Academic literature on the topic 'East Timor independence'
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Journal articles on the topic "East Timor independence"
1
Smith, Anthony L. "East Timor: Beyond Independence." Contemporary Southeast Asia 30, no. 2 (August 2008): 340–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1355/cs30-2k.
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Clark, Roger S. "Some International Law Aspects of the East Timor Affair." Leiden Journal of International Law 5, no. 2 (October 1992): 265–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0922156500002508.
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On December 7, 1975 Indonesian forces invaded the territory of East Timor, a Portuguese colony for some four and a half centuries. Following the 1974 Portuguese revolution, East Timor, like other Portuguese non-self-governing territories had been going through a process of self determination. Portuguese authorities evacuated the territory in August 1975 during civil disorders, condoned if not fomented by the Indonesians. The Frente Revolucianaria de Timor Leste Independente (FRETILIN), a popular group which aimed at independence for the territory after a short transitional period, gained the upper hand. It declared independence on November 28, 1975, hoping this would strengthen its hand in dealing with Indonesian border incursions. A full-scale Indonesian invasion followed.
3
Arthur, Catherine. "From Fretilin to freedom: The evolution of the symbolism of Timor-Leste's national flag." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 49, no. 2 (June 2018): 227–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463418000206.
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Since regaining its independence in 2002, nation-building has been the focus of much scholarly research on Timor-Leste. National identity construction is a crucial aspect of this process, yet the ways in which this identity is officially represented has been largely overlooked. This article takes the national flag of Timor-Leste as a case study to explore the ways in which a historic East Timorese national identity has been symbolically constructed and visually embodied. By considering the potency of flags in an East Timorese cultural context, and by analysing the origins of Timor-Leste's flag alongside that of the political party Fretilin (Frente Revolucionária do Timor-Leste Independente), it becomes clear that post-independence re-imaginings of its symbolism have rendered it a powerful national symbol in the contemporary nation-state.
4
Kammen, Douglas. "Subordinating Timor: Central authority and the origins of communal identities in East Timor." Bijdragen tot de taal-, land- en volkenkunde / Journal of the Humanities and Social Sciences of Southeast Asia 166, no. 2-3 (2010): 244–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22134379-90003618.
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In 2006, a mere seven years after the overwhelming vote in opposition to Indonesia's final offer of 'broad autonomy' and only four years after the restoration of independence, communal violence erupted in Dili, the capital of East Timor. This violence was framed in terms of tensions between westerners, known as kaladi, and easterners, known as firaku. This essay seeks to answer two basic puzzles. First, what are the origins of these communal labels? Second, why did these terms resonate so profoundly within East Timorese society so soon after independence? Tracing the history of these terms, this essay argues that across more than three centuries these communal labels have emerged during crucial struggles to exert central authority. In doing so, this essay highlights the relationship between regional identities and the social ecology of food.
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Thomaz, Luís Filipe F. R. "East Timor: A Historical Singularity." Human and Social Studies 3, no. 3 (October 1, 2014): 13–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/hssr-2013-0036.
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Abstract During the 24 years of the Indonesian occupation of East Timor, to talk about its cultural individuality as a product of its history - focusing on what set it apart from Indonesia - was an act likely to raise suspicions of some kind of manipulation of history for political purposes. Naturally, the same suspicions could fall on anyone assuming an opposite view, that is a view that valued the connection uniting the two peoples and discarded what separated them. In this paper, we adhere more to the first perspective. Obviously, we are not driven by the desire to prove that East Timor had to be, a priori, independent; this is by no means the task of a historian. We are simply trying to explain, a posteriori, why, in the referendum of 30 August 1999, the people of East Timor voted overwhelmingly for independence
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Stahn, Carsten. "Accommodating Individual Criminal Responsibility and National Reconciliation: The UN Truth Commission for East Timor." American Journal of International Law 95, no. 4 (October 2001): 952–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2674655.
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The population of East Timor has been subjected to severe human rights violations, in both the near and the more distant past.1 Indonesia invaded the former Portuguese colony and non-self-governing territory under Chapter XI of the United Nations Charter on December 7,1975, after a period of civil turmoil and political instability marked by parallel claims to independence and calls for integration into Indonesia.2 The Indonesian invasion brought with it massive violations of human rights and the laws of war.3 Military clashes between the independence movement FRETILIN (Frente Revolucionaria do Timor Leste Independente) and Indonesia continued on a large scale until 1979, though rebellion against Indonesian rule generally persisted for the whole period of Indonesian occupation. Beginning in January 1999, pro-Indonesian militia, supported by Indonesian security forces.
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Margarida Ramos, Ana. "From occupation to independence: contemporary East Timorese history and identity in Portuguese picturebooks." Problemy Wczesnej Edukacji 34, no. 3 (September 30, 2016): 58–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0009.4843.
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In Portugal, the suffering and struggle of the East Timorese people for independence started a social movement of solidarity with strong repercussions in the arts, namely music and literature. Children’s Literature depicted the theme of this period of oppression in East Timor, as well as the recognition of its independence and its right to freedom, in a picturebook selected for the White Ravens List in 2003 called East Timor – Island of the Rising Sun (2001), by João Pedro Mésseder and André Letria. This unusual picturebook, characterised by a very simple and sparse, almost poetic, text combined with large-format pictures, depicts this chapter of the contemporary history of East Timor in very specific way, resembling fairy tales or legends. The text and images are combined in order to promote symbolic readings, suggesting a magical/mystical environment that impresses readers. More than a decade later, recent struggles and stories from East Timor are still present in Portuguese picturebooks such as Lya/Lia (2014), by Margarida Botelho. The social change, path to democracy and educational development, as well as daily life and children’s pastimes are now the centre of a narrative that establishes the similarities and differences between modern-day Portugal and East Timor. Our aim is to analyse both the political and ideological perspectives present in these picturebooks aimed at very young readers, offering a broad vision of different realities and contexts, even when they deal with war, death and suffering, as was the case of the East Timorese fight for independence.
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Urban, Samuel Penteado. "Paulo Freire e a educação popular em Timor-Leste: uma história de libertação." Revista Educação e Emancipação 10, no. 1 (June 13, 2017): 76. http://dx.doi.org/10.18764/2358-4319.v10n1p76-100.
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Timor-Leste é considerada a primeira democracia a se estabelecer como tal no século XXI, sendo que seu passado foi marcado por invasões: Portugal (1515-1975), num primeiro momento e Indonésia (1975-1999) num segundo. Num primeiro momento, com o processo de colonização português, muito pouco se fez para Timor, principalmente ao que se refere a educação, sendo esta uma ação política. Com a invasão indonésia em 1975, após o curto período de independência, foi-se muito investido na construção de escolas, desde a educação infantil até o ensino superior, baseando-se no ensino ideologicamente integracionista. Internamente a luta pela restauração da independência, a Educação foi uma das armas para que assim Timor conquistasse a restauração da independência em 2002. Através da Frente de Timor-Leste Independente (FRETILIN), iniciouse um processo de Educação Popular que teve grande infl uência de Paulo Freire. Esse processo educativo, ligado à conscientização política, baseou-se no conhecimento cotidiano dos próprios educandos e num ensino contextualizado as necessidades da luta. Desta forma, pretendeuse realizar apontamentos acerca da Educação Popular em Timor-Leste, levando em conta a infl uência de Paulo Freire, utilizando-se de material relacionado à história da educação em Timor-Leste e Educação Popular em Timor-Leste, além de entrevistas realizadas com o Professor Dr. Antero Benedito da Silva e com o sr. Alberto, vice residente do movimento social do campo de Timor denominada União dos Agricultores de Ermera (UNAER).Palavras-chave: Educação Popular. Paulo Freire. Timor-Leste.Paulo Freire and popular education in East Timor: a history of liberationABSTRACTEast Timor is considered the fi rst democracy to be established as such in the twenty-fi rst century and its past is marked for invasions: Portugal (1515-1975) at fi rst and Indonesia (1975-1999) in a second. At fi rst, the process of Portuguese colonization, very little has been done to Timor, mainly education which is a political action. After Indonesian invasion in 1975, after the short period of independence, it was-very invested in the construction of schools, from kindergarten to higher education, based on the integrationist ideological education. During this process, internally the struggle for restoration of independence, education was one of the weapons so that Timor conquered the restoration of independence in 2002. Through the Front of Independent East Timor (FRETILIN), began a process of Popular Education which had great infl uence of Paulo Freire. This educational process, linked to political awareness, was based on the everyday knowledge of their own students and a teaching contextualized the fi ghting needs. Thus, the aim was to make notes about the Popular Education in East Timor, taking into account the infl uence of Paulo Freire, using material related to the history of education in East Timor and Popular Education in East Timor, and interviews with Professor PHD Antero Benedito da Silva and with Mr. Alberto, the vice president of the social movement of the countryside Farmers Union of Ermera (UNAER).Keywords: Popular Education. Paulo Freire.East Timor.Paulo Freire y la educación popular em Timor Leste: una historia de liberaciónRESUMENTimor Oriental es considerada como la primera democracia que se establecerá como tal en el siglo XXI, y su pasado estuvo marcado por las invasiones: Portugal (1515-1975), en la primera e Indonesia (1975-1999) en un segundo. En un primer momento, el proceso de colonización portuguesa, muy poco se ha hecho para Timor, se refi ere principalmente a lo que la educación, que es una acción política. Con la invasión de Indonesia en 1975, después del breve período de independencia, se levanta muy invertido en la construcción de escuelas, desde preescolar hasta la educación superior, en base a la educación ideologicamente integracionista. Internamente, la lucha por la restauración de la independencia, la educación era una de las armas para que Timor conquistó la restauración de la independencia en 2002. A través del Frente de Timor Oriental Independiente (FRETILIN), se inició un proceso de educación popular que tuvo gran infl uencia de Paulo Freire. Este proceso educativo, vinculado a la conciencia política, se basó en el conocimiento cotidiano de sus propios estudiantes y una enseñanza contextualizada las necesidades de lucha. De este modo, se pretende llevar a cabo notas sobre la educación popular en Timor Oriental, usando el material relacionado con la Historia de la educación en Timor-Leste y Educación Popular en Timor Oriental, teniendo en cuenta la influencia de Paulo Freire, así como entrevistas con el profesor Dr. Antero Benedito da Silva y el Sr. Alberto, vice residente del campo de Timor movimento social denominado Unión de Agricultores Ermera (UNAER).Palabras clave: la educación popular. Paulo Freire. Timor-Leste.
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Nordquist, Kjell-Åke. "Autonomy, Local Voices and Conflict Resolution: Lessons from East Timor." International Journal on Minority and Group Rights 20, no. 1 (2013): 107–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718115-02001007.
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The civil society in East Timor – today The Democratic Republic of Timor-Leste – developed knowledge and views about different constitutional structures during some critical years before the country’s independence in 2002. “Autonomy” proved to be an effective generic concept for this purpose in dialogues and seminars, organised inside and outside East Timor, on the issue of the territory’s future international status. While a certain political autonomy structure, alongside with independence, were the two options in the 1999 UN-led referendum on East Timor’s final status, the concept of “autonomy” was used as a point of reference for the analysis of principally different structural options for small territories – from typical independence, via forms of limited independence and associated state arrangements, to autonomy and levels of integration. Naturally, existing autonomy arrangments are studied when relevant in peace processes, but the concept of “autonomy”, with its need for local adaptation and recognition of difference, brings also compromise and therefore creativity into a process of political wrangling. In addition, an autonomy perspective in peace processes raises the issue of human rights protection on national level – can it protect on the level of an autonomy? The autonomy concept provides, finally, a framework for its own legitimacy, in relation to human rights and other measures in defense of human dignity. To identify a potential autonomy, thus, means assessing the characteristics of difference in such a framework, a process that local voices in East Timor needed to pursue.
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de Hoogh, André J. J. "Some Random Remarks on Complaints Regarding the East Timor Popular Consultation." Leiden Journal of International Law 13, no. 4 (December 2000): 997–1010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0922156500000571.
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The referendum of 30 August 1999 constituted a historic exercise of the right to self-determination by the people of East Timor. It rejected autonomy within Indonesia and chose to go forward on the path towards independence. Proponents of autonomy complained that they had been barred from participating in the process, and that Timorese staff had systematically told or forced people to vote for independence. However, there is no evidence that the referendum was corrupted through systematic bias on the part of local staff members. The outcome of the referendum, 78.5% in favour of independence, must be accepted as an accurate reflection of the will of the people of East Timor.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "East Timor independence"
1
Guterres, Francisco da Costa, and n/a. "Elites and Prospects of Democracy in East Timor." Griffith University. Griffith Business School, 2006. http://www4.gu.edu.au:8080/adt-root/public/adt-QGU20061108.163627.
Full textAbstract:
East Timor is a former colony of Portugal and one-time province of Indonesia. Portuguese colonization ended in 1975 amid brief civil warring between local political parties that had recently been established. This conflict was followed by an Indonesian military invasion, ushering in a period of domination that only ended in 1999 when the United Nations carried out a referendum by which to determine East Timor's future. But this occupation also ended with much violence, generating bitter sentiments between elites that has hampered democratisation even as independence has been won. One of the conclusions made in this study is that East Timor's transition to democracy fails to correlate fully with any of the modal processes outlined in the literature. Rather, in the case of East Timor, a number of pathways merge. In some ways, it begins with what Huntington conceptualized as bottom-up 'replacement', with local mass publics voting against their oppressors. But one of the factors that quickly distinguished this case is that the voting by which change was organized by an external force, the United Nations (UN), and targeted a foreign power, the Indonesian government. In this way, the processes of independence and democratisation were nearly coterminous. East Timor's progress was also complicated by Indonesia's responding to the referendum's outcome by instigating much violence through the militia groups that it controlled. This summoned yet another external actor, the Australian military. It also greatly extended the role of the UN, geared now to restarting the democratisation process by organising founding elections. But if East Timor's democratic transition is complex, an account of the precariousness of the democracy that has been brought about is straightforward. Put simply, given the weakness of institutions and civil society organization, this thesis restores attention to the autonomy and voluntarism possessed by national elites. The hypothesis guiding this thesis, then, is that elites are disunified, but have avoided any return to outright warring. Further, they are at most 'semi-loyal' in their attitudes toward democracy. Accordingly, democracy persists in East Timor, but is subject to many abuses. Thus, most of the research in this thesis seeks to explain elite-level attitudes and relations. In particular, it shows that cooperation between elites and shared commitments to democracy has been hampered by the diversity of their backgrounds. Some elites gained their standings and outlooks under Indonesian occupation. Others gained their statuses because of the guerrilla resistance they mounted against this occupation. The attitudes of other elites were deeply coloured by their experiences in a multitude of countries, including Indonesia, Portugal, Mozambique and Australia. This thesis then demonstrates that these diverse origins and standings have shaped elite attitudes and relations in ways that are unfavourable for political stability and democracy. Under Portuguese rule, three distinct elite groups emerged in East Timor: top government administrators, business elites and young professionals or intellectuals. In the last years of Portuguese domination, they formed some political parties, enabling them to emerge as political elites. Lacking what Higley et al. label structural integration and value consensus, these elites engaged in violent conflict that peaked in brief civil warring and triggered the Indonesian occupation. This elite-level disunity persisted during occupation, with elites continuing to use violence against each other. National elites were also diversified further, with the administrators and resistors joined by pro-Indonesian groups, the Catholic Church group, and nationalist intellectuals, hence extending the range of social origins and ideological outlooks. East Timor finally gained independence in 2002. However, this thesis shows that elite relations still lack integration and consensus. Their country's political frameworks were negotiated by officials from Portugal and Indonesia under the auspices of the UN. Moreover, even after the referendum sponsored by the UN was held, UN officials in New York overshadowed the preferences and decision making of national elites. This exclusion denied East Timorese elites the opportunity to learn and to habituate themselves in making political decisions based on peaceful dialogue and bargaining. Thus, while the use of overt violence diminished, elites continued to harbour deep suspicions, encouraging their use of manipulations, subterfuge, and violence by proxy in their dealings with one another. In consequence, tensions between elites in East Timor, while stopping short of outright warring, continue to simmer. It is thus uncertain whether, or for how long, these tensions might be contained by the formal institutions and procedures that have been put in place. Analysis is also clouded by the fact that in the wake of independence, still more kinds of elites have appeared on the scene. New fault lines thus stem from generational membership (older and younger), geographic location (diaspora and homegrown), and new kinds of organisational bases (political parties, state bureaucracy, security forces, business, the Catholic Church, and civil society). These elites have only begun to interact with another directly and regularly since East Timor's independence. They find that they possess different outlooks and levels of influence and power. Nonetheless, despite these inauspicious beginnings, it is important to underscore the fact that since independence, elites have refrained from the open warring that they once undertook. This thesis predicts that sustained elite skirmishing, but not open warring, and semi-democratic politics, rather than 'full' democracy or hard authoritarianism will persist. Much should be made clearer, though, by the ways in which the next parliamentary election, due in 2007, is conducted.
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Guterres, Francisco da Costa. "Elites and Prospects of Democracy in East Timor." Thesis, Griffith University, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10072/367921.
Full textAbstract:
East Timor is a former colony of Portugal and one-time province of Indonesia. Portuguese colonization ended in 1975 amid brief civil warring between local political parties that had recently been established. This conflict was followed by an Indonesian military invasion, ushering in a period of domination that only ended in 1999 when the United Nations carried out a referendum by which to determine East Timor's future. But this occupation also ended with much violence, generating bitter sentiments between elites that has hampered democratisation even as independence has been won. One of the conclusions made in this study is that East Timor's transition to democracy fails to correlate fully with any of the modal processes outlined in the literature. Rather, in the case of East Timor, a number of pathways merge. In some ways, it begins with what Huntington conceptualized as bottom-up 'replacement', with local mass publics voting against their oppressors. But one of the factors that quickly distinguished this case is that the voting by which change was organized by an external force, the United Nations (UN), and targeted a foreign power, the Indonesian government. In this way, the processes of independence and democratisation were nearly coterminous. East Timor's progress was also complicated by Indonesia's responding to the referendum's outcome by instigating much violence through the militia groups that it controlled. This summoned yet another external actor, the Australian military. It also greatly extended the role of the UN, geared now to restarting the democratisation process by organising founding elections. But if East Timor's democratic transition is complex, an account of the precariousness of the democracy that has been brought about is straightforward. Put simply, given the weakness of institutions and civil society organization, this thesis restores attention to the autonomy and voluntarism possessed by national elites. The hypothesis guiding this thesis, then, is that elites are disunified, but have avoided any return to outright warring. Further, they are at most 'semi-loyal' in their attitudes toward democracy. Accordingly, democracy persists in East Timor, but is subject to many abuses. Thus, most of the research in this thesis seeks to explain elite-level attitudes and relations. In particular, it shows that cooperation between elites and shared commitments to democracy has been hampered by the diversity of their backgrounds. Some elites gained their standings and outlooks under Indonesian occupation. Others gained their statuses because of the guerrilla resistance they mounted against this occupation. The attitudes of other elites were deeply coloured by their experiences in a multitude of countries, including Indonesia, Portugal, Mozambique and Australia. This thesis then demonstrates that these diverse origins and standings have shaped elite attitudes and relations in ways that are unfavourable for political stability and democracy. Under Portuguese rule, three distinct elite groups emerged in East Timor: top government administrators, business elites and young professionals or intellectuals. In the last years of Portuguese domination, they formed some political parties, enabling them to emerge as political elites. Lacking what Higley et al. label structural integration and value consensus, these elites engaged in violent conflict that peaked in brief civil warring and triggered the Indonesian occupation. This elite-level disunity persisted during occupation, with elites continuing to use violence against each other. National elites were also diversified further, with the administrators and resistors joined by pro-Indonesian groups, the Catholic Church group, and nationalist intellectuals, hence extending the range of social origins and ideological outlooks. East Timor finally gained independence in 2002. However, this thesis shows that elite relations still lack integration and consensus. Their country's political frameworks were negotiated by officials from Portugal and Indonesia under the auspices of the UN. Moreover, even after the referendum sponsored by the UN was held, UN officials in New York overshadowed the preferences and decision making of national elites. This exclusion denied East Timorese elites the opportunity to learn and to habituate themselves in making political decisions based on peaceful dialogue and bargaining. Thus, while the use of overt violence diminished, elites continued to harbour deep suspicions, encouraging their use of manipulations, subterfuge, and violence by proxy in their dealings with one another. In consequence, tensions between elites in East Timor, while stopping short of outright warring, continue to simmer. It is thus uncertain whether, or for how long, these tensions might be contained by the formal institutions and procedures that have been put in place. Analysis is also clouded by the fact that in the wake of independence, still more kinds of elites have appeared on the scene. New fault lines thus stem from generational membership (older and younger), geographic location (diaspora and homegrown), and new kinds of organisational bases (political parties, state bureaucracy, security forces, business, the Catholic Church, and civil society). These elites have only begun to interact with another directly and regularly since East Timor's independence. They find that they possess different outlooks and levels of influence and power. Nonetheless, despite these inauspicious beginnings, it is important to underscore the fact that since independence, elites have refrained from the open warring that they once undertook. This thesis predicts that sustained elite skirmishing, but not open warring, and semi-democratic politics, rather than 'full' democracy or hard authoritarianism will persist. Much should be made clearer, though, by the ways in which the next parliamentary election, due in 2007, is conducted.Thesis (PhD Doctorate)
Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)
Griffith Business School
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Wise, Amanda Yvonne. "No longer in exile? : shifting experiences of home, homeland and identity for the East Timorese refugee diaspora in Australia in light of East Timor's independence /." View thesis, 2002. http://library.uws.edu.au/adt-NUWS/public/adt-NUWS20031117.142448/index.html.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Western Sydney, 2002.A thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, October 2002, Centre for Cultural Research, University of Western Sydney. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 281-291).
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Weldemichael, Awet Tewelde. "The Eritrean and East Timorese liberation movements toward a comparative study of their grand strategies /." Diss., Restricted to subscribing institutions, 2008. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1610045481&sid=1&Fmt=2&clientId=1564&RQT=309&VName=PQD.
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Henry, Iain. "Playing Second Fiddle – Australia’s Strategic Policy towards the East Timor Issue, 1998 - 1999." Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/117146.
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The deployment of an Australian-led peacekeeping force to East
Timor in September 1999 was arguably the most significant
strategic decision faced by an Australian government since the
Second World War. The operation posed a grave risk of military
conflict with Indonesia, strained the Australia-US relationship
and redefined Asian perceptions of Australia.
It is therefore important to examine how this scenario arose.
Data obtained in thirteen interviews with key Australian
decision-makers has revealed new information about Australia’s
strategic policy throughout 1998-1999. Despite having advocated
an internal political settlement that would have legitimised
Indonesia’s incorporation of East Timor, Australia accepted
Indonesia’s decision to conduct a self-determination ballot in
East Timor as a fait accompli. From this point on Australia’s
policy was largely reactive, working not to promote nor prevent
independence but rather to ensure that the ballot was credible
and accompanied by minimal violence. These efforts had to be
delicately balanced against Australia’s primary strategic
objectives – Indonesia’s democratic progress and the
development of the bilateral relationship.
Managing these conflicting objectives throughout 1999 was a
significant challenge for Australia. Despite the severe violence
that occurred after the ballot, Australia’s strategic policy
was managed in an adroit manner that prioritised the most
important objectives and avoided worst-case outcomes. Given
Australia’s limited strategic options throughout 1998 and 1999,
this is not an insignificant achievement.
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Cabral, Estêvão. "Fretilin and the struggle for independence in East Timor 1974-2002 : an examination of the constraints and opportunities for a non-state nationalist movement in the late twentieth century." Thesis, Lancaster University, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.403799.
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Guterres, Francisco Vicente. "O processo de autodeterminação e de independência de Timor-Leste sob a perspetiva analítica da difusão normativa." Master's thesis, Universidade de Évora, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10174/23663.
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A dissertação foca-se no processo de autodeterminação e da independência de Timor-
Leste e na perspetiva teórica da difusão normativa, centrando-se, especialmente, nos
atores importantes deste processo durante o período entre 1975 e 2002.
Demonstra que a independência de Timor-Leste resultou de um processo
de contestação da legitimidade do governo indonésio de Hadji Mohamed Suharto,
entre 1975 e 1999, que conduziu ao referendo de Agosto de 1999 e a consequências
que reafirmaram e consolidaram a independência de Timor-Leste, incluindo a decisão,
de 2002, de constituir a Força Internacional para Timor-Leste (International Force East
Timor – INTERFET).
O valor acrescentado deste estudo é, por um lado, a aplicação do modelo
teórico proposto pela perspetiva analítica da Difusão Normativa ao processo da luta
pela independência de Timor-Leste, e, por outro, a especial referenciação de atores
ainda não suficientemente considerados pela literatura académica, como, por
exemplo, os partidos políticos locais, os movimentos dos estudantes – nomeadamente,
OJETIL e RENETIL, FALINTIL, OPMT, OPJT – e a Igreja Católica.
A independência de Timor-Leste tem sido objeto de particular atenção por
parte da Organização das Nações Unidas (ONU), quer diretamente através do seu
Secretariado-Geral quer da Comissão dos Direitos Humanos; The process of self-determination and independence of Timor-Leste
under the analytical perspective of normative diffusion
Abstract:
The dissertation focuses on the process of self-determination and independence of Timor-Leste and on the theoretical perspective of normative diffusion, focusing especially on the important actors of this process during the period between 1975 and 2002.
It demonstrates how East Timor's independence was a result of the process of contestation over the legitimacy of the Indonesian government of Hadji Mohamed Suharto between 1975 and 1999, which resulted in the August 1999 referendum, and how it produced consequences that reaffirmed and consolidated independence of East-Timor, including the 2002 decision on the International Force for East Timor, International Force East Timor (INTERFET).
The added value of this study is, on one hand, the application of the theoretical model proposed by the analytical perspective of the Normative Diffusion to the analysis of the process of the struggle for the independence of East Timor, with special consideration to actors not yet considered in the existing academic literature, such as political parties, student movements, notably OJETIL and RENETIL, FALINTIL, OPMT, OPJT, and the Catholic Church.
East Timor's independence has been a matter of concern on the part of the UN, directly involving the Secretary-General of the United Nations and the Commission on Human Rights.
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Selders, M. Scott. "Patterns of violence : narratives of occupied East Timor from invasion to independence, 1975-1999." Thesis, 2008. http://spectrum.library.concordia.ca/976085/1/MR45344.pdf.
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In October 2005, the Commission for Reception, Truth, and Reconciliation in East Timor (CAVR) released Chega!, its massive report detailing the human rights violations committed on all sides during the 1975 to 1999 Indonesian occupation of East Timor. Chega! offers the most comprehensive description of this history of East Timor during this period. This thesis examines the CAVR's treatment of three major events of the occupation period. These events are the Indonesian invasion and conquest of East Timor (1975-1979), the Santa Cruz massacre (November 12, 1991), and the Popular Consultation (1999). For each of these events, the thesis analyzes four major narrative strands: the East Timorese narrative, the Indonesian narrative, the journalists' narrative, and the truth commission's narrative. The focus is on evaluating the current CAVR treatments of these events in light of previous work, as expressed in the other narratives. The East Timorese truth commission sought to find patterns to the violence of the occupation. In the case of the invasion, it offered an extensive discussion of human rights violations committed by the East Timorese resistance, showing how the population suffered from both Indonesian war crimes and suicidal resistance policies. The Commission's treatment of the Santa Cruz massacre focused on what the killings showed about the makeup of the second generation of the resistance, which was devoted to a diplomatic, rather than military, resolution to the East Timorese conflict. Finally, when discussing the Popular Consultation, the CAVR sought to reveal the planning behind the mass destruction of 1999 and to show that the militia violence was not anarchic, but rather conformed to quantifiable aims and strategies
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Freitas, Salustiano. "The Indonesians teach us how to hate their violence but also how to resist : East Timor - 19 years of resistance." Thesis, 1994. https://vuir.vu.edu.au/32974/.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis gives a brief scenario of events which culminated in the invasion of
East Timor by the Indonesian armed forces in December 1975.
It looks at the nature of the consequences of life under Indonesian occupation;
examines the quality and nature of the resistance by the East Timorese people
against their new coloniser; examines the leadership of the resistance movement
and its re-structuring and examines the role of the United Nations and
international diplomacy.
There is also a discussion of East Timor in the context of global politics and the
National Council of Maubere Resistance Peace Plan.
Books on the topic "East Timor independence"
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1928-, Dunn James, ed. East Timor: A rough passage to independence. 3rd ed. [Double Bay, N.S.W., Australia]: Longueville Books, 2003.
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Matthew, Jardine, ed. Inside the East Timor resistance. Toronto: James Lorimer, 1997.
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Jardine, Matthew. East Timor: Genocide in paradise. Tuscon, AZ: Odonian Press, 1995.
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Moreen, Dee, ed. Peacekeeping in East Timor: The path to independence. Boulder, Colo: Lynne Rienner Publishers, 2003.
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Cristalis, Irena. East Timor: A nation's bitter dawn. 2nd ed. London: Zed Books, 2009.
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Subroto, Hendro. Eyewitness to integration of East Timor. Jakarta: Pustaka Sinar Harapan, 1997.
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Harper, Glyn. Mission to East Timor. Auckland [N.Z.]: Reed Pub., 2002.
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Kartasasmita, Sabana. East Timor: The quest for a solution. Singapore: Crescent Design Associates, 1998.
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Rei, Naldo. Resistance: A childhood fighting for East Timor. St Lucia, Qld: University of Queensland Press, 2007.
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1959-, Cristalis Irena, ed. East Timor: A nation's bitter dawn. 2nd ed. London: Zed Books, 2009.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "East Timor independence"
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Kingsbury, Damien. "Transition to Independence." In East Timor, 105–30. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230621718_6.
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Kingsbury, Damien. "Critical Issues in the Independence Struggle." In East Timor, 51–76. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230621718_4.
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Hägerdal, Hans, and Jean A. Berlie. "Timor-Leste and ASEAN." In East Timor's Independence, Indonesia and ASEAN, 91–112. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-62630-7_4.
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Murphy, Peter. "East Timor and Its Giant Southern Neighbor." In East Timor's Independence, Indonesia and ASEAN, 61–90. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-62630-7_3.
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Fernandes, Clinton. "East Timor and the Struggle for Independence." In The Development of Institutions of Human Rights, 163–78. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230109483_11.
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Fujishige, Hiromi Nagata, Yuji Uesugi, and Tomoaki Honda. "East Timor: Adapting to “Integration” and Responding to “Robustness”." In Japan’s Peacekeeping at a Crossroads, 103–22. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-88509-0_6.
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AbstractIn this chapter, we will examine the Self-Defense Forces’ (SDF’s) participation in the UN missions in East Timor, or Timor-Leste in Portuguese. Here we pay special heed to the Japanese peacekeepers’ activities in the United Nations Transitional Administration in East Timor and the United Nations Mission of Support in East Timor from the early to mid-2000s. These United Nations Peacekeeping Operations (UNPKOs) aimed to support independence and statebuilding in East Timor by combining peacekeeping and peacebuilding. Similar to the case of Cambodia, the Japanese delegation put the greatest emphasis on engineering, which was a good fit with the goals of these UNPKOs. In East Timor, the Japan Engineering Groups engaged in civil engineering works, not only to support the UN missions but also as direct bilateral assistance to local residents in close collaboration with Japan’s ODA (the “All Japan” approach). Meanwhile, the strict constraints in the Peacekeeping Operations (PKO) Act were highlighted again, especially in terms of the protection of Japanese nationals, when the SDF rescued Japanese citizens during a 2002 riot. In addition to military deployment, civilian police personnel also contributed to the United Nations Mission in East Timor in preparation for the referendum on independence in 1999. Similar contributions were made to resume statebuilding assistance to the United Nations Integrated Mission in Timor-Leste after the recurrence of violence in 2006.
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Berlie, Jean A. "Fretilin and CNRT: A Short Comparative Study of the Two Main Political Parties of East Timor." In East Timor's Independence, Indonesia and ASEAN, 113–38. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-62630-7_5.
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Loney, Hannah. "Speaking Out for Justice: Bella Galhos and the International Campaign for the Independence of East Timor." In The Transnational Activist, 193–226. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-66206-0_8.
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Henke, Marina E. "Fighting for Independence in East Timor." In Constructing Allied Cooperation, 114–33. Cornell University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501739699.003.0006.
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This chapter describes how Australia decided to launch a multilateral military intervention to stop the bloodshed in East Timor. The force Australia assembled was called the International Force East Timor (INTERFET). Despite the humanitarian character of the intervention, few of the participants joined INTERFET on their own initiative. Rather, Australia had to conduct an explicit recruitment process that involved cajoling countries to join the operation. Australia's diplomatic networks played an indispensable role in this process: Australian officials exploited these networks to retrieve information on deployment preferences of potential coalition participants. Australia also used the APEC summit in Auckland and the UN General Assembly (UNGA) in New York as opportunities to make bilateral appeals for troop contributions. Nevertheless, Australia's diplomatic cloud had its limitations. Especially when it came to recruiting countries from outside of the Asia-Pacific region, Australian networks were insufficient. Australia thus turned to the United States and the United Kingdom for assistance in drawing multilateral support for its coalition, thereby leaving these states to function as cooperation brokers. The chapter then considers the deployment decisions of the three largest troop-contributing countries: Thailand, Jordan, and the Philippines; Canada, a deeply embedded state with Australia; and Brazil, a weakly embedded state with Australia.
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"The road to independence and the adoption of a semi-presidential system." In Political Institutions in East Timor, 35–58. Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2015. | “2015 | Series: Routledge contemporary Southeast Asia series ; 79: Routledge, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315668772-3.
Full textReports on the topic "East Timor independence"
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Boac, Ernesto D. The East Timor and Mindanao Independence Movements: A Comparative Study. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, March 2001. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada393107.
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