Academic literature on the topic 'East Timor politics'
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Journal articles on the topic "East Timor politics"
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Hughes, Caroline. "Poor people’s politics in East Timor." Third World Quarterly 36, no. 5 (May 4, 2015): 908–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01436597.2015.1029906.
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Shepherd, Christopher J., and Andrew McWilliam. "Cultivating Plantations and Subjects in East Timor: A Genealogy." Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde 169, no. 2-3 (2013): 326–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22134379-12340047.
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Abstract This article traces the emergence and institutionalization of plantation systems and cash crops in East Timor over two centuries. It examines the continuities, ruptures and shifting politics across successive plantation styles and political regimes, from Portuguese colonialism through Indonesian occupation to post-colonial independence. In following plantation agriculture from its origins to the present, the article explores how plantation subjects have been formed successively through racial discourse, repressive discipline, technical authority and neoliberal market policies. We argue that plantation politics have been instrumental in reproducing the class distinctions that remain evident in East Timor today.
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Naipospos, Coki. "East Timor in the dynamics of Indonesian politics." Bulletin of Concerned Asian Scholars 32, no. 1-2 (June 2000): 87–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14672715.2000.10415790.
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Berlie, Jean A. "Nationalism, part of the identity of East Timor." Asian Education and Development Studies 7, no. 4 (October 1, 2018): 375–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/aeds-09-2015-0047.
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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to study the just and highly praised Timorese nationalism leading to independence, deal, in particular, with the attitude of the East Timorese and raise questions about their national identity. Design/methodology/approach This paper is largely based on an anthropological and political science research with interviews. Findings East Timor’s nationalism is unique and formerly linked to Liurai chiefs. Political nationalism is discussed in the third part of the paper. Originality/value This research is the first of its kind. East Timor research is mainly centered in the period 1975–1999 of Indonesian occupation. The concepts nationalism, identity and politics are under-researched concepts in East Timor. There the political system is unique.
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Ear, Sophal. "Dependent Communities: Aid and Politics in Cambodia and East Timor." Contemporary Southeast Asia 31, no. 2 (2009): 360. http://dx.doi.org/10.1355/cs31-2j.
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Shoesmith, Dennis. "Party Systems and Factionalism in Timor-Leste." Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs 39, no. 1 (January 24, 2020): 167–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1868103419889759.
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This study identifies and explains the factors that have shaped the evolution of the competitive political party system in East Timor from its beginnings in the 1970s to the difficult and sometimes violent transition since independence in 2002 towards a semi-developed competitive party system. It reviews the organizational character of the two major Parties: FRETILIN and the CNRT and the minor parties in the national parliament and the nature of intra-party factionalism in contemporary politics in what is an under-institutionalized and a predominantly personalistic system.
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Schulze, Kirsten E. "The East Timor Referendum Crisis and Its Impact on Indonesian Politics." Studies in Conflict & Terrorism 24, no. 1 (January 2001): 77–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10576100119771.
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Mccosker, Anthony. "East Timor and the politics of bodily pain: a problematic complicity." Continuum 18, no. 1 (March 2004): 63–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1030431032000181003.
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Mendes, Pedro Emanuel. "As razões do poder material e do poder normativo na política internacional: o caso de Timor-Leste." Relações Internacionais, no. 74 (June 2022): 011–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.23906/ri2022.74a02.
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This article proposes a theorization on the dynamics of material power and normative power reasons in international politics to explain the East Timorese question. The article compares two decisive moments, firstly, the initial phase of the Indonesian annexation and the birth of the international question of Timor; secondly, the final phase of its resolution and the birth of the East Timor state, supported by the United Nations (UN), Portugal, and other actors. The article shows that, in 1975, the actors did not consider the normative reasons. On the contrary, from 1999 onwards, actors were socialized to consider the illegitimacy of the Indonesian annexation and to decide following international norms.
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Goodman, James. "National Multiculturalism and Transnational Migrant Politics: Australian and East Timorese." Asian and Pacific Migration Journal 6, no. 3-4 (September 1997): 457–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/011719689700600310.
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As globalization accelerates, transnational pressures play an increasingly important role in political culture. Cultural linkages created by migration can be sustained and reproduced, allowing migrant groupings to maintain a role as movers for social change. Such linkages open up possibilities for mutual engagement or dialogue across the external-internal boundaries of national statehood. These issues are illustrated by the relatively small East Timorese refugee community living in Australia, which has forged a distinctive diasporic identity and has successfully invoked a transnational sphere of politics around issues of self-determination, human rights and multiculturalism. In tandem, many non-Timorese have questioned Australian commitment to these principles within Australia as well as in relation to East Timor. This process of transnational contestation leads to the emergence of cross-national communities of conscience, and points to the possibility of multicultural interaction beyond national borders.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "East Timor politics"
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Guterres, Francisco da Costa, and n/a. "Elites and Prospects of Democracy in East Timor." Griffith University. Griffith Business School, 2006. http://www4.gu.edu.au:8080/adt-root/public/adt-QGU20061108.163627.
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East Timor is a former colony of Portugal and one-time province of Indonesia. Portuguese colonization ended in 1975 amid brief civil warring between local political parties that had recently been established. This conflict was followed by an Indonesian military invasion, ushering in a period of domination that only ended in 1999 when the United Nations carried out a referendum by which to determine East Timor's future. But this occupation also ended with much violence, generating bitter sentiments between elites that has hampered democratisation even as independence has been won. One of the conclusions made in this study is that East Timor's transition to democracy fails to correlate fully with any of the modal processes outlined in the literature. Rather, in the case of East Timor, a number of pathways merge. In some ways, it begins with what Huntington conceptualized as bottom-up 'replacement', with local mass publics voting against their oppressors. But one of the factors that quickly distinguished this case is that the voting by which change was organized by an external force, the United Nations (UN), and targeted a foreign power, the Indonesian government. In this way, the processes of independence and democratisation were nearly coterminous. East Timor's progress was also complicated by Indonesia's responding to the referendum's outcome by instigating much violence through the militia groups that it controlled. This summoned yet another external actor, the Australian military. It also greatly extended the role of the UN, geared now to restarting the democratisation process by organising founding elections. But if East Timor's democratic transition is complex, an account of the precariousness of the democracy that has been brought about is straightforward. Put simply, given the weakness of institutions and civil society organization, this thesis restores attention to the autonomy and voluntarism possessed by national elites. The hypothesis guiding this thesis, then, is that elites are disunified, but have avoided any return to outright warring. Further, they are at most 'semi-loyal' in their attitudes toward democracy. Accordingly, democracy persists in East Timor, but is subject to many abuses. Thus, most of the research in this thesis seeks to explain elite-level attitudes and relations. In particular, it shows that cooperation between elites and shared commitments to democracy has been hampered by the diversity of their backgrounds. Some elites gained their standings and outlooks under Indonesian occupation. Others gained their statuses because of the guerrilla resistance they mounted against this occupation. The attitudes of other elites were deeply coloured by their experiences in a multitude of countries, including Indonesia, Portugal, Mozambique and Australia. This thesis then demonstrates that these diverse origins and standings have shaped elite attitudes and relations in ways that are unfavourable for political stability and democracy. Under Portuguese rule, three distinct elite groups emerged in East Timor: top government administrators, business elites and young professionals or intellectuals. In the last years of Portuguese domination, they formed some political parties, enabling them to emerge as political elites. Lacking what Higley et al. label structural integration and value consensus, these elites engaged in violent conflict that peaked in brief civil warring and triggered the Indonesian occupation. This elite-level disunity persisted during occupation, with elites continuing to use violence against each other. National elites were also diversified further, with the administrators and resistors joined by pro-Indonesian groups, the Catholic Church group, and nationalist intellectuals, hence extending the range of social origins and ideological outlooks. East Timor finally gained independence in 2002. However, this thesis shows that elite relations still lack integration and consensus. Their country's political frameworks were negotiated by officials from Portugal and Indonesia under the auspices of the UN. Moreover, even after the referendum sponsored by the UN was held, UN officials in New York overshadowed the preferences and decision making of national elites. This exclusion denied East Timorese elites the opportunity to learn and to habituate themselves in making political decisions based on peaceful dialogue and bargaining. Thus, while the use of overt violence diminished, elites continued to harbour deep suspicions, encouraging their use of manipulations, subterfuge, and violence by proxy in their dealings with one another. In consequence, tensions between elites in East Timor, while stopping short of outright warring, continue to simmer. It is thus uncertain whether, or for how long, these tensions might be contained by the formal institutions and procedures that have been put in place. Analysis is also clouded by the fact that in the wake of independence, still more kinds of elites have appeared on the scene. New fault lines thus stem from generational membership (older and younger), geographic location (diaspora and homegrown), and new kinds of organisational bases (political parties, state bureaucracy, security forces, business, the Catholic Church, and civil society). These elites have only begun to interact with another directly and regularly since East Timor's independence. They find that they possess different outlooks and levels of influence and power. Nonetheless, despite these inauspicious beginnings, it is important to underscore the fact that since independence, elites have refrained from the open warring that they once undertook. This thesis predicts that sustained elite skirmishing, but not open warring, and semi-democratic politics, rather than 'full' democracy or hard authoritarianism will persist. Much should be made clearer, though, by the ways in which the next parliamentary election, due in 2007, is conducted.
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Guterres, Francisco da Costa. "Elites and Prospects of Democracy in East Timor." Thesis, Griffith University, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10072/367921.
Full textAbstract:
East Timor is a former colony of Portugal and one-time province of Indonesia. Portuguese colonization ended in 1975 amid brief civil warring between local political parties that had recently been established. This conflict was followed by an Indonesian military invasion, ushering in a period of domination that only ended in 1999 when the United Nations carried out a referendum by which to determine East Timor's future. But this occupation also ended with much violence, generating bitter sentiments between elites that has hampered democratisation even as independence has been won. One of the conclusions made in this study is that East Timor's transition to democracy fails to correlate fully with any of the modal processes outlined in the literature. Rather, in the case of East Timor, a number of pathways merge. In some ways, it begins with what Huntington conceptualized as bottom-up 'replacement', with local mass publics voting against their oppressors. But one of the factors that quickly distinguished this case is that the voting by which change was organized by an external force, the United Nations (UN), and targeted a foreign power, the Indonesian government. In this way, the processes of independence and democratisation were nearly coterminous. East Timor's progress was also complicated by Indonesia's responding to the referendum's outcome by instigating much violence through the militia groups that it controlled. This summoned yet another external actor, the Australian military. It also greatly extended the role of the UN, geared now to restarting the democratisation process by organising founding elections. But if East Timor's democratic transition is complex, an account of the precariousness of the democracy that has been brought about is straightforward. Put simply, given the weakness of institutions and civil society organization, this thesis restores attention to the autonomy and voluntarism possessed by national elites. The hypothesis guiding this thesis, then, is that elites are disunified, but have avoided any return to outright warring. Further, they are at most 'semi-loyal' in their attitudes toward democracy. Accordingly, democracy persists in East Timor, but is subject to many abuses. Thus, most of the research in this thesis seeks to explain elite-level attitudes and relations. In particular, it shows that cooperation between elites and shared commitments to democracy has been hampered by the diversity of their backgrounds. Some elites gained their standings and outlooks under Indonesian occupation. Others gained their statuses because of the guerrilla resistance they mounted against this occupation. The attitudes of other elites were deeply coloured by their experiences in a multitude of countries, including Indonesia, Portugal, Mozambique and Australia. This thesis then demonstrates that these diverse origins and standings have shaped elite attitudes and relations in ways that are unfavourable for political stability and democracy. Under Portuguese rule, three distinct elite groups emerged in East Timor: top government administrators, business elites and young professionals or intellectuals. In the last years of Portuguese domination, they formed some political parties, enabling them to emerge as political elites. Lacking what Higley et al. label structural integration and value consensus, these elites engaged in violent conflict that peaked in brief civil warring and triggered the Indonesian occupation. This elite-level disunity persisted during occupation, with elites continuing to use violence against each other. National elites were also diversified further, with the administrators and resistors joined by pro-Indonesian groups, the Catholic Church group, and nationalist intellectuals, hence extending the range of social origins and ideological outlooks. East Timor finally gained independence in 2002. However, this thesis shows that elite relations still lack integration and consensus. Their country's political frameworks were negotiated by officials from Portugal and Indonesia under the auspices of the UN. Moreover, even after the referendum sponsored by the UN was held, UN officials in New York overshadowed the preferences and decision making of national elites. This exclusion denied East Timorese elites the opportunity to learn and to habituate themselves in making political decisions based on peaceful dialogue and bargaining. Thus, while the use of overt violence diminished, elites continued to harbour deep suspicions, encouraging their use of manipulations, subterfuge, and violence by proxy in their dealings with one another. In consequence, tensions between elites in East Timor, while stopping short of outright warring, continue to simmer. It is thus uncertain whether, or for how long, these tensions might be contained by the formal institutions and procedures that have been put in place. Analysis is also clouded by the fact that in the wake of independence, still more kinds of elites have appeared on the scene. New fault lines thus stem from generational membership (older and younger), geographic location (diaspora and homegrown), and new kinds of organisational bases (political parties, state bureaucracy, security forces, business, the Catholic Church, and civil society). These elites have only begun to interact with another directly and regularly since East Timor's independence. They find that they possess different outlooks and levels of influence and power. Nonetheless, despite these inauspicious beginnings, it is important to underscore the fact that since independence, elites have refrained from the open warring that they once undertook. This thesis predicts that sustained elite skirmishing, but not open warring, and semi-democratic politics, rather than 'full' democracy or hard authoritarianism will persist. Much should be made clearer, though, by the ways in which the next parliamentary election, due in 2007, is conducted.Thesis (PhD Doctorate)
Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)
Griffith Business School
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Hughes, Caroline. "Dependent Communities: Aid and Politics in Cambodia and East Timor." Southeast Asia Program Publications, Cornell University, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/6272.
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Dependent Communities investigates the political situations in contemporary Cambodia and East Timor, where powerful international donors intervened following deadly civil conflicts. This comparative analysis critiques international policies that focus on rebuilding state institutions to accommodate the global market. In addition, it explores the dilemmas of politicians in Cambodia and East Timor who struggle to satisfy both wealthy foreign benefactors and constituents at home-groups whose interests frequently conflict.Hughes argues that the policies of Western aid organizations tend to stifle active political engagement by the citizens of countries that have been torn apart by war. The neoliberal ideology promulgated by United Nations administrations and other international NGOs advocates state sovereignty, but in fact "sovereignty" is too flimsy a foundation for effective modern democratic politics. The result is an oppressive peace that tends to rob survivors and former resistance fighters of their agency and aspirations for genuine postwar independence.In her study of these two cases, Hughes demonstrates that the clientelist strategies of Hun Sen, Cambodia's postwar leader, have created a shadow network of elites and their followers that has been comparatively effective in serving the country's villages, even though so often coercive and corrupt. East Timor's postwar leaders, on the other hand, have alienated voters by attempting to follow the guidelines of the donors closely and ignoring the immediate needs and voices of the people.Dependent Communities offers a searing analysis of contemporary international aid strategies based on the author's years of fieldwork in Cambodia and East Timor.
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Fallon, Karla S. "Making noise : the transnational politics of Aceh and East Timor in the diaspora." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/14845.
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This dissertation analyzes the transnational politics of two new or incipient diasporas, the Acehnese and East Timorese. It examines their political roles and activities in and across several countries in the West (Europe, North America, and Australia) as well as their impact on the “homeland” or country of origin, during and after armed conflict. It suggests that the importance of diaspora participation in conflict and conflict settlement is not solely or even
primarily dependent on the material resources of the diaspora. Instead it is the ideational and political resources that may determine a diaspora’s ability to ensure its impact on the homeland, on the conflict, and its participation in the conflict settlement process. This study adopts a constructivist approach, process-tracing methods, and an analytical framework that combines insights from diaspora politics and theories on transnational advocacy networks (TANs). It concludes that the Aceh and East Timor cases support the proposition that diasporas are important and dynamic political actors, even when they are small, new, and weak. These cases also support the proposition that the political identities and goals of diasporas can be transformed over time as a diaspora is replenished with new members who
have new or different ideas, as factions within diasporas gain power vis-à-vis others, and/or as the political partners available to the diaspora in the hostland and internationally change or broaden. The analysis of a diaspora’s relationship with a transnational advocacy network or
networks (TAN) yields new insights into conflict settlement processes. Diasporans
potentially learn from, contribute to, and benefit from TAN strategies and tactics. The TAN itself can help project the political influence of the diaspora. More significantly, the diaspora TAN relationship, in certain cases, can have a transformative effect on the diaspora,
potentially moderating its views and positions, and thereby facilitating conflict settlement. Moreover, the moderating influence of the diaspora-TAN relationship may have implications for the post-conflict consolidation of democracy, human rights norms, and civil society.
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Monteiro, Claudia. "Re-imagining the Empire : Portuguese media and politics and the coverage of East Timor." Thesis, University of Leicester, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/2381/30565.
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This thesis explores the impact of political discourses on the construction of the issue-culture of East Timor in Portugal, and analyses media representations of East Timor from 1975 up to 1999. The research looks specifically at the discourses and strategies of the state and those groups who challenged establishment views of the issue, namely NGOs campaigning for the territory and the Timorese resistance. On the basis of material gathered through media stories, political documents and interviews, the research argues that media coverage was driven by the political framing of East Timor; that challenge groups were more successful in defining the terms of coverage when they sought resonance with larger cultural themes; and that changing media practices impacted dramatically on the news narrative. It concludes that East Timor was legitimised once it was transformed into a domestic issue, and articulated with ideological versions of identity and history reminiscent of the Portuguese Empire.
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Nuttall, Ruth Elizabeth. "The Origins and Onset of the 2006 Crisis in Timor-Leste." Phd thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/117527.
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In the space of four weeks in April and May 2006, the
newly independent country of Timor-Leste plunged from 'UN success
story' into catastrophe. As hostilities grew, most of the
inhabitants of the capital city fled their homes, and on 24 May,
amidst armed conflict among police, army and irregular groups,
Timor-Leste's leadership called in an international military
intervention to restore the peace. Despite its gravity the crisis
remains poorly understood both inside and outside the country,
and many of its critical details have been lost to sight in the
wake of subsequent events. The political nature of the crisis and
the violence accompanying it exposed unresolved issues and deep
divisions rooted in Timor's history. A returned Fretilin exile
group under the leadership of Mari Alkatiri outmanoeuvred
resistance hero Xanana Gusmão in the UN-managed political and
constitutional processes leading to independence in 2002. After
independence Prime Minister Mari Alkatiri pursued an autocratic
style of government, favouring friends and excluding and
persecuting opponents, built up paramilitary police forces and
declared that Fretilin would rule for fifty years. By early 2006
Timor-Leste's first significant petroleum revenues had come on
stream, its first parliamentary elections were due in 2007, and
the UN mission (UNOTIL) was preparing to leave. Prime Minister
Mari Alkatiri's appetite for power and authority, resisted by
President Xanana Gusmão, made a confrontation of some kind
inevitable. In early 2006 the political contest between Mari
Alkatiri and Xanana Gusmão surfaced, over complaints of
discrimination in the army. Over the following months, as
tensions grew, the army fractured and the police force
disintegrated. In May 2006 armed conflict among army, police, and
irregular armed groups brought the country to the brink of civil
war, halted only by the rapid deployment of Australian-led
international forces on 25 May. Subsequent judicial
investigations and prosecutions were pursued in dilatory fashion
and left the impression that an understanding had been reached
among the leadership to avoid mutual recrimination. The failure
of the country's leadership to resolve pressing issues before the
crisis, and their failure afterwards to account publicly for and
to atone for what happened in 2006, sacrificed democratic and
legal principle in the interest of political deal-making, and
embedded undesirable precedents in Timor-Leste's political and
judicial practice.
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Farreras, Morlanes Teresa. "East Timorese ethno-nationalism: search for an identity - cultural and political self-determination." Phd thesis, University of Queensland, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/267386.
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This thesis is an examination of the development of
ethnic, cultural and national identity among the East Timor
people reaching Australia after the East Timor civil war of
August 1975 .
In the introduction I argue that ethnic and national
identity, or ethno-nationalism, is not a natural phenomenon
and that it can emerge at any moment in time owing to
specific historical, socio-economic or political
circumstances. I argue that during the 1974-1975 period the
Portuguese- Timorese mestieo (racially mixed) elite of East
Timer, principally those of Dili, of which the refugees are
representative, began developing specific ethnic and
nationalist ideologies in response to new political
circumstances offering the people the opportunity to assert
an all-embracing East Timorese identity.
The chapters which follow present data and analysis in
support of the initial argument and are directed to show that
a combination of theoretical approaches offer a better
rationale for the understanding of identity creation and
development.
In Chapters 2 and 3 I describe the refugees' historical,
socio-economic and political background and assert that
history is important for an understanding of the selective
representation of myths, symbols, ideologies and instrumental
tactics.
In Chapters 4, 5 and 6 I examine the development of
III
identity against the interplay of social order, power and
conflict. I direct the analysis towards the notion of
negotiation of an identity within global and local political
and social parameters. I examine political issues, contextual
problems, personal and group motives and the re-creation and
presentation of symbols, myths, ideas and beliefs.
Chapter 7 shows how the search for the legitimization of
an identity and political claims by nationalist individuals
and the group are directed by the intelligentsia 1 s
manipulation through the artistic media of specific
nationalist ideologies aimed at resolving the problems of the
present.
In Chapter 8 I discuss the role of the Catholic Church in
the politics of identity building, its position in relation
to the people's demands of historical and cultural
obligations, the dilemmas experienced by the Church in the
face of its own tenets and the institutionalized order, and
the people's teleological use of religion as techniques of
political resistance.
I conclude by reasserting that refugee populations such as
the East Timorese in having to re-stablish their lives in an
alien context would normally strive to function socially
according to their perceptions of priority needs, creating in
the process new subjective understandings. I stress that
this also demonstrates that it is paramount to direct the
analysis of ethno-nationalism through a combination of
diverse theoretical approaches and that in this form one can
better understand the whole set of the people's strategies
for identity survival.
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Jones, Lee C. "ASEAN, social conflict and intervention in Southeast Asia." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2009. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:c17c8000-e2f2-46c2-a421-5a94a94bea0d.
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This thesis challenges the prevailing academic and journalistic consensus that ASEAN states, bound by a cast-iron norm of non-interference, do not intervene in other states’ internal affairs. It argues that ASEAN states have frequently engaged in acts of intervention, often with very serious, negative consequences. Using methods of critical historical sociology, the thesis reconstructs the history of ASEAN’s non-interference principle and interventions from ASEAN’s inception onwards, drawing on sources including ASEAN and UN documents, US and UK archives, and policymaker interviews. It focuses especially on three case studies: East Timor, Cambodia, and Myanmar. The thesis argues that both the emergence of ideologies of non-intervention and their violation can be explained by the social conflicts animating state policies. Non-interference was developed by embattled, authoritarian, capitalist elites in an attempt to bolster their defence of capitalist social order from radical challenges. Where adherence to non-intervention failed to serve this purpose, it was discarded or manipulated to permit cross-border ‘containment’ operations. After communism was defeated in the ASEAN states, foreign policy continued to promote the interests of dominant, state-linked business groups and oligarchic factions. Non-interference shifted to defend domestic power structures from the West’s liberalising agenda. However, ASEAN elites continued meddling in neighbouring states even as containment operations were discarded. This contributed to the collapse of Cambodia’s ruling coalition in 1997, and ASEAN subsequently intervened to restore it. The 1997 Asian financial crisis dealt a crippling blow to ASEAN. To contain domestic unrest in Indonesia, core ASEAN states joined a humanitarian intervention in East Timor in 1999. In the decade since, non-interference has been progressively weakened as the core members struggle to regain domestic legitimacy and lost international political and economic space. This is expressed most clearly in ASEAN’s attempts to insert itself into Myanmar’s democratisation process after decades of failed ‘constructive engagement’.
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Kilcullen, David J. Politics Australian Defence Force Academy UNSW. "The political consequences of military operations in Indonesia 1945-99 : a fieldwork analysis of the political power-diffusion effects of guerilla conflict." Awarded by:University of New South Wales - Australian Defence Force Academy. School of Politics, 2000. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/38709.
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Problem Investigated. This dissertation is a study of the political effects of low-intensity warfare in Indonesia since 1945. In particular, it examines the interaction between general principles and contextual variables in guerrilla conflict, to determine whether such conflict causes the diffusion of political power. Analysis of insurgent movements indicates that power structures within a guerrilla group tend to be regionalised, diffuse and based on multiple centres of roughly equal authority. Conversely, studies of counter-insurgency (COIN) techniques indicate that successful COIN depends on effective political control over the local population. This tends to be exercised by regional or local military commanders rather than by central authority. Based on this, the author???s initial analysis indicated that one should expect to see a diffusion of political authority from central leaders (whether civilian or military) to regional military leaders, when a society is engaged in the conduct of either COIN or guerrilla warfare. The problem investigated in this dissertation can therefore be stated thus: To what extent, at which levels of analysis and subject to what influencing factors does low-intensity warfare in Indonesia between 1945 and 1999 demonstrate a political power-diffusion effect? Procedures Followed. The procedure followed was a diachronic, qualitative, fieldwork-based analysis of two principle case studies: the Darul Islam insurgency in West Java 1948-1962 and the campaign in East Timor 1974-1999. Principle research tools were: ??? Semi-structured, formal, informal and group interviews. ??? Analysis of official and private archives in Australia, Indonesia, the Netherlands and the UK. ??? Participant observation using anthropological fieldwork techniques. ??? Geographical analysis using transects, basemapping and overhead imagery. ??? Demographic analysis using historical data, cartographic records and surveys. Research was conducted in Australia, Indonesia (Jakarta and Bandung), the Netherlands (The Hague and Amsterdam) and the United Kingdom (London, Winchester, Salisbury and Warminster). Fieldwork was conducted over three periods in West Java (1994, 1995 and 1996) and one period in East Timor (1999-2000). General Results Obtained. The two principal case studies were the Darul Islam insurgency in West Java 1948-62 and the campaign in East Timor since 1974. The fieldwork data showed that low-intensity warfare in Indonesia between 1945 and 1999 did indeed demonstrate the political power-diffusion effect posited by the author. This effect was triggered by the outbreak of guerrilla warfare, which itself flowed from crises generated by processes of modernisation and change within Indonesian society from traditional hierarchies to modern forms of social organisation. These crises were also affected by events at the systemic and regional levels of analysis ??? the invasion of the Netherlands East Indies by Japan, the Cold War, the Asian financial crisis and increasing economic and media globalisation. They resulted in a breakdown or weakening of formal power structures, allowing informal power structures to dominate. This in turn allowed local elites with economic, social or religious influence and with coercive power over the population, to develop political and military power at the local level while being subject to little control from higher levels. This process, then, represented a power diffusion from central and civilian leadership levels to local leaders with coercive means ??? most often military or insurgent leaders. Having been triggered by guerrilla operations, however, the direction and process by which such power diffusion operated was heavily influenced by contextual variables, of which the most important were geographical factors, political culture, traditional authority structures and the interaction of external variables at different levels of analysis. Topographical isolation, poor infrastructure, severe terrain, scattered population groupings and strong influence by traditional hierarchies tend to accelerate and exacerbate the loss of central control. Conversely good infrastructure, large population centres, good communications and a high degree of influence by nation-state and systemic levels of analysis ??? particularly through economic and governmental institutionalisation ??? tend to slow such diffusion. Moreover, while power may be diffusing at one level of analysis (e.g. nation-state) it may be centralising at another (e.g. into the hands of military leaders at local level). Analysis of the Malayan Emergency indicates that, in a comparable non-Indonesian historical example, the same general tendency to political power diffusion was evident and that the same broad contextual variables mediated it. However, it would be premature to conclude that the process observed in Indonesia is generally applicable. The nature and relative importance of contextual factors is likely to vary between examples and hence additional research on non-Indonesian examples would be necessary before such a conclusion could be drawn. Further research on a current instance of guerrilla operations in Indonesia is also essential before the broader contemporary applicability of these findings can be reliably demonstrated. Major Conclusions Reached. Based on the above, the theses developed to answer the initial problem can be stated thus: The command and control (C2) structures inherent in traditional, dispersed rural guerrilla movements that lack access to mass media or electronic communications tend to lessen the degree of control by central (military or political) leaders over regional leaders. If COIN or Internal Security Operations are conducted, two factors will operate. First, there will be an increase in the degree of control over the civil population by local military leaders, at the expense of local or central political leaders. Second, where military command structures are pyramidal or segmentary, there will be an increase in control by local commanders at the expense of central military leaders. Where the central government is civilian or has interests divergent from the military???s, the first of these factors will dominate. Where the government is military or has interests largely identical to those of the military, the second factor will be dominant. The process of power diffusion can thus be summarised as follows: A crisis driven by processes of societal change or by external causes, leads to the outbreak of violence, one facet of which may include guerrilla operations. If guerrilla operations do occur, the C2 structures inherent in such operations give a high degree of autonomy and independence to local military leaders. The same (or a contemporaneous) crisis produces a breakdown of formal power structures, causing organisations to fall back upon informal power structures. The nature of these informal power structures is determined by geography, political culture, patterns of traditional authority within the society and the degree of interaction of systemic/regional factors with local events. Thus the guerrilla operations and the concomitant breakdown in formal power structures form the trigger for political power diffusion. The precise nature and progress of this diffusion is then determined by contextual variables.
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Grainger, Alex. "Alternative forms of power in East Timor 1999-2009 : a historical perspective." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2013. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/3496/.
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This thesis presents an alternative to prevailing understandings of politics in East Timor in the period 1999-2009. Employing the language of state-building, dominant views posit that the new nation’s ‘crisis’ in 2006 is attributable to a ‘weak state’, arguing that substantial constraints on ‘human development’, a legacy of either the Indonesian period or failures of UN state building, presented insurmountable challenges to ‘capacity building’ which hampered the development of a public administration and other arms of the state. A closely related body of analysis attributes the causes, passage and resolution of ‘crisis’ to actors from the political elite. In this view, intraelite conflict foreclosed the possibility of the crisis’s early resolution, and attributed crisis to bad ‘policy-making’. A second perspective posits that a crisis was the result not of a weak state, but of the disempowerment of a strong civil society, that through ‘networked governance’, a legacy of the resistance network against Indonesia, can be relied on to rule. This thesis suggests that the remarkable uniformity of these analyses can be explained by their having: a) largely overlooked pre-1999 politics; and b) used a liberal perspective in which both abstractions and technical solutions (rule of law, capacity building) are assumed to be able to ‘correct’ ‘problems’ leading to ‘crisis’. This thesis proposes an explanation for contemporary politics found not solely in crisis or peace, but in the past. The postcolonial state is examined through the lens of colonial power relations, in terms of the extent and limits of modern ‘bio-power’. Successive chapters examine health and hygiene, the inculcation of norms and dispositions, family and habitat, and monetization. These themes are related back to state formation across the 20th century, and moreover, to an evaluation of life and death, processes evident throughout the practices of contemporary politics, including being significant in the institution of the postcolonial state. A key site of this power across time has been ‘missionary power’, embedded and semi-autonomous from the colonial state, rather than the Catholic Church per se. The manifold limits of colonial bio-power are identified not only as being a result of the paucity of material resources of the state, therefore, but also colonial ambivalence over subjects, durable relations between (and divergent representations of) missionaries and indigenous authorities, and contradictions between ‘modernity’ and ‘tradition’, all of which are shown to play out in contemporary politics. Through this analysis, the thesis reveals an alternative interpretation of East Timor since 1999, and offers possibilities for considering politics in other postcolonial contexts.
Books on the topic "East Timor politics"
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Cox, Steve. Generations of resistance: East Timor. London: Cassell, 1995.
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Jardine, Matthew. East Timor: Genocide in paradise. Tuscon, AZ: Odonian Press, 1995.
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1948-, Carey Peter, ed. Generations of resistance: East Timor. London: Cassell, 1995.
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G, Taylor John. East timor: The price of freedom. New York: Zed Books Ltd., 1999.
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East Timor: The price of freedom. New York: Palgrave-Macmillan, 2009.
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Soares, Domingos M. Dores. Timor Timur: Kasus paling memalukan PBB?! [Jakarta: Setiahati Pres, 2002.
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Taudevin, Lansell. East Timor: Too little too late. Sydney: Duffy & Snellgrove, 1999.
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1959-, Cristalis Irena, ed. East Timor: A nation's bitter dawn. 2nd ed. London: Zed Books, 2009.
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John, Crawford. Operation East Timor: The New Zealand Defence Force in East Timor, 1999-2001. Birkenhead, Auckland [ N.Z.]: Reed Pub. (NZ), 2001.
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Cristalis, Irena. East Timor: A nation's bitter dawn. 2nd ed. London: Zed Books, 2009.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "East Timor politics"
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Nevins, Joseph. "East Timor, the USA, and Mass Atrocities: Remembering and Forgetting." In Public Memory, Public Media and the Politics of Justice, 65–79. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137265173_4.
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Arthur, Catherine E. "Monuments and Memorials: Funu, Terus, and Constructing an East Timorese National Identity." In Political Symbols and National Identity in Timor-Leste, 71–104. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-98782-8_3.
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Arthur, Catherine E. "Painting Peace and Prosperity: Street Art, the Geração Foun, and Identifying with an Evolving ‘East Timorese-ness’." In Political Symbols and National Identity in Timor-Leste, 203–37. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-98782-8_7.
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McAuliffe, Pádraig. "Adapting to Survive: The Peculiar Fate of Liberal Governance Models in East Timor." In Governance and Political Adaptation in Fragile States, 105–33. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-90749-9_5.
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Berlie, Jean A. "Fretilin and CNRT: A Short Comparative Study of the Two Main Political Parties of East Timor." In East Timor's Independence, Indonesia and ASEAN, 113–38. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-62630-7_5.
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"East Timor and Australia." In Politics in Asia. Routledge, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203420997.ch1.
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"Australia’s East Timor." In Politics in Asia. Routledge, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203420997.ch6.
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"Australia’s East Timor commitment." In Politics in Asia. Routledge, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203420997.ch5.
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Hughes, Caroline. "Poor people’s politics in East Timor." In The ‘Local Turn’ in Peacebuilding, 92–112. Routledge, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315232263-6.
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"The emergence of politics and political conflict: developments April 1974 to December 1975." In Justice and Governance in East Timor, 68–92. Routledge, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203147863-10.
Full textConference papers on the topic "East Timor politics"
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Munhanif, Ali. "Democratization and The Politics of Conflict Resolution in Indonesia: Institutional Analysis of East Timor Referendum in 1999." In Proceedings of the 5th International Conference on Social and Political Sciences, ICSPS 2019, 12th November 2019, Jakarta, Indonesia. EAI, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4108/eai.12-11-2019.2293554.
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Azis, A. "The Use of Traditional Conflict Resolution: A Case Study of Timor Leste." In Proceedings of the First Brawijaya International Conference on Social and Political Sciences, BSPACE, 26-28 November, 2019, Malang, East Java, Indonesia. EAI, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4108/eai.26-11-2019.2295153.
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Nasution, Nazaruddin. "Human Rights Violations In Southeast Asia : The case of Khmer Rouge of 1975-1979 (Cambodia) and The case of East Timor of 1999 (Indonesia)." In Third International Conference on Social and Political Sciences (ICSPS 2017). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/icsps-17.2018.9.
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Hutasoit, Kennorton, Henni Gusfa, and Ahmad Mulyana. "Effect of New Media on Political Participation in the Border Area of the Republic of Indonesia - The Democratic Republic of East Timor." In Proceedings of the 2nd International Conference on Social Sciences, ICSS 2019, 5-6 November 2019, Jakarta, Indonesia. EAI, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4108/eai.5-11-2019.2292496.
Full textReports on the topic "East Timor politics"
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Rikhlova, Tatiana. Political administrative map of the Democratic Republic of East Timor-Leste. Edited by Nikolay Komedchikov and Aleksandr Khropov. Entsiklopediya, July 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.15356/dm2015-12-17-2.
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