Journal articles on the topic 'East India Company. – History – 18th century'

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1

Ansari, S. M. Razaullah. "Modern Astronomy in Indo – Persian Sources." Highlights of Astronomy 11, no. 2 (1998): 730–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s153929960001861x.

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The Period from 1858 to 1947 is known as the British Period of Indian History. After the fall of Mughal empire, when the first war of independence against British colonisers failed in 1857, and the East India Company’s Government was transferred to the British Crown in 1858. However only in 1910, a Department of Education was established by the (British) Govt, of India and in the following decades modern universities were established in various important Indian towns, wherein Western / European type education and training with English as medium of instruction were imparted. However more than a century before, Indian scholar’s came into contact with the scholars – administrators of East India Company, either through employment or social interaction. Thereby, Indians became acquainted with the scientific (also technological) advances in Europe. A few of them visited England and other European countries, Portugal, Prance etc. already in the last quarter of 18th century, in order to experience and to learn firsthand the European sciences.
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2

ren, SøMentz. "Book Review: Competition and Collaboration. Parsi Merchants and the English East India Company in 18th Century India." International Journal of Maritime History 9, no. 1 (June 1997): 277–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/084387149700900121.

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3

Tigari, Harish, and R. Aishwarya. "Capital Markets in India: A Conceptual Framework." Shanlax International Journal of Economics 8, no. 1 (December 1, 2019): 53–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.34293/economics.v8i1.1321.

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The history of Indian capital market goes back to the 18th century when the securities of East Indian company was traded. The contribution of Indian capital market for the sustainability of Indian economy is considerably since the year 1890’s. The capital market plays a role in terms of wealth distribution and economic development of a country like India. Capital market acts as a transformer of savings into capital investment. The capital market has witnessed a major reforms since the implementation of New Economic Policy 1991 and thereafter. The Indian government and SEBI have adopted the various reforms in order to enhance the performance of Indian stock exchanges. The present study tries to analyze the recent reforms in Indian capital market from the year 2010 onwards. The present research is largely based on the secondary data. The statistical facts and figures regarding the growth and development of the capital market was available from various journals, publications and websites.
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4

Ara, Aniba Israt, and Arshad Islam. "East India Company Strategies in the Development of Singapore." Social Science, Humanities and Sustainability Research 2, no. 3 (September 6, 2021): p37. http://dx.doi.org/10.22158/sshsr.v2n3p37.

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Singapore in the Malay Peninsula was targeted by the British East India Company (EIC) to be the epicentre of their direct rule in Southeast Asia. Seeking new sources of revenue at the end of the 18th century, after attaining domination in India, the Company sought to extend its reach into China, and Malaya was the natural region to do this, extending outposts to Penang and Singapore. The latter was first identified as a key site by Stamford Raffles. The EIC Governor General Marquess Hastings (r. 1813-1823) planned to facilitate Raffle’s attention on the Malay Peninsula from Sumatra. Raffles’ plan for Singapore was approved by the EIC’s Bengal Government. The modern system of administration came into the Straits Settlements under the EIC’s Bengal Presidency. In 1819 in Singapore, Raffles established an Anglo-Oriental College (AOC) for the study of Eastern languages, literature, history, and science. The AOC was intended firstly to be the centre of local research and secondly to increase inter-cultural knowledge of the East and West. Besides Raffles’ efforts, the EIC developed political and socio-economic systems for Singapore. The most important aspects of the social development of Singapore were proper accommodation for migrants, poverty eradication, health care, a new system of education, and women’s rights. The free trade introduced by Francis Light (and later Stamford Raffles) in Penang and Singapore respectively gave enormous opportunities for approved merchants to expand their commerce from Burma to Australia and from Java to China. Before the termination of the China trade in 1833 Singapore developed tremendously, and cemented the role of the European trading paradigm in the East.
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5

Gawronski, Jerzy. "East Indiaman Amsterdam research 1984–1986." Antiquity 64, no. 243 (June 1990): 363–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003598x00078029.

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Since 1984, underwater archaeological excavations have studied the Amsterdam, a ship of the Dutch East India Company (VOC). Three annual reports (Gawronski 1985; 1986; 1987) have been published by the VOC Schip Amsterdam Foundation covering excavations and research in 1984, 1985 and 1986. Rooij – Gawronski (1989) presents a detailed account of the history, methods and results of the Amsterdam project and background information about the ship and the VOC.The Amsterdam, built in 1748 in Amsterdam, was lost during her maiden voyage, outwardbound for Batavia, the modern Djakarta, in January 1749 near the little town of Hastings on the south coast of England (FIGURE 1). The excavations form part of an integrated historical and archaeological programme to create relevant historical models for understanding the ship and its contents. This project aims to contribute to a more detailed and realistic view of the shipping and trade of the VOC in the 18th century.
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6

Hellman, Lisa. "Life in the foreign quarters of Canton: The case of the Swedish East India Company in the long eighteenth century." International Journal of Maritime History 27, no. 4 (November 2015): 798–802. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0843871415610289.

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This note describes a project analysing the everyday life in the foreign quarters of Canton, focusing on the Swedish East India Company employees 1730–1830. Canton was a well-known hub in the global trade during the long 18th century. However, it had strict restrictions on the foreign traders. Additionally, this port had a complex make-up in terms of ethnicity, class and religion, and I argue for the need to take its many groups into account. The Swedish company is a rare topic of study compared to other, larger companies, but it provides an unusual perspective: that of the small and non-colonial European company meeting a large and powerful Asian empire. The intercultural interaction in Canton took place in a very small space. This environment, in a restricted space, under Asian control, with many different groups, made for special relations among the foreign traders, and between the foreigners. This is particularly clear when focusing on the everyday life. I have studied the daily life Swedish employees in terms of how they acted as parts of groups, how they lived in this cramped space, their communication (amongst themselves and with others), their consumption and material practices, and finally which practices and strategies they used to establish trust.
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7

Sheikh, Samira. "Persian in the Villages, or, the Language of Jamiat Rai’s Account Books." Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 64, no. 5-6 (November 26, 2021): 693–751. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685209-12341551.

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Abstract District (pargana)-level land revenue administration in late-Mughal south Gujarat was run mostly by Hindu and Jain family firms which operated within a multilingual environment featuring Gujarati and Marathi as well as Persian. Similar arrangements continued under early East India Company control but, by the 1820s, the British had done away with land-revenue family firms and their contextual multilingualism, replacing them with directly-employed village accountants writing only in Gujarati. This article argues that pargana-level officials’ multilingualism and relative autonomy were not an 18th-century aberration but a key feature of Mughal administration, dislodged with difficulty by the British.
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8

Nikolskaia, Kseniia D. "Lutheran Romance. Missionaries of Tranquenar in Search for Life Companions." Oriental Courier, no. 1 (2022): 103. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s268684310021415-4.

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The Danish East India Company (Dansk Østindisk Kompagni) was established in Europe at the beginning of the 17th century. Its stronghold in India was the city of Trankebar (Dansborg Fortress), located 250 km from Madras. In the early years of the 18th century, the first Lutheran missionaries, Bartholomäus Ziegenbalg and Heinrich Plütschau, appeared on the Coromandel Coast. It was at this time that the Danish Royal Mission, financed by King Frederick IV, was established in the Indian South. It consisted mainly of Germans, graduates of the University of Halle in Saxony, a bastion of pietism in Germany. As time passed, the number of European clergymen working in the Tranquebar grew, as did the number of local converts. Working in a large Christian community required a great deal of time and energy on the part of the missionaries. At some point, they began to use the Tranquebar neophytes for this work as well. But this did not solve all problems. Three years after their arrival in Tranquebar, the missionaries decided that some of them, Ziegenbalg himself, Plütschau, and Johann Ernst Gründler, who had just arrived in India, should marry women from Germany who would be reliable assistants in their difficult work. The prospective brides had to conform to the pietist concept of piety and devotion to the Lord. The article relates the missionaries’ search for brides in Europe and the two partnerships that resulted: Bartholomäus Ziegenbalg married Maria Dorothea Salzmann after a trip to Europe from 1714 to 1716, while his friend ohann Ernst Gründler married at Tranquebar without waiting for a bride from far away from Europe. His bride of choice was Utilia Elisabeth. These matrimonial histories provide a clearer picture of what “pietism in action” looked like in the history of the missionary movement while enlivening the history of the Christianization of the East with personal details and adding human traits to the founders of Orientalism-as Bartholomäus Ziegenbalg certainly is for Tamilism.
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9

Mohamed Amin, Abd Ur-Rahman. "Politik dan Ekonomi Terengganu pada Hujung Abad Ke-18: Kajian terhadap Warkah Sultan Mansur Shah I." Melayu: Jurnal Antarabangsa Dunia Melayu 13, no. 2 (July 7, 2020): 271–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.37052/jm.13(2)no5.

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This article discusses the contents of 17 letters from Sultan Mansur Shah I, the Sultan of Terengganu, are preserved in the library of the School of Oriental and African Studies at the University of London with the reference number SOAS MS 40320. Written in Malay using Arabic script, these were sent between 1785 and 1794. The contents discuss the political history of Terengganu involving foreign relations with the Siamese and the British. The Siamese were a continuous threat to Terengganu, especially after the Siamese conquest of Patani in 1785. Therefore, Terengganu sought to establish diplomatic relations with the British East India Company to protect it from the Siamese invasion. However, the attempt was unsuccessful due to the East India Company’s principle of non-involvement in Malay affairs. In terms of economy, Terengganu had trade links with Palembang, which supplied pepper and tin, as well as with ports in Java and Borneo. Terengganu also had trade relations with China and India. The Sultan of Terengganu employed a royal merchant, Saudagar Nasruddin, to manage his trade. British ships were used to carry pilgrims to Mecca through ports in Pulau Pinang and India. The letters also discuss the lineage of Sultan Mansur Shah I, which closely links him to the Johor and Patani sultanates. The entire contents of these letters have helped to provide more detailed information on the politics and economy of the Terengganu sultanate in the late 18th century.
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10

Roessingh, M. P. H. "A Pretender on Gowa' Throne. The War of Batara Gowa I. Singkilang in South West Celebes, 1776–c. 1790." Itinerario 9, no. 2 (July 1985): 151–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300016168.

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The subject of this article is the fight for the throne in the kingdom of Gowa at the end of the 18th century, during the decline of the Dutch East India Company, a period which also saw the downfall of Gowa and the supremacy of Bone. The sources for the history of this period are twofold: on one hand the indigenous sources, “lontara-bilang” (diaries) and other records in Buginese and Makassarese; secondly, the European writings, principally the archival materials from the Dutch government at Makassar, supplemented by travel accounts and reports of the English. My primary sources are almost exclusively Dutch, namely the papers of the VOC, as they are preserved in the General State Archives in The Hague. To be more precise, these sources may be in Dutch, but in addition to the letters etc. written by Company officials, they also contain translations from documents drawn up by the rulers of Bone and Gowa or other of Asians. Moreover, the governors of Makassar often made use of indigenous sources, both oral and written, in preparing their lengthy memoirs about the state of affairs in their district. In 1736, the High Government in Batavia decided that two accurate genealogical tables must be prepared of the royal houses of Bone and Gowa.
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11

Nikolskaia, Kseniia D. "Conversations with the Malabar Pagans (according to the Documents of the Danish Royal Tranquebar Mission)." Vostok. Afro-aziatskie obshchestva: istoriia i sovremennost, no. 5 (2021): 259. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s086919080016648-9.

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At the beginning of the 17th century, the Danish East India company (Dansk Østindisk Kompagni) was established in Europe. In particular, Tranquebar (Dansborg fortress) became the stronghold of the Danes in India. In another hundred years, at the very beginning of the 18th century, the first Lutheran missionaries appeared on the Coromandel coast. At this time the Danish Royal mission was established in Tranquebar, funded by king Frederick IV. It consisted mainly of Germans who graduated from the University of the Saxon city of Halle. Those missionaries not only actively preached among the local population, but also studied languages of the region, translated Gospels into local languages and then published it in the printing house they created. They also trained neophytes from among the local children. One of the first missionaries in Tranquebar was pastor Bartholomäus Ziegenbalg, who lived in India from 1706 to 1719. Information about Pastor's activities in the Royal Danish mission has been preserved in his letters and records. These letters and papers were regularly printed in Halle in the reports of the Royal Danish Mission («Ausführliche Berichte an, die von der königlichen dänischen Missionaren aus Ost-Indien»). However, besides letters and reports, this edition constantly published texts of a special kind, called «conversations» (das Gespräch). They looked like dialogues between pastor Bartholomäus Ziegenbalg and local religious authorities. Those brahmans explained the basic principles of the Hindu religion, and their opponent showed them the absurdity of their creed by comparing it with the main tenets of Christianity. The following is a translation of one of these dialogues.
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12

Zheng, Haiyang. "Reasons for the Decline of the Dutch East India Company." Modern Management Forum 4, no. 3 (September 21, 2020): 110. http://dx.doi.org/10.18686/mmf.v4i3.2505.

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<p>Through the analysis of the Dutch East India Company employees, operating costs, the disadvantages of monopoly business model itself, as well as strategies to cope with Asia-Europe trade transformation during the 18th century, this article explores the internal and external factors that lead to the company’s decline.</p>
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13

Tseng, Chin-Yin, and Xinchun Wang. "Scientists Among Merchants: Linnaeus’s “Apostles” Aboard Vessels of the Swedish East India Company and the Advancement of Scientific Travels." China and the World 03, no. 03 (September 2020): 2050010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s2591729320500108.

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In its 82 years of existence, the Swedish East India Company, neither large nor powerful with regard to its economic significance, made an impact on the pursuit of scientific knowledge that lasted beyond the 18th-century maritime trade world. As the “apostles” of Carl Linnaeus traveled amidst the sailors and merchants aboard the vessels to Asia, these 18th-century naturalists reified the spirit of scientific research in its most primordial form: to collect as much material as quickly as possible, and, ideally, in a manner characterized by discipline, order, and efficiency. This type of systematized scientific travel developed in the 18th-century East Indian trade was carried over into the Swedish intellectual tradition in the 19th-century polar exploration and the early 20th-century geological-turned-archaeological expeditions in Asia, motivated by “curiosity” instead of “utility”. This was not necessarily by their own choice, but at the constraint of the historical reality that Sweden, following the Treaty of Nystad in 1721, lacked both the means and the motivation to harbor any military or colonial aspirations beyond her sovereign territory. Against the greater geopolitical scheme of things since the Age of Enlightenment, while commercial, political, and strategic motives informed the exploration of distant continents by the European powers, Sweden was forced to rely on a more modest, but certainly no less vigorous, motive — science itself.
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14

Ballhatchet, Kenneth. "The East India Company and Roman Catholic Missionaries." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 44, no. 2 (April 1993): 273–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046900015852.

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The general opinion of historians has been that the East India Company was opposed to the presence of Christian missionaries in India. It is generally held also that when the Charter Act of 813 left the Company with no option but to admit them, its governments in India maintained a fairly consistent posture of religious neutrality. These notions have recently been reinforced by Penelope Carson. But thisignores the Company's policies towards Roman Catholic missionaries. In the eighteenth century the Company welcomed Roman Catholic missionaries. It was at the nvitation of the Bombay government that Italian Carmelite missionaries settled there in 1718. It was at the invitation of the authorities of Fort St George that a French Capuchin mission was established in Madras in 1742. When the Company came into Kerala towards the end of the eighteenth century an Italian Carmelite mission was already established there, with a bishop and two priests. The mission was soon receiving material support from the Company.
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15

BRONZA, BORO. "PREPARATIONS OF THE AUSTRIAN EXPEDITION TOWARDS INDIA 1775-1776." ИСТРАЖИВАЊА, no. 29 (December 26, 2018): 63–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.19090/i.2018.29.63-77.

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During the second half of the 18th century Austria’s trade policy sought to restore ties to India and other parts of Asia that had successfully existed during the period of the Ostend Company (1722-1731). In this respect, the increasingly successful activity of the British East India Company was an example for the Vienna government in indicating of which lucrative possibilities lay in the proper development of trade in the east. Austria soon decided to try to organize trade expeditions to India itself and the British experience was of primary importance to it. An indispensable link for the launch of such ventures was the opportunity for the representatives of the Austrian diplomatic network to meet directly with individuals from the group of traders who had already had extensive experience in trade with India. This was exactly the case in London in 1774, when the Austrian Ambassador Ludovico Luigi Carlo Maria di Barbiano di Belgiojoso met one of the most famous European entrepreneurs of the second half of the 18th century, William Bolts. It was the beginning of a new great Austrian adventure in Asia and at the same time an attempt to radically redefine the essential nature of the Habsburg position and philosophy. Immediately after the Austrian diplomatic network came into contact with Bolts, the sophisticated preparations of the expedition began, before the final take off in 1776.
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16

Marshall, P. J. "British Society in India under the East India Company." Modern Asian Studies 31, no. 1 (February 1997): 89–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00016942.

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The British in India have always fascinated their fellow countrymen. From the eighteenth century until the demise of the Raj innumerable publications described the way of life of white people in India for the delectation of a public at home. Post-colonial Britain evidently still retains a voracious appetite for anecdotes of the Raj and accounts of themores of what is often represented as a bizarre Anglo-Indian world. Beneath the welter of apparent triviality, historians are, however, finding issues of real significance.
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17

Stadtner, Donald. "Seventeenth-century Burma and the Dutch East India Company, 1634-1680." Journal of Early Modern History 11, no. 4-5 (2007): 395–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006507782263371.

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18

Gaur, A. S., Sundaresh, Manoj Saxena, Sila Tripati, and P. Gudigar. "Preliminary observations on an 18th-century wreck at Poompuhar (east coast of India)." International Journal of Nautical Archaeology 26, no. 2 (May 1997): 118–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1095-9270.1997.tb01323.x.

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Gaur, A. "Preliminary observations on an 18th-century wreck at Poompuhar (east coast of India)." International Journal of Nautical Archaeology 26, no. 2 (May 1997): 118–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1006/ijna.1997.0071.

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20

Satapathy, Amrita. "The Politics of Travel: The Travel Memoirs of Mirza Sheikh I’tesamuddin and Sake Dean Mahomed." Studies in English Language Teaching 8, no. 1 (February 24, 2020): p66. http://dx.doi.org/10.22158/selt.v8n1p66.

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Representation of the East in 18th century western travel narratives was an outcome of a European aesthetic sensibility that thrived on imperial jingoism. The 18th century Indian travel writings proved that East could not be discredited as “exotic” and “orientalist” or its history be judged as a “discourse of curiosity”. The West had its share of mystery that had to be unravelled for the curious visitor from the East. Dean Mahomed’s The Travels of Dean Mahomed is a fascinating travelogue cum autobiography of an Indian immigrant as an insider and outsider in India, Ireland and England. I’tesamuddin’s The Wonders of Vilayet is a travel-memoir that addresses the politics of representation. These 18th century travelographies demystify “vilayet” in more ways than one. They analyse the West from a variety of tropes from gender, to religion and racism to otherness and identity. This paper attempts a comparative analyses of the two texts from the point of view of 18th century travel writing and representations through the idea of journey. It seeks to highlight the concept of “orientalism in reverse” and show how memoirs can be read as counterbalancing textual responses to counteract dominant western voices.
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21

WRIGHT, LAURA. "On the East India Company vocabulary of St Helena in the late 17th and early 18th century." World Englishes 36, no. 4 (November 21, 2017): 522–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/weng.12286.

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22

Black, Jeremy. "Book Review: The East India Company and the Provinces in the Eighteenth Century. Volume I: Portsmouth and the East India Company 1700–1815." International Journal of Maritime History 12, no. 2 (December 2000): 260–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/084387140001200235.

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23

S. Mohan and Lalit Kumar. "Danish East India Company: Establishment and Company's business activities in India and Southeast Asia 1620-1650." TECHNO REVIEW Journal of Technology and Management 1, no. 2 (January 15, 2022): 13–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.31305/trjtm2021.v01.n02.003.

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In the history of India of the 17th century, the activities of European trading companies started in India, mostly English, Portuguese, Dutch, and French have been studied mostly about them. But at the same time there was another major trading company. The one we are studying here was the Danish East India Company. The main purpose of this thesis is to know how this company was established. And how this company, despite its limited resources, continued its economic activities in India and South-East Asia. Along with this, what challenges did the company face from its representatives in India. and how the company had relations with the local rulers in India. In the end, due to many reasons, this company collapsed earlier than other European companies.
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van Meersbergen, Guido. "Writing East India Company History after the Cultural Turn: Interdisciplinary Perspectives on the Seventeenth-Century East India Company and Verenigde Oostindische Compagnie." Journal for Early Modern Cultural Studies 17, no. 3 (2017): 10–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jem.2017.0016.

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25

Wagner, Michael. "The Russia Company in the Eighteenth Century." Russian History 41, no. 3 (July 21, 2014): 393–422. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763316-04103006.

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Although there has been a revival of historiographical interest in eighteenth-century British trading companies, the Russia Company continues to be misunderstood and unappreciated. Far from being a relic of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, the Russia Company was one of the outstanding success stories of eighteenth-century British commerce. By the middle of the century, the imports of the Russia Company into Britain rivalled those of the East India Company. Furthermore, the Russia Company worked closely with the British government to further Britain’s strategic interests in the volatile Baltic region. Part of the reason for the lack of appreciation of the eighteenth-century Russia Company is that the organization of the company and the political influence of its key managers are not well understood. This article describes the organization of the Russia Company, discusses its overall economic and political significance in the eighteenth century, and illuminates its operations using the experience of some leading company members.
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26

Vink, Markus. "Seventeenth-Century Burma and the Dutch East India Company, 1634-1680." Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 51, no. 3 (2008): 525–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852008x317842.

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27

Prus, Kamil. "The Rooswijk wreck, Goodwin Sands: Examination and analysis of 18th-century glass bottles." Glass Technology: European Journal of Glass Science and Technology Part A 63, no. 3 (2022): 85–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.13036/17533546.63.3.003.

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The #Rooswijk1740 project is funded and led by the Cultural Heritage Agency of the Netherlands (Ministry of Education, Science and Culture), in collaboration with project partner Historic England and UK-contractor MSDS Marine. The oxide compositions of 17 glass bottles recovered from the Rooswijk, a Dutch East India Company (VOC) Indiaman lost in 1740 on the Goodwin Sands, were determined by micro-x-ray fluorescence (XRF) spectroscopy and scanning electron microscopy paired with energy dispersive spectroscopy (SEM-EDS) analysis, focusing on the origins of the bottles. Three of the bottle samples were identified as of probable English origin and part of the same batch. Most of the bottles are probably from continental Europe, with at least two likely to be Dutch, although their precise origins could not be identified conclusively.
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28

Malinowski, Mikołaj. "The costs and benefits of microfinance. The market for Dutch East India Company transportbrieven in 18th-century Amsterdam." Roczniki Dziejów Społecznych i Gospodarczych 72 (January 1, 2012): 15. http://dx.doi.org/10.12775/rdsg.2012.01.

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29

Bowen, Huw V. "The ‘Little Parliament’: The General Court of the East India Company, 1750–1784." Historical Journal 34, no. 4 (December 1991): 857–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00017325.

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The historical verdict on the General Court of the East India Company has often been an unfavourable one. The Court, the ultimate sovereign body within the company, has invariably been described in terms similar to those which used to be applied to the eighteenth-century house of commons: it has been seen as a corrupt, disorderly, and disreputable political institution. Macaulay set the general tone in 1840 when he painted a typically vivid picture of proceedings at the General Court in the mid-eighteenth century. ‘The meetings’, he wrote, ‘were large, stormy, even riotous, the debates indecently virulent. All the turbulence of a Westminster election, all the trickery and corruption of a Grampound election, disgraced the proceedings of this assembly on questions of the most solemn importance’. This unflattering and somewhat impressionistic sketch has occasionally received uncritical acceptance from modern-day historians, and indeed it may be endorsed by contemporary observations of particular events at the Court. In 1767, for example, a first-time visitor to the Court room at India House in Leadenhall Street was appalled by what he saw, and he came away with the impression that this was ‘the most riotous assembly I ever saw’. And yet, on numerous other occasions commentators were full of praise for the good order and high standards of oratory at the Court. This has prompted two of the leading modern authorities on the history of the company in Britain to comment favourably on the quality of debate at India House during the eighteenth and early-nineteenth century.
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30

Bowen, H. V. "The shipping losses of the British East India Company, 1750–1813." International Journal of Maritime History 32, no. 2 (May 2020): 323–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0843871420920963.

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This article establishes and examines the shipping losses of the British East India Company between the middle of the eighteenth century and 1813 when it lost its trade monopoly with India. This was the most important period in the history of the East India Company because it greatly expanded its trade with India and China and established what became a very large territorial empire on the subcontinent. It was also a time when Britain was often at war with France. This is the first publication to present full information on all of the East India Company’s shipping losses. They are set out in the Appendix, which presents details of the names of every ship lost, the date of loss, the cause, and whether the ship was sailing to or from Asia. This information, discussed in the article, shows that 105 ships were lost on 2,171 voyages, a rate of loss that stood at just under 5%. The causes were primarily wrecking, foundering and enemy action, which contributed to far higher shipping losses on voyages outward to Asia than homeward. The East India Company did little itself to rectify this situation because the ships they used were hired from private owners, but some specialists within the Company did take it upon themselves to improve some navigational aids and shipbuilding techniques, although with little overall effect upon the rate of shipping losses. This meant that the East India Company was plagued by shipping losses throughout the period, and this had a very negative effect upon its commercial affairs and profitability.
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31

Bowen, H. V. "The East India Company and the island of Johanna (Anjouan) during the long eighteenth century." International Journal of Maritime History 30, no. 2 (May 2018): 218–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0843871418760469.

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For just over 230 years the East India Company’s maritime operations were supported by a far-flung network of islands, ports and watering points across the Atlantic and Indian Oceans. These places provided supplies to company ships and safe havens in times of danger. The island of Johanna, or Anjouan, in the Mozambique Channel was one such place and this article considers how it came to be a key component within the company’s maritime system. The article also examines why the company chose not to exert direct control over the island when it had the opportunity to do so at the end of the eighteenth century. It is concluded that Johanna formed an important part of the flexible and durable maritime infrastructure that underpinned the territorial empire constructed by the company in India from 1750 onwards.
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32

Raman, Bhavani. "Sovereignty, Property and Land Development: The East India Company in Madras." Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 61, no. 5-6 (September 5, 2018): 976–1004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685209-12341472.

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AbstractFrom the late eighteenth century struggles over untitled and unassessed land in Madras became completely entangled with the East India Company’s efforts to craft its sovereign powers. These lands could not be leached of their social meanings and use and instead, competing ideas of ownership incarnated sovereignty as eviction and the Company as a pre-eminent land developer.
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33

Peers, Douglas M. "Between Mars and Mammon; the East India Company and Efforts to Reform its Army, 1796–1832." Historical Journal 33, no. 2 (June 1990): 385–401. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00013388.

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The history of the East India Company's rule of India is marked by sporadic outbursts of civil-military conflict. It was not unknown in India for European officers to down tools and commit acts that bordered on outright mutiny. Perhaps this could be expected when, on the one hand, the Company, as a commercial body, sought to maximize its profits, while on the other, the army was essentially a mercenary force, ever grasping for a larger slice of the fiscal pie. If, however, we penetrate deeper into the labyrinth of their relations, we find that the issues at stake lose their simplicity. In the early nineteenth century, a third group came into play, further confusing the state of civil-military relations in India. The Anglo-Indian bureaucracy, which had incorporated military attitudes into the operating system of British India, had begun to assert itself. Through such spokesmen as Thomas Munro, John Malcolm, Charles Metcalfe and Mountstuart Elphinstone, an increasingly militarized rule of British India was put forward, angering the court of directors and allowing the officers to mask their private interest under the guise of the national interest. This ideology of militarism, however, must be firmly placed within the context of nineteenth-century British India for it bore little resemblance to those strains of militarism witnessed elsewhere.
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34

Pitt, Ken, Damian M. Goodburn, Roy Stephenson, and Christopher Elmers. "18th- and 19th-century shipyards at the south-east entrance to the West India Docks, London." International Journal of Nautical Archaeology 32, no. 2 (October 2003): 191–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1095-9270.2003.tb01444.x.

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35

Pitt, K. "18th- and 19th-century shipyards at the south-east entrance to the West India Docks, London." International Journal of Nautical Archaeology 32, no. 2 (November 2003): 191–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.ijna.2003.02.001.

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36

Goebel, Erik. "Danes in the Service of the Dutch East India Company in the Seventeenth Century." International Journal of Maritime History 16, no. 1 (June 2004): 77–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/084387140401600106.

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37

Hellman, Lisa. "Using China at Home: Knowledge Production and Gender in the Swedish East India Company, 1730-1800." Itinerario 38, no. 1 (April 2014): 35–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115314000047.

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AbstractThe Swedish East India Company has been studied mainly from an economic standpoint, but throughout the eighteenth century its employees played a crucial role in Swedish knowledge production on China. This article studies travel writings, speeches, and eulogies by the employees of the Swedish East India Company, noting in which ways they produced knowledge on China, and discusses reasons for choosing these particular ways. The company employees' production of knowledge is found to have strong links with their constructions of masculinity. Consequently, this article discusses the political implications of a connection between masculinity and knowledge for men employed in a non-colonial East India Company from a militarily weak country, and the role that the perceived and presented knowledge of China and its inhabitants played in this intertwining of gender construction, natural history, and power.
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38

Finn, Margot C. "MATERIAL TURNS IN BRITISH HISTORY: II. CORRUPTION: IMPERIAL POWER, PRINCELY POLITICS AND GIFTS GONE ROGUE." Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 29 (November 1, 2019): 1–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s008044011900001x.

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ABSTRACTThis address examines the ‘Old Corruption’ of Georgian Britain from the perspective of diplomacy and material culture in Delhi in the era of the East India Company. Its focus is the scandal that surrounded the sacking of Sir Edward Colebrooke, the Delhi Resident, during the reign of the penultimate Mughal emperor, Akbar II. Exploring the gendered, highly sexualised material politics of Company diplomacy in north India reveals narratives of agency, negotiation and commensurability that interpretations focused on liberal, Anglicist ideologies obscure. Dynastic politics were integral to both British and Indian elites in the nineteenth century. The Colebrooke scandal illuminates both the tenacity and the dynamic evolution of the family as a base of power in the context of nineteenth-century British imperialism.
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Shimada, Ryuto. "Dancing around the Bride: The Inter-Asian Competition for Japanese Copper, 1700–1760." Itinerario 27, no. 2 (July 2003): 37–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300020520.

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Adam Smith, the well-known eighteenth-century economist, investigated a number of important themes regarding the Dutch East India Company (Verenigde Oostindbche Compagnie, VOC) as well as its counterpart, the English East India Company. These continue to provide principal topics in the historical study of the VOC. Through a systematic analysis, he came to the conclusion that free trade is more beneficial to the wealth of nations than monopolised trade. In his view, an economy based on the division of production along with competition among market participants was the best precondition for accelerating economic development.
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40

Fisch, Jörg. "A Solitary Vindicator of the Hindus: The Life and Writings of General Charles Stuart (1757/58–1828)." Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain & Ireland 117, no. 1 (January 1985): 35–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0035869x00154930.

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“What then was to be looked for in a remote and extensive empire, administered in all its parts by men, who came out boys, without the plenitude of instruction of English youth in learning, morals, or religion; and who were let loose on their arrival amidst native licentiousness, and educated amidst conflicting superstitions?”This complaint was made in 1805 by Claudius Buchanan, in the first influential evangelical tract on India. It was directed against the way of life of the servants of the East India Company in the second half of the 18th century. If certain assumptions are altered, Buchanan's complaint could be changed into praise: these men were not completely indoctrinated by narrow European, English and Christian values, but arrived with a remarkable openness towards what they found in the East, ready to accept different values and customs and to adopt a new style of life. What they were lacking was not so much education as indoctrination.
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41

Sandeep, T. "Acquiring the Power of Natives: The Socio-Economic Transition of Malabar into the Colonial Economy, 1792-1812." International Journal of Social Sciences and Management 1, no. 4 (October 25, 2014): 160–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/ijssm.v1i4.11180.

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The end of the eighteenth century, the English East India Company dominated most of the part of the Indian peninsula. In a way, it was also considered as the revolutionary transition of the Indian society through the westernization. At the same time, some historians point out that, it was the period of anarchy as well as the dark age of the Indian history. The English East India Company controlled the trade between India and Europe, and finally they acquired the administrative power over India. In the context of Malabar, the English East India Company took the administration in 1792, and emerged as a kind of superlord through the domination over the indigenous rulers. The advent of the Company rule in Malabar replaced the traditional customs and introduced structural changes in the society and economy. This study emphasis on the people’s attitude towards the Company administration in Malabar and how they incorporated to the ‘new administration’. DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/ijssm.v1i4.11180 Int. J. Soc. Sci. Manage. Vol-1, issue-4: 160-163
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42

Thomas, James H. "EAST INDIA COMPANY SHIPPING LOSSES IN THE LATE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY: THE CASE OF THEHENRY ADDINGTON." Mariner's Mirror 90, no. 1 (January 2004): 51–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00253359.2004.10656885.

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43

Ashford, David. "John Company: The Act of Incorporation." CounterText 6, no. 1 (April 2020): 165–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/count.2020.0186.

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‘John Company: The Act of Incorporation’ is the first episode in a series of twelve open-form pieces on the history of the British East India Company, and relates legal innovations behind the inception of the Company to the development of forms of Artificial Intelligence in Elizabethan England. The poem references primary material contained in the seventeenth-century anthology Purchas his Pilgrimes and in the East India Company's archives now housed in the British Library, and draws on research conducted by Kevin LaGrandeur in his book Androids and Intelligent Networks in Early Modern Literature and Culture (Abingdon, Oxon: Routledge, 2013), and by Vladimir I. Braginsky in his essay ‘Towards the Biography of Hamzah Fansuri: When Did Hamzah Live? Data From His Poems and Early European Accounts’, Archival 57 (Paris, 1999), 135–75.
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44

Chatterjee, Kumkum. "History as Self-Representation: The Recasting of a Political Tradition in Late Eighteenth-Century Eastern India." Modern Asian Studies 32, no. 4 (October 1998): 913–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x98003096.

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If power is mediated by knowledge, then the early decades of British colonial rule in India were indeed, as Ghulam Hussain Khan Tabatabai, the intellectual and historian par excellence of those times wrote, a time of ‘half-knowledge’.The decades between 1757 and 1772 witnessed the implantation of this colonial regime in Eastern India through the transformation of the English East India Company from a mercantilist trading corporation into the paradoxical status of ‘merchant-sovereign and the sovereign merchant’ at the same time. The role of sovereign thrust upon the officials of the company the far from easy task of administering this society in ways that were most conducive to the extraction of the largest possible surplus from it for its new masters.
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45

Sapra, Rahul. "A Peaceable Kingdom in the East: Favourable Early Seventeenth-Century Representations of the Moghul Empire." Renaissance and Reformation 39, no. 3 (January 1, 2003): 5–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.33137/rr.v39i3.8898.

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Cet article a pour objet de comparer les perspectives divergentes des Portugais, des Danois et des Anglais vis-à-vis de l’empire mughal en se fondant sur les récits de voyages britanniques du dix-septième siècle. Si les Portugais qualifiaient les autochtones d’«étrangers» barbares, les Britanniques, qui formaient la English East India Company, avide d’échanges avec l’empire, considéraient l’aristocratie mughal et les Musulmans comme des partenaires commerciaux civilisés et dotés d’une riche culture. Bien que les premiers voyageurs brossent un sombre tableau du peuple hindou, qui n’avait pas de liens directs avec la English East India Company, les auteurs des récits de voyages britanniques décrivent l’empire mughal comme un peuple hautement civilisé et faisant preuve d’une tolérance singulière à l’égard des autres religions.
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46

Barendse, René J. "The Long Road to Livorno: The Overland Messenger Services of the Dutch East India Company in the Seventeenth Century." Itinerario 12, no. 2 (July 1988): 25–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300004708.

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The overland communications between Asia and Europe were of crucial importance to the economic and military survival of the East India companies. This applies equally to the English, French and Dutch East India companies - and even to the Portuguese empire.At some of the most crucial moments of its history, the very survival of the Dutch East India Company (Verenigde Oost-Indische Compagnie or VOC) depended on the thin thread connecting it overland to Europe. One of these crises occurred in the mid-seventeenth century when during the first Anglo-Dutch war, English fleets challenged Dutch naval supremacy in the Indian Ocean. Reflecting on the defeat of the British fleets and the near eradication of the English East India Company or EIC's naval presence there in 1654, the Dutch director of Surat commented: ‘We would never have gained such an easy victory if the English had reacted more promptly or had we not received warnings so promptly [tijdig].’ Similarly, the catastrophic defeat suffered at a later date by the French admiral De la Haye is normally attributed to De la Haye's hesitations. Yet is is doubtful whether the VOC would have been able ot assemble a fleet quickly enough to destroy De la Haye's fleet had the VOC not received messages overland.
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47

bowen, h. v. "The East India Company and the provinces in the eighteenth century,vol. II: Captains, agents, and servants: a gallery of East India Company portraits - By James H. Thomas." Economic History Review 61, no. 4 (November 2008): 1005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-0289.2008.00447_8.x.

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48

Newitt, M. D. D. "The East India Company in the Western Indian Ocean in the early seventeenth century." Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History 14, no. 2 (January 1986): 5–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03086538608582711.

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49

Katkova, Irina R. "Letters from the Malay Sultanates of the 17th and 18th Centuries: An Unknown Collection in St. Petersburg." Itinerario 43, no. 01 (April 2019): 32–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115319000044.

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AbstractThis article deals with Malay letters and documents from the archives of the Dutch East India Company (Vereenigde Oostindische Compagnie—VOC), dating to the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. The collection of “golden” Malay letters, which belonged to the governor- general of the VOC in Java (1704–1709) Joan van Hoorn, made a long voyage on the ship Sandenburg from Batavia to Cape Town and Amsterdam in 1710. Its cultural and historical value was firstly estimated by the outstanding Russian scholar and antiquarian N. P. Likhachev, who purchased it for the Paleographical Museum in Petrograd (St. Petersburg) in 1910. The pages of the fifty-seven diplomatic letters cover one of the most controversial periods of VOC history on the Archipelago, 1683 to 1710, the establishment of its relationships with local nobility and states. The collection represents the original letters of the sultans of Palembang, Gowa, Buton, Bone, Tallo, Banten, and Cirebon, and of prominent historical figures of Malay states as well as the famous Indian merchant from Surat, Abdul Ghafur. They are written in Malay (in Arabic graphic: Jawi and Pegon), Arabic, Javanese (in two scripts: Pegon and Carakan), Dutch, Spanish, Persian, and Chinese. Their investigation will contribute to the academic scholarship on the famous records, reconstructing the history of the Dutch East India Company (VOC) on the Malay Archipelago, and on the peculiarities of Malay letter writing in different languages, scripts, and regions.
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50

Davini, Roberto. "Bengali raw silk, the East India Company and the European global market, 1770–1833." Journal of Global History 4, no. 1 (March 2009): 57–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1740022809002952.

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AbstractIn 1769, the East India Company decided to transform the Bengali silk industry, and introduced Piedmontese reeling technologies and spatially concentrated working practices into the area. Although Bengali raw silk reeled with the new methods never reached the standards of Piedmontese silks, the Company was able to produce huge quantities of low-quality raw silks, and to gain market share in London from the 1770s to the 1830s. By investigating the reasons behind this partial success, this article shows that some features of Piedmontese technologies had a crucial impact on peasants who specialized in the mulberry cultivation and the rearing of silkworms. The Company had to cope with resistance from some rural economic agents in late eighteenth- and early nineteenth-century Bengal, but other elements in local society were able to profit from the Company's interest in producing raw silk.
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