "Conceptualizing Russia-Turkey Strategic Political Competition." Dirasat: Human and Social Sciences 49, no. 2 (August 2, 2022): 527–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.35516/hum.v49i2.1811.

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The Russia-Turkey relationship has risen to become one of the key dynamics defining contemporary geopolitics in the MENA region. The often febrile nature of this bilateral relationship, manifesting in the world’s most febrile region, makes it a worthy and important topic of analysis. Hence, the research rises the question of what are the key driving trends and dynamics define the bilateral relations within such complicated political strategic competition? The hypothesis that there are three key driving trends and dynamics define the bilateral: firstly, the ability for both sides to overlook their competing interests in order to pursue strategically advantageous cooperation; secondly, the shared aim of both nations to use each other to increase their respective autonomy from the West; and thirdly, the economic interdependency that incentivises both sides to maintain cooperation, even if the asymmetry of this interdependence, favouring Russia, has the potential to be used as leverage. Following an examination of these historical trends, the analysis will then expand on these dynamics and show how they’re manifesting in the current bilateral relationship through the extrapolation of the two key case studies of current Russian-Turkish engagement: the Syrian and Libyan conflicts

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Hussain, Fakhar, Muhammad Ikramullah Khan, Sarfraz Hussain, and Saadat Nawaz. "CPEC- AN ECONOMIC ENGINE FOR PEACE AND ITS IMPACT ON KASHMIR DISAGREEMENT." Humanities & Social Sciences Reviews 9, no. 3 (June 5, 2021): 724–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.18510/hssr.2021.9371.

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Purpose of the study: This research explores CPEC as a model of "Economic Interdependence" for being a mega driver of Globalization, which can bring economic equilibrium through development and interconnectivity for resolution of Kashmir dispute by connecting institutional and diplomatic channels to the economic interdependency. Methodology: This research is based on secondary data collected from various sources like academic papers, electronic sources, Newspapers, Periodicals, Journals, organizational reports, and books. For interpretation of data, descriptive and analytical approach has to be adopted by using the deductive method of investigation. Principal Findings: The main findings indicate that CPEC will provide grounds for minimizing conflicts on accounts of consistent regional and intra-regional economic connectivity. CPEC will transfigure the geographic position of Azad Jammu and Kashmir into an asset to be an economic engine for the establishment of peace in the region by amicable resolution of prolonged Kashmir dispute using economic connectivity. Applications of this study: This research will be helpful for academics of peace and conflict studies, International Relations, diplomacy and strategic management, policymakers, diplomats of Pakistan, China, and India. It will contribute to the resolution of the Kashmir dispute. Novelty/Originality of this study: The novelty/originality of this research lies in the attempt to correlate the concepts of "CPEC as an actor of economic interdependence" and "CPEC as a catalyst for the amicable resolution of Kashmir dispute."

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Chang, Yuan-Ching. "Economic Interdependence and International Interactions." Cooperation and Conflict 40, no. 2 (June 2005): 207–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010836705052241.

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Ting, Wai. "Increasing Economic Interdependence between China and ASEAN and Its Implications." JAS (Journal of ASEAN Studies) 4, no. 2 (April 25, 2017): 127. http://dx.doi.org/10.21512/jas.v4i2.1524.

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This paper aims to study the problems and issues of China's relations with ASEAN, which has achieved the establishment of ASEAN Economic Community by 2015. Taking into consideration the institutional framework constituted by the multiple agreements signed between China and ASEAN, how will the development of China-ASEAN relations be influenced by increasing economic interdependence between the two? What will be the difficulties ahead in enhancing trade and investments? Does promoting economic cooperation lead to more mutual trust in the political-strategic arena? China's recent policy in developing "one belt, one road", and Chinese relations to the US-led Trans-Pacific Partnership and their implications to ASEAN will also be examined in this paper.

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FERUCCI, LUCA, and ANTONIO PICCIOTTI. "The social clause in public tenders: strategic interdependence among companies and economic distortions." Sinergie Italian Journal of Management 37, no. 2 (2019): 145–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.7433/s109.2019.08.

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Beeson, Mark, and Yong Wang. "Australia, China, and the U.S. in an Era of Interdependence." Asian Survey 54, no. 3 (May 2014): 565–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2014.54.3.565.

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Tensions in the Asia-Pacific region are rising as a consequence of the U.S. “pivot” to Asia and China’s increasingly assertive foreign policy. Other states in the region must try to reconcile potentially conflicting economic and strategic imperatives as a consequence. Australia illustrates these dilemmas. We ask what role regional institutions can play.

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Byun, See-Won. "Interdependence, Identity, and China–South Korea Political Relations." Asian Survey 61, no. 3 (May 2021): 473–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2021.61.3.473.

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Research on the relationship between international economic and political relations has produced no consensus on the pacifying effects of trade. Rapid trade growth and enduring tensions characterize post–Cold War Asia’s paradox. This study assesses the political effects of China-centered interdependence based on the China–South Korea case since 1992. Although trade may inhibit conflict in line with liberal expectations, its coercive potential limits its pacifying effects. When disputes arise, asymmetric interdependence generates strategic leverage and vulnerability, and amplifies the identity dimensions of conflict that shape societal preferences. China’s combination of economic pressure and nationalist discourse induces accommodation primarily through coercion. By blending state-led and society-led retaliation, economic and accountability costs are minimized. China–South Korea political interactions have increased in quantity but not quality. The Asian case underscores qualitative changes in political relations (rather than just instances of conflict), the material and nonmaterial repercussions of asymmetric trade, and the regional security implications of China-led interdependence.

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Farrell, Henry, and Abraham L. Newman. "Weaponized Interdependence: How Global Economic Networks Shape State Coercion." International Security 44, no. 1 (July 2019): 42–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/isec_a_00351.

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Liberals claim that globalization has led to fragmentation and decentralized networks of power relations. This does not explain how states increasingly “weaponize interdependence” by leveraging global networks of informational and financial exchange for strategic advantage. The theoretical literature on network topography shows how standard models predict that many networks grow asymmetrically so that some nodes are far more connected than others. This model nicely describes several key global economic networks, centering on the United States and a few other states. Highly asymmetric networks allow states with (1) effective jurisdiction over the central economic nodes and (2) appropriate domestic institutions and norms to weaponize these structural advantages for coercive ends. In particular, two mechanisms can be identified. First, states can employ the “panopticon effect” to gather strategically valuable information. Second, they can employ the “chokepoint effect” to deny network access to adversaries. Tests of the plausibility of these arguments across two extended case studies that provide variation both in the extent of U.S. jurisdiction and in the presence of domestic institutions—the SWIFT financial messaging system and the internet—confirm the framework's expectations. A better understanding of the policy implications of the use and potential overuse of these tools, as well as the response strategies of targeted states, will recast scholarly debates on the relationship between economic globalization and state coercion.

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Sartaj, Uzma Siraj, and Uroosa Ishfaq. "THE GROWING STRATEGIC IMBALANCE BETWEEN CHINA AND RUSSIA IN CENTRAL ASIA: CHALLENGES AND OPPORTUNITIES." Global Political Review 3, no. 1 (June 30, 2018): 33–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2018(iii-i).04.

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Central Asias China growing interdependence and fading role of Russia has provoked contentious debates about the growing strategic imbalance in the region. The empirical data in this research paper demonstrates that the domestic, geostrategic and economic interests motivate the nature of China Central Asia and Russia Central Asia relationship. Chinas pragmatic approach for establishing a comprehensive regional policy based on multilateral as well as bilateral relationships in all spheres has given considerable leverage to China and an alternative to Russia which has not been able to evolve a comprehensive policy for the region despite its longstanding political, ethnic, cultural, economic and security relationship with Central Asia. Both powers have similar objectives but different approaches with quite a distinguishable outcome. This study is an effort to analyze the implications of growing interdependence between Chinese and Central Asian states for Russia in the absence of a coherent and comprehensive policy for the region.

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GORDIENKO, D. V. "ECONOMIC RELATIONSHIP OF THE "STRATEGIC TRIANGLE" COUNTRIES RUSSIAN FEDERATION – PRC – USA (PART 4): PROSPECTS FOR ECONOMIC COOPERATION BETWEEN RUSSIA AND CHINA, RUSSIA AND THE USA." EKONOMIKA I UPRAVLENIE: PROBLEMY, RESHENIYA 2, no. 4 (2021): 102–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.36871/ek.up.p.r.2021.04.02.015.

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The paper analyzes the prospects of economic cooperation between the Russian Federation and the People's Republic of China, the Russian Federation and the United States in the context of economic relations of this strategic triangle. An approach is proposed to analyze the prospects for cooperation between Russia and China in the framework of global integration projects, as well as trade and investment cooperation between Russia and the United States. These relationships determine the interdependence of the national economies of these countries. An attempt is made to forecast the development of economic relations between the countries of the strategic triangle. The results of the work can be used to justify recommendations to the leadership of our country.

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Ghiletchi, Zorina. "ECONOMIC POWER OF NEGOTIATION." Journal of Social Sciences 5, no. 4 (January 2023): 67–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.52326/jss.utm.2022.5(4).04.

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The referential framework of the given study is determined by the increasingly concentrated interest in the characteristics as well as the forms of manifestation of power both in individual and a collective projection. The definitional profile of collective power, as a unit of measure of identity sufficiency, has an essential complement in the context of economic interdependence. Semantic dilation occurs with the recognition of the economic component in order to create a decision-making and influence model inside and outside. The model summarizes a strategic construct of legitimizing a power in an adjusted and balanced negotiation process that produces long-lasting advantages and benefits at low cost. Power becomes a micro and macroeconomic indicator since it provides a desire for recognition.

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Bidziura., E. "THEORETICAL ASPECTS OF DEFINING ECONOMIC SECURITY AS AN ECONOMIC CATEGORY." Экономическая наука сегодня, no. 14 (December 10, 2021): 123–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.21122/2309-6667-2021-14-123-132.

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This article is devoted to the theoretical foundations of the study of economic security, as a result of which security is defined as a norm of functioning that arises when using actual and potential opportunities focused on enhancing one's vitality in the face of internal and external threats. The author's interpretation of the concept of «economic security» is proposed on the basis of the selected approaches and methodology of N.V. Gerasimov in defining the «economic system of society»: economic security is the maintenance of the norm of functioning of the subject, which is ensured by creating a single, stable, organizationally formalized, relatively independent set of mechanisms focused on the implementation of socio-economic interests and outlined strategic goals in the context of actualized and potential threats. Revealed the interdependence of economic security and the needs of the subjects.

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Maoz, Zeev. "The Effects of Strategic and Economic Interdependence on International Conflict Across Levels of Analysis." American Journal of Political Science 53, no. 1 (January 2009): 223–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1540-5907.2008.00367.x.

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Arefyeva, O. V., and A. M. Kovalchuk. "Safeguarding the Economic Security of an Enterprise by Encouraging Staff to Strategic Changes." PROBLEMS OF ECONOMY 4, no. 46 (2020): 126–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.32983/2222-0712-2020-4-126-133.

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Strategic changes involve new challenges and threats to the economic security of an enterprise. Resource components of economic security, i.e., the staff and finances, remain particularly sensitive to such changes. The staff as a resource of an enterprise, its professionalism and skills is one of the main factors influencing economic security, so it is advisable to form a motivational system for staff management as a component of economic security management in the context of the enterprise strategic development. The article aims at studying the staff’s motivation to strategic change and development in the context of providing the economic security of an enterprise. The interdependence of strategic economic interests of an enterprise and the provision of economic security, the methods of motivation and its role in economic security, and the motivational mechanism of staff management have been analyzed using the methods of analysis, comparison and generalization. The article has resulted in analyzing the strategic, tactical and operational methods of staff motivation, and identifying their relationship. Strategic directions of staff motivation in the security system facing strategic changes are offered. Specific measures for staff motivation in the context of strategic changes are also suggested, including mainly intangible measures aimed at raising self-motivation of an employee. Staff motivation in the face of strategic changes can provide the optimal level of protection of both personal interests and the interests of an enterprise. The development of a motivational mechanism for staff management will allow the economic security system to be restructured in accordance with strategic changes.

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Katagiri, Nori. "Strategy and Grand Strategy for the Future of Asia." Asian Survey 55, no. 6 (November 2015): 1170–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2015.55.6.1170.

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Given several possible strategic scenarios for East Asia, I argue that the region is likely to be divided by China’s growing power and the American presence along with its allies. The bipolar system in Asia will be relatively stable, however, because of conventional military balance, nuclear deterrence, and economic interdependence.

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GORDIENKO, D. V. "ECONOMIC RELATIONSHIP OF THE "STRATEGIC TRIANGLE" COUNTRIES RUSSIAN FEDERATION – PRC – USA Part 2: Economic cooperation between the USA and the Russian Federation." EKONOMIKA I UPRAVLENIE: PROBLEMY, RESHENIYA 1, no. 9 (2021): 121–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.36871/ek.up.p.r.2021.09.01.018.

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The purpose of the study is to assess the impact of economic cooperation between the United States of America and the Russian Federation on the economic relations of the countries of the strategic triangle Russia- China-the United States. An approach to the analysis of trade and investment cooperation between the United States of America and the Russian Federation, which determines the interdependence of the national economies of these countries, is proposed. This allows us to give a forecast of the development of economic relations between the countries of the strategic triangle. The results of the analysis can be used to justify recommendations to the leadership of our country. The conclusion is made: despite the sanctions struggle between the United States and the Russian Federation, these countries continue to remain important economic partners for each other.

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Gallo, Ernesto, Zhengxi Wu, and Bruno S. Sergi. "China’s Power in Its Strategic Energy Partnership with the Eurasian Economic Union." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 53, no. 4 (December 1, 2020): 200–219. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/j.postcomstud.2020.53.4.200.

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This article examines the current China-Russia partnership in the energy sector, focusing on natural gas and other Eurasian Economic Union countries’ role in this relationship. It argues that the foundation of China-Russia cooperation is strategic, despite the existence of several long-term issues, which make it fragile. Russia’s “pivot to China” in the energy field relies on practical considerations, such as export diversification and problems with Western countries. However, China has fast-growing demand and many choices of gas import. Moreover, China negotiates bilaterally with its partners, which secures Beijing an upper hand in gas talks, including those with Russia. The economic significance of energy interdependence in the Eurasian region allows a monopsonist China to leverage over the region’s regimes, including Putin’s Russia.

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Kim, Min-hyung. "South Korea’s Strategy toward a Rising China, Security Dynamics in East Asia, and International Relations Theory." Asian Survey 56, no. 4 (July 2016): 707–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2016.56.4.707.

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This article contends that South Korea’s behaviors toward China since 1992 can be fully understood when the structural variables of the strategic environment—i.e., economic interdependence, the US-centered hub-and-spoke system, and the North Korean threat—are combined with the domestic variable of Seoul’s leadership change and its perception of threat.

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GORDIENKO, D. V. "ECONOMIC RELATIONSHIP OF THE STRATEGIC TRIANGLE COUNTRIES RUSSIAN FEDERATION – PRC – USA. Part 3: Economic cooperation between the Russian Federation and the People's Republic of China." EKONOMIKA I UPRAVLENIE: PROBLEMY, RESHENIYA 1, no. 8 (2021): 147–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.36871/ek.up.p.r.2021.08.01.021.

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The purpose of the study is to assess the impact of economic cooperation between the Russian Federation and the People's Republic of China on the economic relations of the countries of the strategic triangle Russia – China – the United States. An approach to the analysis of trade and investment cooperation between the Russian Federation and the People's Republic of China, which determines the interdependence of the national economies of these countries, is proposed. This allows us to give a forecast of the development of economic relations between the countries of the strategic triangle. The results of the analysis can be used to justify recommendations to the leadership of our country. The conclusion is made: the Russian Federation and the People's Republic of China are important economic partners for each other.

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Parveen, Saima, and Syed Akhtar Ali Shah. "China Pakistan Economic Corridor:." Central Asia 85, Winter (January 20, 2020): 57–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.54418/ca-85.11.

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In the changing regional geo-political scenario China, Pakistan and other regional countries are set to play a vital role in the emerging regional economic corridor. China Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) as part of “One Belt, One Road” grand strategy connect countries with China through economic collaboration extending from South East Asia to the Europe through maritime and land routes comprised of emerging markets of Africa and Middle East energy resources. This paper has investigated the significance of CPEC in parlance of theoretical framework of complex interdependence because the phenomenon of interdependence has tied state and non-state entities in economic and strategic dimensions. Regional connectivity results from systematic, upgraded and need-based interaction in perspective of CPEC for socio-economic, industrial, energy and trade development. CPEC is important not only for Pakistan and China but also for the other regional countries such as Afghanistan, Central Asian Republics, Iran and India. As international and regional politics follows interest’s game hence CPEC has also become matter of concerns for both regional and international players which has been amply illustrated by this research. These concerns are followed by arguments that CPEC may be seen in a broader perspective of interdependency with emphasis on strategic and economic dimensions guaranteeing regional connectivity and integration. CPEC can serve as a main trade avenue not only for China and Pakistan but for Central Asian Republics, Afghanistan, Iran and India as well. This study has argued that CPEChas the potential of becoming an energy transit corridor for growing economies. It has advantagesfor India also in form of improved infrastructure, communication and access to CARs market. Simultaneously it imparts an opportunity of flourishing and trade to the Afghanistan’s industries. Iran can also have benefit by ensuring Chabahar port outstretched to CPEC. CPEC has potential geopolitical risks as hostile environment of South Asia and the respective power rivalry and policy shift of world powers towards this region as manifested by the US pivot to Asia and the former concern over Chinese presence in the Arabian Sea in Asian region, Gulf states considering of Gwadar Port as rival port, Indian opposition of CPEC by arguing that it passes through Pakistan’s held Kashmir on which India has also claim. China and Pakistan in order to escape proxy tussle in Baluchistan need to settle Indian apprehension about the project, Confidence Building Measures (CBM) must be incorporated in order to promote closer ties with Afghanistan, Pakistan must attempt for having stable relations with Iran in order to overcome impediments to the CPEC success. By making CPEC a reality the benefits will be reaped by whole region and the very enmity of India with Pakistan and China can be turned into mutual beneficial economic relations. If India becomes a partner in the project then certainly the concerns of India will be settled down.

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Pavlenko, Yurij. "The Factors Of The Economic Development Of The Modern State: An Essay." Obshchestvo i ekonomika, no. 11 (2022): 5. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s020736760023103-2.

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Within the framework of an integrated approach covering political, socio-economic and ideological aspects, the article examines development problems in Russian and world economy. In theoretical terms, the author analyzes the problems of overcoming the slowdown mechanisms and stimulating growth. He also scrutinizes the interdependence in the development of the economy and the welfare state. The problems of strategic planning are touched upon; in the context of the global economy, attention is focused on the positive experience of selective borrowing of effective institutions and development mechanisms.

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Nikolic, Jelena, and Verica Babic. "The implications of ownership concentration for shareholder protection and strategic decision-making." Ekonomski anali 61, no. 211 (2016): 69–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/eka1611069n.

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The purpose of corporate governance mechanisms is to prevent opportunistic behaviour by managers, in order to align the interests of owners and managers. Following from this, our research topic is the analysis of ownership concentration as an internal mechanism to protect the interests of shareholders. In the study of the interdependence between ownership concentration and shareholder protection, particular importance needs to be given to the relationship between ownership structure, the role of the board, and strategic decision-making. Starting from this interdependence, our research aim is to examine the impact of ownership concentration on the protection of shareholders? interests and the board?s responsibility for firm strategy. This paper presents the results of an empirical, pilot study in the Republic of Serbia. The research confirms the interdependence of corporate governance mechanisms and strategic decision-making. Our findings indicate that ownership concentration protects majority shareholder interests and leads to lower board responsibility for strategic decision-making.

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Zainab Ahmed. "Great Power Rivalry in Indo Pacific: Implications for Pakistan." Strategic Studies 41, no. 4 (February 24, 2022): 56–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.53532/ss.041.04.0037.

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The term of Indo Pacific delineates a conceptual evolution in the US strategic community to contain and encircle China by countering it in the area of its influence. The underlined policy priority is to counter Belt and Road Initiative to contain China. While China’s strict adherence to the previous geographical connotation of Asia Pacific establishes that it sticks to its policy of leading world by economic interdependence approach in Asia. This great power competition in the Indo Pacific region has wide ranging strategic and economic implications for Pakistan. This paper aims to discern into the factors which are making the strategic environment tensed thinning out the options for Pakistan. The two basic questions which this study addresses are: a. How does conceptual shift from Asia Pacific to Indo Pacific transform the strategic environment of this region? b. Why is this transformation so significant for Pakistan’s geostrategic interests?

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Antipin, Ivan, Natalya Vlasova, and Olga Ivanova. "Strategic priorities for managing spatial inequalities in the socio-economic development of the Russian regions." Upravlenets 11, no. 6 (January 12, 2021): 29–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.29141/2218-5003-2020-11-6-3.

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With the growing need to ensure the security and sustainability of the national economy’s long-term development under unstable macroeconomic conditions, it is of special relevance to comprehend the inequalities being formed in the socioeconomic space of Russia and its regions. The paper aims to explore the trajectories of the socio-economic space’s inequality at the macro- and meso-levels in the Russian Federation, as well as to determine the strategic priorities for managing interregional differentiation. The study presents an integrated approach based on the primacy of the interconnection and interdependence typical of spatial imbalances. The approach implies the assessment of the dynamics of three groups of indicators that characterize the differences in economic and social development of the Russian regions. Scientific ideas about regional and spatial economics, as well as location theory and strategic management constitute the methodological framework of the research. In the study, dialectical, cause-effect and statistical methods are used. We prove that economic and social spaces in Russia often have opposite development priorities, which hampers the effectiveness of government policy. This requires adjusting the strategic management of spatial imbalances aimed at increasing the efficiency of public administration mechanisms and methods, and improving the consistency of development indicators of the country and its regions with long-term socio-economic goals. Having assessed the problems of regulation of the socio-economic development inequalities and performed a discourse analysis of relevant documents, the article develops the key thrusts for improving the system of strategic planning in Russia. The findings add to the development of a scientifically based approach to implementing strategic management of spatial inequalities in the socio-economic development of Russia and its regions.

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Fields, Gary S., Werner Sengenberger, and Duncan Campbell. "International Labour Standards and Economic Interdependence." Industrial and Labor Relations Review 49, no. 3 (April 1996): 571. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2524217.

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Seminatore, Irnerio. "Interdependance, linkage et système international : de l'analyse conceptuelle aux problèmes de politique étrangère." Études internationales 18, no. 2 (April 12, 2005): 329–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/702166ar.

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The emergence and evolution of the literature dealing with interdependence in the international System is looked into. An attempt is made to show its significance and main points as well as its implications. The debates on interdependence within the North-American political context are regarded as solutions to the preceding issues on dependence. Interesting passages are dedicated to the impact of the interdependence theory on the interpretation of the international system, as illustrated by two schools of thought in foreign policy (Kissinger-Brzezinski). Linkage of the tactical and strategic aspects to the economic and political interrelation of international relations, as put forward by policy makers, has brought to the fore the difficulties and limits of negotiation in the face of competition and in the aftermath of confrontation. This paper offers subtle, yet positive, conclusions on the use of the interdependance theory in international policy.

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Kahler, Miles, and Scott L. Kastner. "Strategic Uses of Economic Interdependence: Engagement Policies on the Korean Peninsula and Across the Taiwan Strait." Journal of Peace Research 43, no. 5 (August 30, 2006): 523–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022343306066778.

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Poutala, Tero, Elina Sinkkonen, and Mikael Mattlin. "EU Strategic Autonomy and the Perceived Challenge of China: Can Critical Hubs Be De-weaponized?" European Foreign Affairs Review 27, Special Issue (April 1, 2022): 79–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eerr2022015.

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Geoeconomic competition, supply security vulnerabilities and complex technological dependencies challenge the European Union’s ‘strategic autonomy’. Evolving from more traditional security/ defence notions, a broader definition of strategic autonomy encompasses also economic dimensions. Economic resilience underpins security and defence arrangements. The EU has lacked instruments for protection against ‘predatory’ strategic investments by external actors, and technological dependence on potential strategic rivals. This article analyses two critical hubs, or potential ‘chokepoints’, in the EU’s attempts to achieve strategic autonomy – critical maritime transport infrastructure and 5G – as well as countermeasures developed by the EU. Chinese enterprises have made strategic investments in key EU infrastructure and high-tech industries over the past decade. In response, the EU has established an investment screening framework to screen (authorize, issue condition, prohibit or unwind) inward foreign direct investment (FDI) on security or public order grounds, and activated a mechanism for the enhancement of coordination and cooperation between the Commission and Member States. The EU has also sought to reduce reliance on Chinese suppliers by introducing the ‘5G toolbox’. We argue that the EU aims to ‘de-weaponize’ these two potential chokepoints. However, our article concludes that the political goal of strategic autonomy vis-à-vis external actors is hampered by the competence limitations of the Union to act in critical areas. Ultimately, much of the heavy lifting on implementing EU policy goals still falls upon Members States with varied economic and security interests. chokepoint effects, critical hubs, strategic autonomy, interdependence, investment screening, 5G toolbox

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Chugunov, Igor, Valentyna Makohon, and Tetiana Кrykun. "Budget strategy in the conditions of economic globalization." Problems and Perspectives in Management 17, no. 3 (July 30, 2019): 101–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.21511/ppm.17(3).2019.08.

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Economic changes create a strong need for the reconsideration of the system of financial and budgetary knowledge and paradigms already created in developed countries regarding the possibility of their use in the countries with developing economies. In this article, the authors clarify that the process of formation of the efficient and mutually agreed budget policy with strategic tasks of the social and economical development of countries requires development of the budget strategy. Its essence is the dynamic realization of the system of goals, principles, directions, tasks of state authorities, co-ordination and adequacy of their long-term regulatory measures to internal and external changes in the economic environment and social transformations aimed at ensuring macroeconomic stability, accelerating economic growth and improving the well-being of the population. The principles of budget strategy development have been clearly defined: scientific substantiation; integrity; efficiency; systematic approach; adaptability; variability; interdependence; purposefulness; sociality; legitimacy. The share of government expenditures, budget deficit and public debt in the gross domestic product in the EU and Ukraine has been estimated. The priority directions of budget strategies in the conditions of economic transformations have been defined, in particular, regarding the increase of efficiency of public expenditures and establishment of restrictions on their level of growth; improvement of the mechanism for managing budget deficits, public debt and guarantees and reduction of their limits. The research has demonstrated a huge influence of the budget strategy on the social and economical processes and on the development of the social relations.

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GORDIENKO, D. V. "ECONOMIC RELATIONSHIP OF THE STRATEGIC TRIANGLE COUNTRIES RUSSIAN FEDERATION – PRC – USA. Part 1: Economic cooperation between the US and the People's Republic of China." EKONOMIKA I UPRAVLENIE: PROBLEMY, RESHENIYA 2, no. 7 (2021): 108–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.36871/ek.up.p.r.2021.07.02.019.

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The purpose of the study is to assess the impact of economic cooperation between the United States of America and the People's Republic of China on the economic relations of the countries of the strategic triangle Russia – China – the United States. An approach to the analysis of trade and investment cooperation between the United States of America and the People's Republic of China, which determines the interdependence of the two largest national economies in the world, is proposed. The results of the analysis can be used to justify recommendations to the leadership of our country. The conclusion is made: despite the trade war between the United States and China, these countries continue to remain important economic partners for each other.

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Cranmer, Skyler J., Bruce A. Desmarais, and Elizabeth J. Menninga. "Complex Dependencies in the Alliance Network." Conflict Management and Peace Science 29, no. 3 (July 2012): 279–313. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0738894212443446.

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The multifaceted and strategic interactions inherent in the formation of international military pacts render the alliance decisions of states highly interdependent. Our aim here is to model the network of alliances in such a way as to capture the effects of covariates and account for the complex dependencies inherent in the network. Regression analysis, due to its foundational assumption of conditional independence, cannot be used to analyze alliance decisions specifically and interdependent decisions generally. We demonstrate how alliance decisions are interdependent and define the problems associated with the regression analysis of nonindependent dyads. We then show that alliances can naturally be conceived of as constituting a network, where alliance formation is an inherently interdependent process. We proceed by introducing the exponential random graph model for analyzing interdependence in the alliance network and estimating the effect of covariates on alliances.

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Pearson, Margaret M., Meg Rithmire, and Kellee S. Tsai. "China's Party-State Capitalism and International Backlash: From Interdependence to Insecurity." International Security 47, no. 2 (2022): 135–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/isec_a_00447.

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Abstract Contrary to expectations, economic interdependence has not tempered security conflict between China and the United States. In response to perceived domestic and external threats, the Chinese Communist Party's actions to ensure regime security have generated insecurity in other states, causing them to adopt measures to constrain Chinese firms. Security dilemma dynamics best explain the subsequent reactions from many advanced industrialized countries to the evolution of China's political economy into party-state capitalism. Party-state capitalism manifests in two signature ways: (1) expansion of party-state authority in firms through changes in corporate governance and state-led financial instruments; and (2) enforcement of political fealty among various economic actors. Together, these trends have blurred the distinction between state and private capital in China and resulted in backlash, including intensified investment reviews, campaigns to exclude Chinese firms from strategic sectors, and the creation of novel domestic and international institutions to address perceived threats from Chinese actors. The uniqueness of China's model has prompted significant reorganization of the rules governing capitalism, both nationally and globally.

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Ishida, Yasuyuki. "Japan and ASEAN partnership :." Jindal Journal of International Affairs 2, no. 2 (December 1, 2018): 12–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.54945/jjia.v2i2.83.

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With the development of ASEAN as a regional institution, Japan-ASEAN relations have matured into a strategic partnership based on friendship and cooperation. The long-standing partnership has developed following Japan’s wellknown diplomatic approach, so-called as the Fukuda Doctrine of 1977, toward a “heart-to-heart” relationship. Japan has steadily provided economic cooperation, ODA and various initiatives and funds for ASEAN’s development and its community building including economic infrastructure building, competitive environment for investment, human resource development, technical assistance, education and health care. Recent cooperation projects have extended to disaster management, people-to-people exchange, maritime safety, and ASEAN connectivity. With growing interdependence, Japan and ASEAN regard each other as indispensable partners. Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe has strengthened the Strategic Partnership further following the Five Principles of Japan’s ASEAN Diplomacy in 2013. Facing China’s expansion and majorpowers’ competition, Japan-ASEAN strategic partnership needs further multilayered cooperation on ASEAN’s community building and connectivity in Southeast Asia as well as on its leading role in ASEAN-centered regional institutions in Asia and the Indo-Pacific region.

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Tutar, Hasan, Teymur Sarkhanov, and Nigar Guliyeva. "Eastern Mediterranean Area in Energy Security of The European Union: From Sea Border Issues to Economic Conflicts of Interest." International Journal of Energy Economics and Policy 12, no. 1 (January 19, 2022): 332–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.32479/ijeep.12602.

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The interdependence experienced on a global scale today has gained more importance with the increasing demand for energy resources. The situation of interdependence may cause various conflicts due to the differences in strategy between countries regarding access to energy resources. In this destructive competitive environment, hydrocarbons, especially natural gas, continue to be an essential means of competition as a strategic energy source. This situation makes the European Union and the countries that are the suppliers of the energy demand of the Union and the transition countries dependent on each other. This situation of interdependence makes energy resources the most important policy tool. Russia, one of the energy suppliers of European states, uses this advantage as an essential political pressure tool. European Union countries turn to alternative resources and areas to reduce dependency in the face of this situation. In recent years, the Eastern Mediterranean basin has been added to these areas. With the discovery of significant hydrocarbon resources in the Eastern Mediterranean, the importance of this region for European countries is increasing. However, this situation causes maritime border disputes and geopolitical conflicts between the countries of the region. This conceptual study emphasizes the solution of problems related to cross-border hydrocarbon resources and the extent to which natural gas reserves in the Eastern Mediterranean will be an alternative to Russian natural gas.Keywords: EU energy security, Eastern Mediterranean gas reserves, Sea border issues, Exclusive economic zoneJEL Classifications: P28, P48, K32.DOI: https://doi.org/10.32479/ijeep.12602

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Chen, Shaoling, Susheng Wang, and Haisheng Yang. "Spatial Competition and Interdependence in Strategic Decisions: Empirical Evidence from Franchising." Economic Geography 91, no. 2 (December 12, 2014): 165–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/ecge.12079.

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Masik, Grzegorz. "The concept of resilience: Dimensions, properties of resilient systems and spatial scales of resilience." Geographia Polonica 95, no. 4 (2022): 295–310. http://dx.doi.org/10.7163/gpol.0237.

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The aim of this paper is to identify the dimensions of resilience undertaken in literature, characteristics describing resilient systems and spatial scales in the context of which resilience research and strategic planning are carried out. The research method was desk research within which the papers that were reviewed were selected based on scientific journal reputation including the high Impact Factor. References to resilience in strategic planning were selected on the basis of information about international organizations dealing with resilience mentioned in scientific articles. Based on broad review, environmental, social, economic and institutional resilience have been identified. Important properties of social-ecological systems identified in the context of resilience include connectivity, modularity, redundancy, interdependence, and diversification, while resilience strategies specifically consider flexibility, resourcefulness, reflectiveness, dispersion, mutuality, inclusion, and integration. Research as well as strategic actions to strengthen resilience consider global spatial scale but also national, regional, local, neighbourhood, household and individual.

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Arshad, Aasia, and Jalal UD Din Kakar. "THE ECONOMIC POLICIES OF THE US AND TRADE WAR WITH CHINA." Pakistan Journal of Social Research 04, no. 01 (March 31, 2022): 158–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.52567/pjsr.v4i1.632.

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This article highlights the dynamics of US China trade war. It provides the political, military and economic efforts of these countries to save their interests in the region through this conflict. This research tries to find out the answer of research puzzle that “When the US and China already have deep economic interdependence then why they have involved in trade war against each other”? This research has employed qualitative methodology within the post positivist paradigm. The lens of Strategic Hedging Theory is applied to find the answers of research questions. For Data Analysis directed content analysis with more focus on manifest approach has been applied. The core findings of the study are that the continuous diplomatic and political engagement can bring peace. Trade war has resulted in a sharp decline in bilateral trade. The policies and political vision of china is to acquire the position of Chen One in the globe. The US is considering China as a threat to its hegemony. It’s endeavoring to enhance bilateral and multilateral as well as political, economic and defense deals with allies and rivals to undertake Chinese growth and progress. Key words: Strategic Hedging, Politics, Hegemon, Economy, Trade War, China, United State of America.

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Savicheva, Elena M., Ammar M. Brebdane, and Igor V. Ryzhov. "China and Gulf Cooperation Council Countries: From Economic Deals to Strategic Partnerships." Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 22, no. 1 (March 30, 2022): 180–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2022-22-1-180-196.

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The Middle East in general and the Persian Gulf sub-region in particular are becoming increasingly strategic for China. The sub-region is not only rich in natural resources, primarily energy, and to a large extent provides them to the dynamically developing Chinese economy, but also opens up access to main global maritime and land routes, as well as African and European markets. The study focuses on Chinas interaction with the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries in the field of energy, trade, and investment in the context of growing economic interdependence that elevates Beijings relations with the Arab countries of the sub-region to the level of strategic partnership. Thus, Chinas relations with this group of states go beyond purely economic interests and affect the strategic interests of Beijing, such as active promotion of the large-scale Belt and Road Initiative, which implies the intensification of Chinas policy in the Middle East. The methodological basis of the study is an interdisciplinary approach. The authors adhere to the neorealism, particularly the theory of the balance of power and regional security complexes, the principle according to which the foreign policy of a state is heavily dictated by the logic of the international system and the distribution of power among states. The power transit theory allows us to understand better the current role of China becoming a superpower in world politics. The research also applies such methods of historical science as chronological, genetic, systemic-structural, and comparative methods. The collection and processing of a significant layer of statistical data makes it possible to highlight the emergence of new powerful political actors in the Middle East.

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Gul, Noman, Fareed Ullah, and Azmat Ali Shah. "Sino-US Global Competitive Dynamics Post 9/11 and its Impacts on Pakistan's Security." Global Strategic & Securities Studies Review VI, no. II (June 30, 2021): 162–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gsssr.2021(vi-ii).16.

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In this paper we examine the security implications for Pakistan after the engagement of two powerful states, China and United States. After the incident of September 11, 2001 (9/11) and their security impacts in the capacity of Pakistan's domestic and peripheral front. Their rivalry in the 21st century at the geo strategic, geopolitical and geo-economic level have been explained on the basis of realism, neo-realism and complex interdependence philosophies of international relations. The drastic political and strategic change in the status of Kashmir propelled Pakistan and China to review their foreign policies in future. In response, China wants Pakistan a strategic partner to closely look onto Afghanistan's political crisis during and after the withdrawal of the US from Afghanistan. However, the strategic relationship nuclear partnership between America and India has allowed the Sino-Pak strategic and nuclear partnership to level the magnitude of the United States' influence in South Asia. The issue of cross border terrorism, infiltration from Afghanistan and Indian espionage policy further sabotaged peace and security calculus in Pakistan's internal and external levels. India-Afghanistan Strategic Partnership has further deteriorated Pakistan's relations with Afghanistan.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Economic and strategic interdependence'

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