Journal articles on the topic 'East Asian regionalism'

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1

M. Dent, Christopher, and Robert L Curry, Jr. "East Asian Regionalism." ASEAN Economic Bulletin 27, no. 3 (December 31, 2010): 334–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1355/ae27-3h.

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Yamazawa, Ippei. "Whither East Asian regionalism." Asia-Pacific Review 8, no. 2 (November 2001): 18–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09544120120098663.

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3

Cheong, Inkyo. "Regionalism and Free Trade Agreements in East Asia." Asian Economic Papers 2, no. 2 (March 2003): 145–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/153535103772624853.

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This paper gives an overview of the progress of regionalism in East Asia and examines the background of the recent embrace of trade agreements by China, Japan, and South Korea. It discusses the progress toward free trade agreements (FTAs) within East Asia and offers reasons for their slow development. The impacts of eight hypothetical East Asian FTAs are estimated using a computable generalized equilibrium model. The model predicts that countries will benefit from both bilateral FTAs and regional FTAs (such as a Northeast Asian FTA and an East Asian FTA); however, greater economic benefits would be gained under regional FTAs than under bilateral FTAs. Although the simulation used in the study estimates that a Northeast Asian FTA and an East Asian FTA would bring a similar level of economic benefits, results indicate that greater benefits would accrue under an East Asian FTA. Discussions of a Japan–ASEAN FTA are under way, after talks of an FTA between ASEAN and China blossomed in late 2000. China and Japan are competitively promoting bilateral FTAs with ASEAN. As discussions of an FTA with ASEAN heat up in China and Japan, South Korea has also begun reviewing the economic feasibility of an FTA with ASEAN. If China, Japan, and South Korea competitively pursue bilateral FTAs with ASEAN, this may result in several important problems, including spaghetti bowl effects, a hub-and-spoke dilemma, or struggles for regional leadership. This paper tries to show that an East Asian FTA covering the whole region is economically desirable and stresses that East Asian countries should introduce a regionwide FTA, rather than multiple bilateral or subregional FTAs. An East Asian FTA can be realized only in the long term because of economic, political, and social obstacles. East Asia, which already lags behind other regions in terms of regionalism, should not passively wait for the establishment of an East Asian FTA, which is likely to take some time to be established.
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Chia, Siow Yue. "Whither East Asian Regionalism? An ASEAN Perspective." Asian Economic Papers 6, no. 3 (October 2007): 1–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/asep.2007.6.3.1.

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East Asia is catching up with the rest of the world in establishing regional trade arrangements (RTAs). This region is responding to pressures from globalization, regionalism in the Americas and Europe, the rise of China and India, improved political relations in the region with the end of the Cold War, as well as market-driven trade and investment integration and the emergence of production networks. ASEAN formed the first RTA in 1992, and by the turn of the decade, ASEAN was signing or negotiating free trade agreements (FTAs) with Japan, China, South Korea, India, Australia–New Zealand, and the European Union. It also entered into bilateral FTAs with the United States and countries in Latin America, Africa, the Middle East, and South Asia. ASEAN is also considering an East Asian FTA. Can ASEAN remain in the driver's seat of regional integration and be an effective hub? The FTA proliferation also has important consequences and effects for East Asia and the world trading system.
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5

Stubbs, Richard. "ASEAN Plus Three: Emerging East Asian Regionalism?" Asian Survey 42, no. 3 (May 2002): 440–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2002.42.3.440.

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6

Grimes, William W. "East Asian Financial Regionalism in Support of the Global Financial Architecture? The Political Economy of Regional Nesting." Journal of East Asian Studies 6, no. 3 (December 2006): 353–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1598240800004628.

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East Asian financial regionalism has advanced significantly since the rejection of Japan's Asian Monetary Fund proposal in 1997. Key ASEAN+3 initiatives include the Chiang Mai Initiative, which is designed to provide emergency liquidity to economies experiencing currency crisis, and the Asian Bond Market Initiative, which seeks to develop regional bond markets. Surprisingly, these initiatives—despite the assertive “regionalist” rhetoric that has surrounded them and their intellectual origins in the analysis of the 1997–1998 Asian financial crisis—are explicitly designed to complement existing features of the global financial architecture, including IMF conditionality and global financial standards. The nesting of East Asian financial regionalism within the global financial architecture results from the political-economic interests of the leading economies of the region. In the absence of a major change in the political-economic environment, nesting is a stable equilibrium and is unlikely to change.
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7

Hastiadi, Fithra Faisal. "MAKING EAST ASIAN REGIONALISM WORKS." Buletin Ekonomi Moneter dan Perbankan 13, no. 1 (November 22, 2010): 103–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.21098/bemp.v13i1.386.

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For the past few years, regionalism has been progressing in East Asia with the likes of Cina, Japan, and Korea (CJK) as the most prominent actors. Unfortunately, with the absence of trade arrangement amongst the CJK, the present regional trade scheme is not sufficient to reach sustainability. This paper uncovers the inefficient scheme through Engle-Granger Cointegration and Error Correction Mechanism. Moreover, the paper underlines the importance of triangular trade agreement for accelerating the phase of growth in CJK which eventually create a spillover effect to East Asia as a whole. Employing Two Stage Least Squares in a static panel fixed effect model, the paper argues that the spillover effect will function as an impetus for creating region-wide FTA. Furthermore, the paper also identifies a number of economic and political factors that can support the formation of East Asian Regionalism.JEL Classification: F15, C13, C22, C33Keywords: Regionalism, Engle-Granger Cointegration, Error Correction Mechanism, Fixed Effect, Two Stage Least Squares
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8

Yunling, Zhang. "Emerging New East Asian Regionalism." Asia-Pacific Review 12, no. 1 (May 2005): 55–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13439000500107986.

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9

ROZMAN, GILBERT. "East Asian Regionalism and Sinocentrism." Japanese Journal of Political Science 13, no. 1 (January 27, 2012): 143–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109911000338.

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10

Maswood, S. Javed. "Japan and East Asian Regionalism." Asean Economic Bulletin 11, no. 1 (July 1994): 70–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1355/ae11-1f.

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11

JiangYu, Wang. "China and East Asian Regionalism." European Law Journal 17, no. 5 (August 1, 2011): 611–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-0386.2011.00569.x.

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12

MOON, Don. "East Asian Regionalism: A New Momentum for Multilateralism?" East Asian Policy 11, no. 03 (July 2019): 5–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793930519000229.

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East Asian countries continue to sign mega-Free Trade Agreements, indicating certain momentum for promoting cooperative economic relationships, despite protectionism fears. This paper examines East Asian regionalism after the Asian Financial Crisis in 1997 and discusses the dynamics of institution building among the United States, China and Japan. It also explores what ASEAN countries, South Korea and Australia should do to mitigate the tension in the region and facilitate progress in the open economic order.
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13

Murray, Philomena. "East Asian Regionalism and EU Studies." Journal of European Integration 32, no. 6 (November 2010): 597–616. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07036337.2010.518718.

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14

Ravenhill, John. "Understanding the ‘new East Asian regionalism’." Review of International Political Economy 17, no. 2 (June 3, 2010): 173–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09692290903582568.

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15

INOGUCHI, TAKASHI. "Japanese Ideas of Asian Regionalism." Japanese Journal of Political Science 12, no. 2 (June 24, 2011): 233–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109911000053.

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AbstractJapan is geographically located on the fringe of Asia. Japan's location is often divided between those arguing that Japan is inside Asia and those arguing it is outside Asia. Japanese ideas of Asian regionalism are thus immensely varied. This article details a number of Japanese ideas on Asian regionalism with author/agency, scope and method specified. Special mention is made of weak integration of government agencies, thus causing proliferation of many Japanese ideas within Asia. With the increasing self-assertiveness of China, the apparent peaking out of American hegemony, and the steady rise of non-Chinese Asians, Japan tries to maintain enduring alliance with the United States, to invigorate interdependence with China, and to reinvent new relationships with the countries of the East Asian Summit. Japanese ideas of Asian regionalism take those templates as guidelines to develop new ideas of Asian regionalism.
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JONES, DAVID MARTIN, and MICHAEL L. R. SMITH. "Constructing communities: the curious case of East Asian regionalism." Review of International Studies 33, no. 1 (January 2007): 165–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s026021050700736x.

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The prevailing scholarly orthodoxy regarding recent diplomatic initiatives in the Asia-Pacific assumes that East Asia is evolving into a distinctive regional community. The orthodoxy attributes this development to the growing influence of the diplomatic practices espoused by the Association of Southeast Asian States (ASEAN) and its related institutions. However, a paradox remains, namely: despite the failure of ASEAN’s distinctive practice to fulfil its rhetorical promise in Southeast Asia both immediately prior to and in the aftermath of the Asian financial crisis in 1997, it is nevertheless considered sufficient to validate the projection of ASEAN defined norms onto a wider Pacific canvas. This study analyses how an academic preference for constructivism has misinterpreted the growth in official rhetoric extolling East Asian regionalism since 1997 in a way that has helped produce and reinforce this paradox. By contrast, we contend that government declarations of a developing East Asian identity actually serve to obscure the continuation of traditional interstate relations and do not herald any wider, let alone inexorable, movement towards an integrated regional community.
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17

HUNDT, DAVID, and JAECHUN KIM. "Competing Notions of Regionalism in South Korean Politics." Japanese Journal of Political Science 12, no. 2 (June 24, 2011): 251–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109911000065.

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AbstractIn the past decade, ASEAN has been the primary driver of East Asian regionalism, and Korea has been an active supporter of ASEAN plus Three. Korea has explored the idea of an East Asian Community, and has been relatively open to notions of Asia–Pacific regionalism. The ROK has involved itself comparatively heavily in regional projects as both an initiator and a participant, but its notion of ‘region’ has oscillated between more and less inclusive forms of regionalism. This article examines how competing conceptions of region have influenced Korea's pursuit of regional initiatives. By revisiting historical understandings of Korea's regional identity, we explore the normative bases and material interests which motivate Korean regional initiatives, and assess the impact of its proposals.
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18

YUZHU, WANG. "China, Economic Regionalism, and East Asian Integration." Japanese Journal of Political Science 12, no. 2 (June 24, 2011): 195–212. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s146810991100003x.

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AbstractAs a rising power, China has become actively involved in regional bilateral/multilateral arrangements in the post-Cold War, especially post-crisis (1997– 98 financial crises) era, and this has attracted much attention from within and outside East Asia. Diverse understandings of China's regional ambition have appeared, especially since the launch of the China-ASEAN free trade agreement (FTA). Aiming at deciphering the ideas behind China's regional thinking, this paper argues that China's perspective on regionalism is a broadened economic regionalism, which is basically economic-centered, because economic performance is vital both to its long-term strategic target and to its internal social stability. This economic regionalism will last for some time because China will be a developing country at least in the mid-term, which means China will have to focus more on its economic performance. In practice, China will engage bilaterally or multilaterally with others through its FTA strategy. Thus, China cannot be a main contributor to East Asian integration as expected, owing to the inward-looking nature of its economic regionalism. Also, the institutional integration of East Asia needs the effort of all the players in the region.
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19

PAK Seong-Bin. "East Asian Regionalism and Changes of Japanese Strategy on Regionalism." Korea Journal of Japanese Studies ll, no. 26 (December 2007): 205–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.35368/kjjs.2007..26.007.

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20

Yeo, Andrew. "China’s rising assertiveness and the decline in the East Asian regionalism narrative." International Relations of the Asia-Pacific 20, no. 3 (July 10, 2019): 445–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/irap/lcz013.

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Abstract After a decade of vibrant scholarly and political discourse regarding the prospects of East Asian integration, the narrative of regionalism has lost its luster in favor of a darker regional narrative. Has the idea of East Asian regionalism come to pass, and if so, what explains the decline in the narrative of Asian regionalism both as a policy idea and as a research program? After providing empirical evidence tracking the rise and decline in scholarly publications and news articles regarding Asian regionalism, I present several plausible reasons explaining this decline. Among them, the perceived shift in Chinese strategic behavior, and in turn, the adoption of more pragmatic interpretations of Asian security practices – one defined by power balancing and institutional rivalry rather than community building – appears to have struck a major blow to the East Asia regional project.
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21

BALDWIN, RICHARD E. "MANAGING THE NOODLE BOWL: THE FRAGILITY OF EAST ASIAN REGIONALISM." Singapore Economic Review 53, no. 03 (December 2008): 449–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s0217590808003063.

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The paper argues that East Asian regionalism is fragile, since (i) each nation's industrial competitiveness depends on the smooth functioning of "Factory Asia" — in particular, on intra-regional trade; (ii) the unilateral tariff-cutting that created "Factory Asia" is not subject to WTO discipline (bindings); (iii) there is no "top-level management" to substitute for WTO discipline, i.e., to ensure that bilateral trade tensions — tensions that are inevitable in East Asia — do not spillover into region-wide problems due to lack of cooperation and communication. This paper argues that the window of opportunity for East Asian "vision" was missed; what East Asia needs now is "management", not vision. East Asia should launch a "New East Asian Regional Management Effort", with a reinforced ASEAN + 3 being the most likely candidate for the job. The first priority should be to bind the region's unilateral tariff cuts in the WTO.
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22

Choo, Jaewoo. "Econophoria and the Power Constellation in East Asian Regionalism:Critical Leadership Question." International Studies Review 17, no. 1 (October 19, 2016): 137–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2667078x-01701008.

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East Asian regionalism is an on-going process,despite lacking much necessary "progress". A glimmer of hope from the rise of china is now being shed on the prospect of East Asian regionalism,thanks to states clustering economically to china in a process as economic "power constellation." Econophoria functions as a facilitator to the development process of East Asian regionalism. Given China'S reluctance and regional aspirations in building necessary institutions and requisite leadership,however, this paper infers some possible forms of leadership that the US can develop regarding institutional bargaining. The US is perceived to be a critical player in finalizing East Asian regionalism for it is the only country that can render necessary leadership and therefore institutional building capability. If, as a regional player, the US wishes to recover its lost credibility and undermined trust, then the time is ripe for proper action. The article will briefly review the notion of power aggregation and power constellations so as to provide an analytical framework. It will then examine the prospect of an emerging regional order in the aftermath of China's power aggregation. In the following section, the article will assess the US position on the question of regional leadership and East Asian regionalism. The paper will conclude with possible strategic choises for the US in realizing regional aspirations.
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23

Young Jong Choi. "Global Financial Crisis and East Asian Regionalism." Korea and World Politics 28, no. 1 (March 2012): 87–121. http://dx.doi.org/10.17331/kwp.2012.28.1.003.

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24

AN, Pyeongeok. "East Asian Regionalism and Korea's Foreign Policy." Journal of Peace Studies 15, no. 6 (December 31, 2014): 31–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.14363/kaps.2014.15.6.31.

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25

RAVENHILL, JOHN. "East Asian regionalism: Much Ado about Nothing?" Review of International Studies 35, S1 (February 2009): 215–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210509008493.

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AbstractEast Asia has emerged over the last decade as the most active site for the negotiation of regional inter-governmental collaboration. The primary focus has been on trade but, in the wake of the financial crises, governments have also engaged in historically unprecedented collaboration in several areas of finance. Multiple factors have driven this new regional engagement. Although the agreements have been primarily economic in their focus, the primary motivation for many of them has been to secure diplomatic or strategic gains. The aggregate benefits from the agreements are likely to be limited given the low levels of tariffs and the availability of provisions that facilitate the intra-regional exchange of components. They may, however, be of significant interest to producers of specific products either because they provide advantage over competitors (or remove the advantage that competitors through agreements that their governments have signed). The trade agreements thus often reflect particularistic interests that governments have been enlisted to champion.
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26

Kawai, Masahiro. "East Asian economic regionalism: progress and challenges." Journal of Asian Economics 16, no. 1 (February 2005): 29–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.asieco.2005.01.001.

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27

KATADA, SAORI N. "East Asian Regionalism from the Bottom-Up." International Studies Review 9, no. 1 (May 2007): 128–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2486.2007.00660.x.

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28

Kirkpatrick, Colin. "Regionalisation, Regionalism and East Asian Economic Cooperation." World Economy 17, no. 2 (March 1994): 191–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9701.1994.tb00818.x.

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29

Hong, Joo Yeon. "East Asian Regionalism and the Trilateral Cooperation among South Korea, China and Japan." Korean Association for Political and Diplomatic History 44, no. 1 (August 30, 2022): 85–128. http://dx.doi.org/10.33127/kdps.2022.44.1.85.

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What makes ‘the trilateral cooperation’ possible? What were the factors that enable the formation or development of cooperation among Korea, China, and Japan? And did the trilateral cooperation stagnate when there were insufficient factors to increase cooperation? In response to this question, this study examines the development of regional politics in East Asia concretely, and pays attention to the chain of East Asian cooperation and how the trilateral cooperation mechanism among Korea, China, and Japan was formed in the process. Although it has not established an integrated organization in East Asia like EU, there has been various attempts to expand and promote regional cooperation system from ASPAC to ASEAN, APEC, ARF, ASEM, ASEAN+3(APT), EAS and TCS. From the Cold War until now, East Asian regionalism is trying to evolve into institutionalization through diplomatic initiatives and strategies of countries in the region. This paper analyzes the mechanism of trilateral cooperation was enabled by the overlapping of membership of the East Asian Regional cooperation, and the fluctuation of dynamics in East Asia can be repeatedly appeared depending on the direction of diplomatic strategy for regional cooperation.
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30

Cai, Kevin G. "Beyond Japan: The Dynamics of East Asian Regionalism." Canadian Journal of Political Science 40, no. 1 (March 2007): 276–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423907070400.

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Beyond Japan: The Dynamics of East Asian Regionalism, Peter J. Katzenstein and Takashi Shiraishi, eds., Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press, 2006, 325 pp., viii pp.This edited volume presents an interesting and comprehensive discussion of Japan's evolving relationship with the East Asian region. A central theme that runs throughout the book is that East Asia has moved beyond the influence of the single Japanese model toward a region that is being jointly driven by American, Japanese, Chinese and other national influences.
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31

Tsunekawa, K. "Beyond Japan: The Dynamics of East Asian Regionalism." International Relations of the Asia-Pacific 8, no. 1 (May 16, 2007): 125–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/irap/lcm019.

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32

Noble, G. W. "Japanese and American Perspectives on East Asian Regionalism." International Relations of the Asia-Pacific 8, no. 2 (April 5, 2008): 247–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/irap/lcn003.

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33

He, Baogang. "East Asian ideas of regionalism: a normative critique." Australian Journal of International Affairs 58, no. 1 (March 2004): 105–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1035771032000184791.

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Pang, Eul-Soo. "Beyond Japan: The Dynamics of East Asian Regionalism." Contemporary Southeast Asia 30, no. 1 (April 2008): 152–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1355/cs30-1k.

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35

Parisot, James. "American Power, East Asian Regionalism and Emerging Powers:inoragainstempire?" Third World Quarterly 34, no. 7 (August 2013): 1159–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01436597.2013.824655.

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36

Hong Gyoo, Lee. "Is East Asian Publicness Possible? - The Ideological Foundation of the New East Asian Regionalism." JOURNAL OF ASIAN STUDIES 25, no. 2 (May 31, 2022): 209–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.21740/jas.2022.05.25.2.209.

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37

Emmers, Ralf, and John Ravenhill. "The Asian and global financial crises: consequences for East Asian regionalism." Contemporary Politics 17, no. 2 (June 2011): 133–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13569775.2011.565982.

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CHO, IL HYUN, and SEO-HYUN PARK. "Domestic legitimacy politics and varieties of regionalism in East Asia." Review of International Studies 40, no. 3 (October 28, 2013): 583–606. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210513000399.

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AbstractWhat drives East Asian regionalism? The rise of China and the perceived decline in the influence of the United States have sparked debates about the future of the regional order, including the yet-unresolved question of whose leadership is likely to be more stable and accepted as legitimate by other regional actors. What is puzzling, however, is that persistent demands for the formation of a coherent and uniquely East Asian regional institution have come not from China or the US, as is the focus of existing studies, but rather Japan and South Korea. In this article, we propose an alternative framework that conceptualises the varieties of East Asian regionalism, emphasising the multiple pivots and variegated levels of politics involved in efforts toward regional cooperation. We find that competing proposals for East Asian regionalism since the 1990s are not determined by structural pressures or the convergence of interests but rather result from domestic legitimacy politics. Japanese and Korean leaders have, at different time periods, proposed their own alternative region-making initiatives appealing to domestically contested views on how best to seek autonomy from the region's Great Powers as a way to enhance their political standing domestically and regionally.
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Hastiadi, Fithra F. "Regionalism in East Asia: The Role of North East Asian Nations." American Journal of Economics and Business Administration 3, no. 2 (February 1, 2011): 247–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.3844/ajebasp.2011.242.253.

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40

Arase, David. "Non-Traditional Security in China-ASEAN Cooperation: The Institutionalization of Regional Security Cooperation and the Evolution of East Asian Regionalism." Asian Survey 50, no. 4 (July 2010): 808–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2010.50.4.808.

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The institutionalization of China-ASEAN non-traditional security cooperation is underappreciated, even though its significance should be apparent to Western analysts. Appreciating China-ASEAN non-traditional security cooperation leads to the realization that it has strategic significance, and that the broader China-ASEAN multilateral process is the most institutionally developed expression of East Asian regionalism today.
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41

Pangestu, Mari, and Lili Yan Ing. "ASEAN: Regional Integration and Reforms." Asian Economic Papers 15, no. 2 (June 2016): 44–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/asep_a_00424.

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Over recent decades ASEAN has advanced a policy of regional integration, starting with the ASEAN Free Trade Area, following on with the ASEAN+1 free trade agreements with its six main trading partners, and now with ASEAN+6. To further advance ASEAN's regional integration in the East Asian context, it should continue to focus on further liberalization of trade in goods, investment, and services that can facilitate more trade and investment. East Asian integration is designed not to be just an “extensive regional trade agreement,” but is more a “responsive vehicle” that consists of trade and investment commitments combined with facilitation. To keep regional integration viable, it should adopt an open regionalism.
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42

Solís, Mireya, and Saori N. Katada. "Introduction Understanding East Asian Cross-Regionalism: An Analytical Framework." Pacific Affairs 80, no. 2 (June 1, 2007): 229–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.5509/2007802229.

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43

Lee, Hong Gyoo. "East Asian regionalism and peace: history, structure and implication." JOURNAL OF ASIAN STUDIES 23, no. 4 (November 30, 2020): 113–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.21740/jas.2020.11.23.4.113.

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44

Ravenhill, J. "A three bloc world? The new East Asian regionalism." International Relations of the Asia-Pacific 2, no. 2 (August 1, 2002): 167–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/irap/2.2.167.

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45

Chongkittavorn, Kavi. "East Asian Regionalism: So Close and Yet So Far." Southeast Asian Affairs 1998 1998, no. 1 (April 1998): 45–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1355/seaa98d.

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46

Ravenhill, John. "The ‘new East Asian regionalism’: A political domino effect." Review of International Political Economy 17, no. 2 (June 3, 2010): 178–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09692290903070887.

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47

SONPHIL LEE, 김용민, and NamJong Ho. "Nationalism, Regionalism and Prospects for an East Asian Community." Journal of Contemporary European Studies 33, no. 1 (April 2015): 105–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.17052/jces.2015.33.1.105.

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48

Kerr, David. "Greater China and East Asian integration: Regionalism and rivalry." East Asia 21, no. 1 (March 2004): 75–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12140-004-0011-1.

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49

Et al., Dr Sarfraz Batool. "Asean Is Working On The Triple-Cs Principle For Regional Economic Integration." Psychology and Education Journal 58, no. 1 (January 20, 2021): 5447–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.17762/pae.v58i1.2160.

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Southeast Asian Association for regional Co-operation was established in 1967 for the region's socio-economic development. Now it has been working as a single economic body and has become the sixth-largest economy in the world and third largest in Asia. It constitutes the third-largest population in the world that is effectively connected through physical and digital means. This study aims to develop a theoretical understanding of the concept of regional Integration and to analyze the trends of regional integration suitable for the South East Asian region specifically. It focuses on the ASEAN's Triple-Cs Principle to deeply analyze its journey of regional economic integration. This Principle, basically, describe the existing strategic patterns of economic integration specifically used in the ASEAN countries to maintain their territorial integrity and increase socio-economic development in the world’s most diverse region. It further shows that how ASEAN remained consistently committed to regional integration since its initiation, for that purpose, how ASEAN worked on the journey of regional connectivity. And, How the advancement in the digital arena, is constantly increasing the regional connectivity (through digital means) and has become a backbone for the process of regional integration in the Asian region. Finally, how regional connectivity brings Peace, Progress, and Prosperity in the South East Asia. Further, it also helps to analyze that how much the existing patterns of Asian regionalism are conducive for socio-economic development. This study is divided into the following sections; the first section briefly describes the central theories of regionalism. In addition, it extensively describes the concept of region, regionalism, and regional integration and the importance of regional integration in the Asian region. The second section of the study explains the details of the Triple-Cs Principle of ASEAN for regional integration. The third section describes how ASEAN followed the Triple-Cs principle during its journey towards regional economic integration in different phases. Finally, it concludes with certain recommendations
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Dent, Christopher M. "Taiwan and the New Regional Political Economy of East Asia." China Quarterly 182 (June 2005): 385–406. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s030574100500024x.

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Abstract:
Regional economic relations in East Asia have experienced a period of profound change since the 1997/98 financial crisis. Two developments are particularly notable. The first relates to the ASEAN Plus Three (APT) framework, under which an increasingly coalescent regional economic grouping has emerged in East Asia. Thus far, APT member states (Japan, China, South Korea and the ASEAN group) have devoted much energy to creating new mechanisms of regional financial governance, such as the Chiang Mai Initiative and Asian Bond Market Initiative. The second development concerns the expansion of bilateral free trade agreement (FTA) projects in East Asia and the Asia-Pacific. Many see this as a precursor to forging wider sub-regional or regional trade agreements. Both developments mark a potentially significant shift from regionalization to regionalism in East Asia, and thus “high politics” becomes de facto more important given regionalism is largely founded on inter-(nation-)state agreements. Beijing's continued ardent contestation of Taiwan's nation-statehood has hence limited Taiwan's ability to engage as it would like in East Asia's new regional political economy. This article considers the nature of regional political economy and applies it to the recent East Asian experience, which in turn provides an analytical framework for examining the significance of the APT framework and new FTA trend, and Taiwan's position in relation to them. Special attention is paid to Taiwan's prospects in East Asia's new regional political economy.
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