Journal articles on the topic 'Early printed books – england – 17th century'

The article deals with complex processes which took place in Europe in the field of printing in early modern times. The author analyzes the situation in England and other states during the Reformation and Counter-Reformation. It is concluded that each European country has its own special features not only in the organization of the printing business itself, but also in the sphere of relations between government institutions and the publishing community. The history of publishing in England very clearly shows how the printed book influenced not only the spiritual, but also the political processes that took place in the country over several centuries. In connection with the study of the traditions of British printing and the reading circle of the educated Englishman of the Early Modern Age, the most important source for us is the manuscript catalog of the Fairfax family library, kept in the Archive of the St. Petersburg Institute of History. English intellectuals Fairfax stood out primarily as the owners of the largest private book collection in England in the 17th century. And their library was, strictly speaking, a certain attribute of political elitism. Wallenrodts, who belonged to the Prussian nobility of the Brandenburg principality, proceeded from the idea of the social significance of their own book collection, and already during Ernst von Wallenrodt's lifetime bequeathed the collection to the University of Konigsberg. The author comes to the conclusion about the important role of the national press, acting as a consolidating ethnopolitical element in the course of such a formation of a new configuration of states of the Westphalian political system.

The core of the Višňová castle library was formed already in the 17th century, probably in Paderborn. Afew volumes come from the property of the archbishop of Cologne, Ferdinand August von Spiegel (1774–1835), but most of the items were collected by his brother Franz Wilhelm (1752–1815), a minister of the Electorate of Cologne, chief construction officer and the president of the Academic Council in Cologne. A significant group is formed by philosophical works: Franz Wilhelm’s collection comprised works by J. G. Herder, I. Kant, M. Mendelsohn as well as H. de Saint-Simon and J. von Sonnenfels. Another group consisted of historical works, e.g. by E. Gibbon; likewise his interest in the history of Christianity is noticeable. The library contains a total of more than 6,200 volumes, including 40 manuscripts, 3 incunabula and 15 printed books from 16th century; more than a half of the collection is formed by early printed books until the end of the 18th century. The other volumes come from the 19th century and the beginning of the 20th century. Volumes from the 17th century include especially Latin printed books on law, and one can perceive interest in collecting books on philosophy. There are many publications devoted to Westphalia; in addition, the library contains a number of binder’s volumes of legal dissertations from the end of the 17th century and the entire 18th century published in diverse German university towns. Further disciplines widely represented in the library are economics and especially agriculture, with the publications coming from the 18th and 19th centuries.

Early printed books from the Krakow Town Archives of Former Records in the resources of the National Archives in Krakow. Initial investigation, provenance analysis The collection of early printed books stored in the National Archives in Krakow has not been processed so far. This article aims to approximate the current state of knowledge regarding the contents of the collection. The historic book collection of the Archives, represented by both Polish and foreign printed books covering various subjects, numbers slightly over 650 works issued before 1801. Included in this number are 28 early printed books from the 16th century, 210 from the 17th century and 413 from the 18th century. The oldest one – Liber horarum canonicarum secundum veram rubricam sive notulam ecclesiae Cracoviensis – was issued in 1508 by the publishing house of Jan Haller in Krakow. The origins of the early printed books vary – they come from donations, acquisitions of archival materials as well as purchases. The greatest number come from donations, with the following donors worthy of special mention: Ambroży Grabowski, Józef Seruga and Franciszek Biesiadecki, as well as Józef Muczkowski, Karol Estreicher and others. An invaluable part of the collection (61 works) are the printed books from the library of Hieronim Pinocci (1612–1676), a merchant, royal secretary and diplomat, acquired from the town archives at the end of the 19th century. Many works, especially those concerning the history of Krakow, were also purchased using the funds of the Archives. The early printed books gathered in the library of the National Archives in Krakow create a particularly valuable collection, which may also be a source of information concerning provenance.

The article is based on the revealed by the author and first described findings from the collection of foreign early-printed books of the Department of rare books of the Russian State Library. Among these editions there dominate the books belonging to the trophy cultural values received by the Library upon the end of the World War II. There are the Forty-two Line Bible of Johann Gutenberg from the collection of Heinrich Klemm, books from the collection of book-covers of Jacob Krause and his disciples (Dresden). The article discusses not only the early-printed books, but the manuscript of the 16th century from the collection H. Klemm. The author cites the examples of various errors: committed by the masters-rubricators in manuscript decorations of the books, engravings printed upside down, errors in the dates in the text and on the book covers, etc. These errors are the direct evidence of the work of masters on printing and decoration of the books committed due to the various reasons: inattention, haste. They impart to these books the unique individuality.

AbstractThis article compares the circulation and reception of useful knowledge—from medical and craft recipes to prognostications and agricultural treatises—in late medieval English manuscripts and early printed practical books. It first surveys the contents and composition of eighty-eight fifteenth-century vernacular practical manuscripts identified in significant collections in the United States and United Kingdom. Close analysis of four of these late medieval practical miscellanies reveals that their compilers saw these manuscripts as repositories for the collection of an established body of useful knowledge. The article then traces the transmission of these medieval practical texts in early printed books. As the pressures of a commercial book market gradually transformed how these practical texts were presented, readers became conditioned to discover “new” knowledge in the pages of printed books. The introduction to England of the “book of secrets” in 1558 encouraged readers to hunt for “secrets” in unpublished medieval manuscripts, ensuring that these century-old sources would remain important sites for useful knowledge well into the early modern era.

The article tires to identify early printed editions from Novgorod churches and monasteries as part of the Russian State Library (RSL) collection. It shows the way they got to the RSL and provides a method for their attribution. In the XVIII century, the books were collected in the St. Sophia Cathedral library in Novgorod. In the middle of the XIX century, some of them were brought to the library of the St. Petersburg Theological Academy. In the 1870s, the idea of exchanging book duplicates between the St. Petersburg Theological Academy and the Moscow Public and Rumyantsev’s Museums arose. It was supported by His Eminence Metropolitan of St. Petersburg, Novgorod and Finland Isidore. In 1874, the Rumyantsev’s Museum received 126 books. Among them, there were books from the Kirillo-Belozersk Monastery, the Sofia Library and some items of an unknown origin (without owner's signs). The article shows the methodology and process of attribution the books from Novgorod monasteries and churches based on the study of owners’ signs (for example, dedicatory inscriptions, authographs and other notes) taking in account the history of the Sofia Library collection. There were some contributions from the nobility, for example, D. M. Bashmakov, a statesman of the 17th century; or Princess Natalia Kirillovna, a mother of Peter I, who made a donation to the Novgorod Convent of Great martyr Euphemia the Glorious. This fact allows us to look at the history of monastic libraries in a more detailed way exploring their parts. The attribution of the books of Novgorod origin at the RSL collection illustrates the research method for regional Cyrillic book collections, which for the most part remains unexplored.Keywords: the early Cyrillic printed books, the Sofia Library, Novgorod Books, editions of the Moscow Printing House, the history of libraries, St. Petersburg Theological Academy, monastic and church libraries, books of Ancient Russia, regional collections of old printed books.

In the 17th century England, the problem of distinguishing between the imaginary (poetry) and documentary (history) was especially relevant due to the loss of the monopoly of the church and universities on the spread of knowledge about the world, as well as the increase in the number of printed books in the national language. F. Bacon distinguished three “faculties of the rational soul”: memory (history), imagination (poetry) and rational judgment (philosophy). In contrast to the Neoplatonists’ ideas, F. Bacon reserved for poetry the status of an instrument of heuristics, contributing to the spread of knowledge. In the context of the ambiguity of the boundaries of the “poetic” and “historical”, the novel occupies a special place. M. Cavendish pays attention to this “mixed” genre, defining it as a poetic text written in historical style. She attempts to revise the traditional view of the novel as a courtesan t

Although the parish of St John the Baptist in Bychawa is one of the oldest in the Lublin diocese, because its origins date back at least to the beginning of the 14th century, its library in the Old Polish period was very modest. This was caused by the following unfavourable historical conditions: the takeover of the church by Calvinists in the 16th century, difficulties with the restoration of the seized property, Cossack invasions, etc. For these reasons, until the end of the 17th century, the parish owned only necessary liturgical books, with the possible exception of those that had been donated by the parish priest Sebastian Piatkowski to his nephew as payment for his care in the 1930s; however, we have no detailed information about them. It was not until the 18th century that the book collection was enriched with non-liturgical books. These mainly included collections of sermons by Polish or foreign authors, maxims and prayer books, all serving pastoral work. Many of these books cannot be identified due to the general descriptions left by parish inspectors or damage to the codices. Most of the early printed books preserved to this day were possessed by private individuals, and a large number of them came from the libraries of monasteries liquidated after 1863. There are 29 of them, all basically in need of conservation.

The publication presents a source study review of the provenances of the early printed books from the library of the Berdychiv Monastery of Discalced Carmelites, which functioned from the 17th up to the first half of the 19th century. Nowadays the historical collection “The Library of the Berdychiv Monastery of Discalced Carmelites” is preserved in the V.I. Vernadsky National Library of Ukraine, it amounts to 4852 volumes and is the largest one among the book collections of the Roman Catholic monasteries, which are stored in the libraries in Ukraine. The article emphasizes the importance of source studies and the role of provenances in the historical library science research. The main types of provenances (handwritten notes, exlibrises, superexlibrises, seals), found in the books of the Berdychiv collection are presented, and their informative content is highlighted in relation to the ways of reconstruction of the monastic book collection.

Abstract This article traces the changing semantics of drunkard in English during the first half of the seventeenth century. Combining methods of “distant reading” (made possible by the Early English Books Online–Text Creation Partnership) and the “close reading” of didactic printed materials, it shows how this venerable Middle English word became unusually prevalent and ideologically charged in the six decades after the ascension of James VI and I to the English throne. Key to these developments was the new monarch’s Counterblaste to Tobacco (1604), in which James I at once delineated a capacious concept of drunkard as someone who simply liked drinking, rather than became demonstrably drunk, and confirmed the consumption of tobacco and alcohol as an appropriate subject for the burgeoning printed “public sphere.” The article suggests that the separation of drunkard from drunkenness proved very useful for ministers and moralists concerned with the moral and economic consequences of unnecessary and “superfluous” consumption for individuals, households, and communities. Resorting to populist and didactic genres like pamphlets, sermons, dialogues, and treatises, writers ranging from the Calvinist John Downame to the regicide John Cook deployed the category of the drunkard to critique not only English drinking habits but also social and economic practices more generally. In pushing the concept so hard, however, reformers inevitably rubbed against more conventional notions of “civil society” and the sociable practices constituting it.

One of the most extensive and interesting aristocratic libraries in early Baroque Bohemia was built by Count Ignác Karel of Šternberk (Ignaz Karl von Sternberg) in his family seat at Zelená Hora Castle near Nepomuk in the last third of the 17th century. A large part of the defunct Zelená Hora library later somehow found its way to the National Library of the Czech Republic in Prague, where it now forms the largest extant collection of aristocratic libraries. This study deals with a recently discovered volume from the fragmentarily preserved series of library catalogues of the count’s library. The 1684 catalogue covers the shelf mark B ‘Ex Classe Scripturistarum’, which contained an impressive collection of literature necessary for reading and studying the Bible. The vast majority of the books date from the 17th century and were published abroad, mostly in Paris, Lyon and Antwerp. The study presents an edition of the catalogue and attempts to identify extant copies. Out of the total of 149 shelf marks, it has been possible to find 18 books, including three binder’s volumes, which means 22 books printed abroad in 1605–1684. It is worth mentioning the presence of Jansenist and anti-Jansenist works in the count’s library.

As local traditions of the Catholic Church were suppressed in the 17th century, so Esztergom, the ecclesiastical centre of Hungary was deprived of its medieval rite and associated style of Gregorian chant. The place and function of the earlier repertory were assumed by a quite new type of chant, created from earlier curial melodies according to the humanist aesthetics of a new era. This revised repertory was transmitted by post-Tridentine printed chant books emanating from Italian, French and Dutch printers, which became prevalent all over Europe, including Hungary. The editions of the new cantus romanus that have emerged from various Hungarian libraries constitute material hitherto unknown to musical reception research. This study marks an initial attempt to summarize the early findings of a new examination of the sources and answer several questions: Which editions were ordered by which ecclesiastical institutions? How and in what quantities were the editions available? What types of liturgical chant books have survived in Hungarian collections? How can the editions be grouped chronologically? What do the possessor’s notes reveal? How do musical variants in the editions relate to each other?

Abstract Towards a uniform written Dutch: The elimination of dialect features by Gheraert Leeu, printer in Gouda and Antwerp This study discusses the influence of the printing press on the gradual rise of standard Dutch on the basis of the language used in a selection of incunables, printed by Gheraert Leeu, one of the pioneers of early printing. Leeu was active in Gouda (Holland) from 1477 until 1484, but moved in 1484 to the city of Antwerp (Brabant), where he continued his printing activity until his sudden death in 1492. In three books from Gouda and five books originating from Antwerp, we determined the degree of dialecticity, classified the dialect variants according to their origin, interpreted the variation found between regional and non-regional variants and discussed their diachronic evolution. We found that both the Hollandic and the Brabantish dialect features were increasingly replaced by their non-regional equivalents. By rapidly diminishing the amount of dialect variants in his printed language, Gheraert Leeu contributed to the transition from dialectal Late Middle Dutch to more supraregional Early New Dutch, which was reflected in Hollandic and Antwerp printed books around 1500. So the traditional view that the standard Dutch is based on the Hollandic dialect of the 17th century, should be revised: a tendency towards more uniformity in written Dutch was already noticeable at the end of the 15th century among printers in Antwerp and Holland, who were striving for a more uniform language in order to enlarge the sales market for their printed books. The case of the famous printer Gheraert Leeu shows that the prosperous city of Antwerp played a leading role in the development of a uniform written language.

Abstract During the 17th century, the debate over the true world system (sistema mundi) was essentially between the heliocentric and geo-heliocentric models. Comparisons were made between tables that recorded more and more celestial observations in various printed astronomical works. Giovanni Battista Riccioli’s Almagestum novum (1651) provides an excellent example of how tables were used. Riccioli wanted to find the best hypothesis (hypothesis absoluta) with the help of a rigorous database from which he could proceed to make mathematical deductions. Tables in early modern astronomical books were important because they showed the results of observations. Presented in a clear way they became persuasive visual arguments.

AbstractThomas Hastings and his contemporary, Lowell Mason, have often been criticized for rejecting the music of the eighteenth-century American psalmodists and nineteenth-century folk hymnody in favor of what are sometimes considered to be insipid arrangements or imitations of imported European melodies. Hastings, in particular, made a number of vehement statements castigating pieces in these idioms. It is certainly true that Hastings held a low opinion of many pieces in these genres, but it is also true that he printed a surprising number of them in his tune books. While many of these items were probably included because he needed them to help sell his tune books, it is also evident that his rejection of the earlier American pieces was not quite as complete as it is sometimes made out to be. This study traces his use of these “objectionable” items and of some tunes the origins of which are uncertain.

The article discusses manuscript books – collections of public life materials created in the 17th and 18th centuries in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, now located in Poland. They were created mainly by nobles and by chancellery clerks and officials employed at magnates’ and state dignitaries’ courts as an expression of the interests of collectors or documentary and historiographical concerns, and sometimes also as support for public activity. They contained various materials related to conducting, documenting and recording public life. The present overview is based on an identification of copies and on the information contained in printed and online manuscript catalogues and inventories. The number of surviving manuscripts of that type can be hypothetically estimated at ca. 400–500 copies, with ca. 100 copies identified in Poland. Their largest collection is held in the Radvilos Archives, part of the Central Archives of Historical Records in Warsaw, with single copies scattered across different libraries and museums. The oldest ones date back to the late 16th and early 17th centuries. The greatest value should be attributed to several manuscripts originating from the Radvilos of Biržai community from the mid-17th century. Other valuable manuscripts include some made by common nobles, especially in the 17th century, as they often contain unique materials, unknown from elsewhere, as well as those created in the circles of the Sapiegos and Radvilos of Nyasvizh magnate families. Standing out among the latter are miscellanies created during the first three decades of the 18th century by Kazimierz Złotkowski, secretary of the Grand Chancellor of Lithuania Karolis Stanislovas Radvila. These books attest to the integration of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania’s nobility and magnates with other lands of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. They largely contain materials relating to public life of the whole Commonwealth, while often including materials relating to local issues.

Although the parish of St John the Baptist in Bychawa is one of the oldest in the Lublin diocese, because its origins date back at least to the beginning of the 14th century, its library in the Old Polish period was very modest. This was caused by the following unfavourable historical conditions: the takeover of the church by Calvinists in the 16th century, difficulties with the restoration of the seized property, Cossack invasions, etc. For these reasons, until the end of the 17th century, the parish owned only necessary liturgical books, with the possible exception of those that had been donated by the parish priest Sebastian Piatkowski to his nephew as payment for his care in the 1930s; however, we have no detailed information about them. It was not until the 18th century that the book collection was enriched with non-liturgical books. These mainly included collections of sermons by Polish or foreign authors, maxims and prayer books, all serving pastoral work. Many of these books cannot be identified due to the general descriptions left by parish inspectors or damage to the codices. Most of the early printed books preserved to this day were possessed by private individuals, and a large number of them came from the libraries of monasteries liquidated after 1863. There are 29 of them, all basically in need of conservation.

The article presents the results of work on archaeographic research of the Metropolinate of Novosibirsk parish book collections, done in 2019–2020. The researchers of the Department of Rare Books and Manuscripts of SPSTL SB RAS inventoried the books of Cyrillic and civil press kept in the parish library of Holy Apostle and Evangelist Luke in Kupino (Kupinsky district of Novosibirsk province). 35 Orthodox books of the Cyrillic tradition and of the Russian civil type of the first half of the 17th – early 20th centuries were made known, among them, 2 editions of the 17th century printed by the Moscow Print Yard, 4 Old Believer editions of the late 19th – early 20th centuries, 19 Synodal editions of the Cyrillic type from the late 18th to the early 20th centuries and 12 Synodal editions of the Russian civil type. The aim of the article is to present the results of scientific description and an archaeographic analysis of individual features of the most interesting book exemplars. Through complication of describing such book collections, which did not usually preserve intact or partially samples of pre-revolutionary parish book stocks and were shaped from various sources, priority was given to describing the owner’s signs of each sample that reflected the history of their existence in one or another social environment. Among the earliest there were described the perfectly preserved Moscow Gospel of 1627, the owner’s and donative records of which reflected its displacement from the territory of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania to Moscovia, where it could have come after Smolensk campaign of Tsar Alexey Mikhailovich. Another interesting example of editions of the Moscow Print Yard already from the post-schism period is the Irmologion of 1657, in which course of the description significant differences from other known copies were revealed. The late Old Believers liturgical books, that preserved the fragments of hand-written and early printed books, give interesting owners signs. The collection of synodal publications of the St Luke parish library covers a wide chronological and thematic range. Besides liturgical books such as psalteries, missal books, miscellanies of Akathist hymns there are also collections of sermons, manuals on theology, church singing and Sacred history. The article presents brief versions of the books of Cyrillic press of the St Like parish library, clearly showing the wide geographical distribution of the Russian Orthodox book both in the late medieval times and in the 20th century, as well as characteristic signs of its existence in various readership.

Throughout the 17th century, the Palace economy developed dynamically in the Royal fiefdoms, which by the middle — the second half of the 17th century were characterized by high profitability. The Palace lands provided the Romanov House with everything it needed. The components of the Palace economy included agriculture, fishing grounds, and manufacturing facilities. At the same time, the Royal manufactories were not numerous, the fishing grounds were not in all the sovereign’s fiefdoms, only agriculture dominated everywhere. The relevance of this work lies in studying the historical experience of socio-econo­mic and political development of the Russian state in the 17th century. The purpose of the article is to consider Palace agriculture in Russia in the 17th century. The methodological basis of the study relies on the principles of historicism and scientific objectivity. The author has used the works by russian pre-revolutionary historians V. N. Tatishchev, S. M. Solovyov, and M. Baranovsky, as well as the works of researchers of the soviet and post-soviet periods S. I. Volkov, V. I. Buganov, V. A. Korostelev, and A. V. Topychkanov. The novelty of the research consists in the introduction of new historical sources into scientific circulation. The source database consists of the unpublished office documents from the Armory chamber fund 396, the Palace department fund 1239 of the Russian State Archive of Ancient Acts (RGADA, Moscow), as well as from the rare handwritten and old-printed books fund of the Moscow state United art historical, architectural and natural landscape museum-reserve. Among the published sources, we can distinguish a group of office documents. These are census, parish, and expense books of orders of Secret Affairs and the Grand Palace. In addition, the author has used the historical and geographical materials of the 17th — early 18th century from the books of the Discharge Order and the memoirs by the german traveler A. Oleary. The results show the place of Palace agriculture in the economy of the Tsar’s domain in Russia in the 17th century. The author has identified the main directions in the development of agriculture on the territory of the Palace fiefdoms. Having studied the attempt to modernize the Palace agriculture during the reign of Tsar Alexei Mikhailovich and to use the best european experience, this research highlights the significance of the Secret Affairs Order, which was in charge of many agricultural objects in the second half of the 17th century; their geographical coordinates are indicated. The author reveals the main features of the development of Palace grain farming, horticulture, animal husbandry, poultry farming, and beekeeping. The examples of farming in some Tsar’s villages of the Moscow Region showcase the ways of providing labor for the main objects of agriculture in the Tsar’s domain. The agricultural products from the Royal fiefdoms were intended for the Royal family. To a lesser extent, they were sent for sale on the domestic market. Different Royal fiefdoms specialized in particular fields. Namely, Izmailovo, Chashnikovo, Alekseevskoye, Stepanovskoye, Ekaterininskaya Grove, and Yermolino Palace villages near Moscow supplied rye, oats, wheat, hops, flax, and hemp. Grape, fruit, and mulberry orchards were bred in Chuguev, Astrakhan, Bryansk, and the Moscow Region. Russian and German specialists were involved in their service. The Palace villages Pachino, Alekseevskoe, Stepanovski, Ermolino, situated near Moscow, and the villages Lyskovo and Murashkino near Nizhny Novgorod were the centres of the Palace livestock. Tsar’s apiaryies were in Karpovka, Volnovsky, Kharkiv, Chuguyev, Olesinska, and Hotnichescom counties. Palace agriculture was served using the forced labor of palace peasants and posadsky people, soldiers, archers, while only small amounts of hired labor were involved.

Abstract Two noteworthy and successful vernacular rhetoric manuals printed in sixteenth-century England are actually writing manuals, books on how to compose letters: William Fulwood's The Enimie of Idlenesse (1568), and Angel Day's The English Secretorie (1586). Both works reflected and sought to influence literacy habits in the book-reading public, and reveal a wider range of cultural engagement than has previously been thought. In particular, three aspects are likely to have stirred reader interest: a connection for vernacular learners with both the humanist and dictaminal epistolary traditions that formed the core of prestige education; a focus on practical letter exchanges that carry familial and social significance; and a large collection of model letters, in which readers would have found exemplary discourse coupled with proto-fictional and amatory elements that could be enjoyed as entertainment. Understanding the varied appeals of these two books helps us fill out the larger picture relating to how vernacular literacy was valued, developed, and applied.

Printing and Old Romanian Books (1508-1830) gained a well-established position in the European Cultural Heritage by the beginning of the 16th century, with the introduction of imprints in Cyrillic typeface, ahead of many European states. The first printing press was introduced in Wallachia in 1508, when hieromonk Macarie issued several religious books in Slavonic at Târgoviște, for Romanian Orthodox Christians and Slavonic people of Europe. Prints in Romanian would enter the cultural circuit as early as the fifth decennium of the 16th century. Transylvanian typographies started their activity by printing books in Latin and German. In 1535 Johan Honterus of Brașov (1498–1549) set a typography, thus establishing the city as one of the centres for the Lutheran believe in Transylvania. In 1544, the Romanian Catechism was published at Sibiu, a text that aimed to promote the Lutheran theology amongst Romanians. Between 1535 and 1557 over 50 works were published in Latin, Greek and German in the typography of Brașov, which then spread across many European countries. After deacon Coresi came to Brașov in the second half of the 16th century, several books were published with Cyrillic typeface in Slavonic, Romanian and bilingual editions for Orthodox Christians. The Romanian printing activity came to a standstill that lasted from the last decennium of the 16th century until the fourth decennium of the 17th century. The activity restarted during the reign of Matei Basarab in Wallachia (1632-1654) and Vasile Lupu in Moldavia (1634-1653). Printing was introduced in Moldavia in 1642 and, in comparison with Wallachia and Transylvania, Romanian was used as main language. Books in Greek, intended for the Orthodox faithful within the Ottoman Empire, were also printed. After 1812, the eastern part of Moldavia was annexed by Tsarist Russia. In 1814, a printing house that provided literature for the churches of the eparchy was set up in Chișinău, the capital city of the province. Some of the books would reach countries of Central and Western Europe or even cultural centres in Ukraine and Russia. In conclusion, books printed within the Romanian countries were mainly for religious purposes. Sets were issued in Romanian, Slavonic, Latin, German and Greek, for the use of Christians throughout both Western and Eastern Europe.

For a long time Russian manuscript book has been famous for its rich artistic design. Miniatures containing parts of liturgical texts, sermons, saints’ lives, richly decorated miniatures, initials have changed over time, so they help to date a manuscript. The article studies the artistic design of northern manuscripts in order to figure out a more accurate date of the source. The subjects of the study are liturgical and theological books from the collection of the Arkhangelsk Museum Association “Russian North artistic culture”, created in the XV–XIX centuries. All researched manuscripts are written on paper and all of them are not dated, therefore the date of writing a book is first determined by paper signs, which is then confirmed by other facts, namely by drawings written at the same time as the main text. In “Prologue”, created at the end of the 15th century, the scribe uses the Balkan ornament, which was popular in Russian books of the second half of the 15th and 16th centuries. On the sheets with miniatures there are also large initials of the Balkan type. The “Psalter” of the late 18th century was copied from the printed edition of 1651. It contains the unfinished design of King David copied from the printed edition evidenced by the artist’s manner of performing this image. Some of the manuscripts are decorated by scribes with drawings copied or taken from printed editions of the same period as the book. Thus, in the collection of the early XIX century (a “white” date on paper – 1815) there is a miniature that occurs in such printed editions as “The Life of Basil the New”, 1792–1795 and 1801, or “Psalter” 1802–1803, 1812–1814 years. In the collection of the museum there are books consisting of printed and handwritten sheets, restored instead of lost printed ones. For example, in the “Tablet” of Patriarch Nikon, published in 1656, the text was restored by hand on several pages at the beginning of the 18th century that is determined by the paper signs on the pages of the book. On the one of the manuscript sheets there is a miniature taken from a printed source and pasted into the text. Such an ornament is found, for example, in the Minne December 1714. These data show that the handwritten text and design were made at one time. The collection of the museum contains several bright books, richly decorated with Pomor ornament, which was popular in Old Believers' manuscripts written in the Russian North, near the White Sea, in the second half of the 17th and 19th centuries. The Pomor ornament is noted in the books that were created in the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, and is no longer found in manuscripts of late writing, which also indicates that a text and a décor of the book were made the same time. Thereby, the studied material helped to confirm the dates of the creation of the manuscripts, and also showed once again that when the source is dated, all the data in the book are taken into account.

In the early modern period, the relentless growth in the copies of printed books and the increasing competition between craftsmen meant that, since the invention of Gutenberg until the 19th century, European bookbinders were forced to look for cheaper and quicker binding techniques. Based on this assumption, the article focuses on some of the bindings of books printed from the middle of the 16th until the middle of the 17th century which belonged to the library of Vilnius Jesuit Academy. This study is part of a broader research on the bindings of the Vilnius Jesuit Academy Library, and the article is limited to two groups of sources: books printed in Italy and books printed in the Kingdom of Poland and the Grand Duchy of Lithuania (Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth). The historical bindings are discussed by following the approach targeting the field of decorative arts and material culture studies, which is also well known as the ‘archaeology’ of the book or the bookbinding. It focuses not only on the decorative features of the cover of the book, but also on the structural features of the bindings which reveal comprehensively the work of the craftsmen of the past. This method of analysis is particularly useful for discussing not only decorated but also undecorated bindings which have so far received very limited attention in the research of the old Lithuanian book. As a result, the research revealed that the modest parchment bindings form nearly a half of all the examined bindings of the collection, and confirm the practical rather than the representational aspect of the Jesuit Library. According to the complexity of the technical execution and the number of operations involved in the process of binding, five binding techniques have been distinguished, ranging from the most complex to the simplest bindings, closely related with a retail bindings. What is more, a consistent number of parchment bindings are denoted by structural features, which is close to the Italian bookbinding tradition. The predominance of the latter in the group of Italian prints makes it possible to consider the possibility of already bound books entering the library of Vilnius Jesuit Academy. Moreover, the research has revealed certain binding features linked to the bookbinding traditions in Italy and the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth.

ABSTRACTThe rapid spread of print in the fifteenth century masks considerable difficulties that faced the industry in adapting to the new disciplines of mass production. Many early print shops were short-lived. Within two generations production of printed books was concentrated in a comparatively small number of major centres of production. This paper explores the implications of these developments for our understanding of the ‘print revolution’. It considers in particular the contrasting fortunes of three major markets: France, one of the largest centres of production; the Netherlands, a major hub of international trade; and England, which lay towards the periphery of the European book world.

abstract: Whereas book history focuses on original sources, book historiography zooms out to bring book histories themselves into view. Like other forms of historiography, it analyzes the writing of history and therefore the labor of historians—in this case, the work of the literary and book historians who have written of the poetry miscellanies of fourteenth-to seventeenth-century England. The article traces scholars' retrospective application of the word "miscellany" to these books of poems. It surveys them in the order in which historians have called them miscellanies. This order might seem backward, because scholars generally imposed the word on printed books before manuscripts, and on early modern manuscripts before medieval manuscripts. At the beginning and the center of this renaming process was Tottel's so-called miscellany, Songes and Sonettes .

The relationship between pain as a physical and emotional experience and the concept of suffering as an essential aspect of sanctification for faithful believers was a paradoxical and pressing theological and phenomenological issue for puritan and non-conformist communities in 17th-century England. Pain allows the paradox of non-conformists’ valorisation and suppression of corporeality to be explored due to its simultaneous impact on the mind and body and its tendency to leak across boundaries separating an individual believer from other members of their family or faith community. The material world and the human body were celebrated as theatres for the display of God’s glory through the doctrines of creation and providence despite the fall. Pain as a concept and experience captures this tension as it was represented and communicated in a range of literary genres written by and about puritan and non-conformist women including manuscript letters, spiritual journals, biographies and commonplace books. For such women, targeted by state authorities for transgressing gender norms and the religion established by law, making sense of the pain they experienced was both a personal devotional duty and a political act. Three case studies comprise a microhistory of 17th-century English puritan and non-conformist women’s lived experience, interpretation and representation of pain, inscribed in a series of manuscripts designed to nurture the spiritual and political activism of their communities. This microhistory contributes to a better understanding of pain in early modern England through its excavation of the connections that such writers drew between the imperative to be visibly godly, their marginalised subject position as a proscribed religious minority and their interpretation of the pain they experienced as a result.

The article continues the author’s research on the source study of records on early printed Cyrillic publications. This type of historical source helps to study both specific groups of publications and regional corporate and private collections. The author turns to the analysis of the facts of ownership and contributions of these book monuments by representatives of the bureaucratic apparatus of the 17th — early 18th century. In the book culture of the 17th — 18th centuries, chancellors and clerks played an important role: they made contributions (including royal ones), were themselves contributors and owners, and in some cases, sellers and buyers of books. In total, 130 records (68 of them autographs) have been identified, as well as eight attachments and fragments used as stickers, revealing information about 101 chancellors and clerks (both state and monastic employees). At the same time, 106 records and documents are accurately dated, these dates cover the period from 1610 to 1782. As a result, it is possible to get not only new information about the book culture, but also to expand the available information about chancellors and clerks. There is fairly high percentage of publications designed for individual text understanding have been identified in their personal libraries: “reading” books, Scripture, educational literature (69%). At the same time, the share of liturgical services is significantly less (31%). The author has also revealed several dozen names that do not appear in available reference books. By the example of L. Asmanov and S. Romanchukov, there is demonstrated the records’ informational opportunities for reconstructing the biographies of public servants and the genealogy of their kind. The records are of particular value for the reconstruction of the family of monastic employees (which is shown by the example of the Yanyshev family of clerks of the Spaso-Yaroslavsky Monastery).

The Ivan Lutskevich Belarusian Museum was established in Vilnius over a century ago, in 1921. It was based on the documentary heritage of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania collected by Ivan Lutskevich (1881–1919), historian, archaelogist and bibliophile, who also was a prominent activist in the Belarusian community in Vilnius. The holdings of the museum also contained various artifacts acquired by Lutskevich in archaeological expeditions and donated to the Belarusian Scientific Society in 1916. The reorganization of Vilnius museums that began in 1939 caused the complete liquidation of the Ivan Lutskevich Belarusian Museum in 1945. At that time print publications and manuscripts from the holdings of the museum were handed over to the then Library of the Lithuanian Academy of Sciences. The museum’s library contained over 14 thousand volumes, with the collection of early print books (15th–18th centuries) consisting of about 600 items. The two-part Belarusian-language catalogue compiled in 1943 by the art scholar Vladas Drėma, museum custodian, contains 411 numbered entries for the books passed on to the Lithuanian Academy of Sciences. Based on this catalogue, which is now kept in the Library’s Manuscripts Department and on other sources, the article aims to examine the heritage of 15th–18th-century books kept in the Rare Books Department of the Wroblewski Library. The Drėmaʼs catalogue lists the old publications by century: one book from the 15th century, 24 from the 17th century; 293 from the 18th century (several of which might actually belong to the 19th century). There are 411 books in total. At present, we have been able to identify 224 15th–18th-century books (208 titles) that come from library of the Belarusian Museum: eight books from the 15th century, 21 books from the 16th century, 47 from the 17th century, and 144 from the 18th century. These statistical data, however incomplete, show that not all old publications have been described in Drėma’s catalogue. The collection includes rare printing masterpieces such as eight incunabula, the earliest of which is the Czech-language Biblia Bohemica published in Prague in 1488 and Biblia Latina printed in Basel in 1491 (these and other five incunabula are not listed in Drėma’s catalogue). The first entry in the catalogue is Pentecostarion (Триодь цветная), a liturgical book published in Cracow about 1493 by Schweipolt Fiol, pioneer of Cyrillic printing. Other notable entries are printing masterpieces of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania such as Part 4 of Бивлия руска published by Francysk Skaryna in Prague in 1519, the Slavonic grammar by Meletius Smotrytsky published in Vievis at the printing house of the Holy Spirit Brotherhood in 1619, extremely rare publications by the Vilnius Jesuit Academy, Basilian, and other printing houses of those times. The Belarusian Museum’s collection of old books is notable for its linguistic and thematic diversity. Most of the books, about 45 per cent, are in Polish; 25 per cent (53 publications) are in Church Slavonic, Old Slavic and Russian; 15 per cent (30 publications) are in Latin; several publications each are in French (six) and German (two), one incunabulum is in Czech. The content of the books is discussed after dividing them into two groups of equal quantity: religious and secular literature. A list of so-far identified old books is provided at the end of the article. Keywords: Ivan Lutskevich Belarusian Museum; heritage of old books; Vladas Drėma; manuscript catalogue; The Wroblewski Library of the Lithuanian Academy of Sciences; Rare Books Department.

This article focuses on the 18th century printers’ ornaments as an important group of sources of the history of the book. Until now, most studies in Lithuanian had focused on the decorations of books from the 16th– 17th centuries as well as contemporary publications. The present study through several perspectives analyzes the ornaments of the institutional printing houses of Vilnius from the second half of the 18th c. The importance of the chosen topic is substantiated not only with the scarcity of studies but also with the issues associated with the attribution of anonymous publications that had been disseminated during the hand-press period. The study’s sources were images of ornaments in the early printed books as well as European printers’ manuals and inventories of Vilnius printing houses from the period of 18th–early 19th c. The first part of the study has found that in the late 18th c., the Vilnius printers had used printers’ flowers (ornamental pieces of type) and six kinds of decorative blocks, which were carved in wood or metal (i.e., headpieces, tailpieces, vignettes, initials, factotums, and decorations of initial letters). Despite the clear function of these blocks, Vilnius printers freely experimented by placing them in unorthodox places within the books. In the second part of this study, based on a comparison of the printers’ ornaments, the ways of interaction between the Vilnius printing houses are disclosed and interpreted: ornament inheritance, division of labor, the renewal of publications in another printing house, and the falsification of publications. Also, the article discusses cases of ornaments migrating and being copied, which complicates the attribution of anonymous publications. Despite the exploratory nature of the study, it reveals new facts from the operations of 18th c. Vilnius printing houses and allows us to perceive some peculiarities of late GDL culture.

The article explores the development of art decoration tradition in Kyiv-Pechersk Lavra old-printed Akaphistus-books editions of 17-18th cc. The essential elements of art decoration in these Akaphisthus-books are gravures with iconographic images of prayer addressees, corresponding to certain parts of the akaphistus text. The prayer addressee engravings are located in two positions: before or inside of the akaphistus text part. Frontispiece engravings initiate each part of Akaphistus-book. Iconographic posture of prayer addressee in such gravures directs the reader’s attention to the main topic of preceding text – glorification of God, angels or a saint. The frontispiece engraving in Kyiv-Pechersk Akaphistus of the 17th c. are often accompanied with verbal inscriptions, i. e. citations from the well-known church hymns. Quite often baroque poetic texts, which belong to the genre of Ukrainian baroque descriptive poetry, are placed below the frontispiece engraving. Such verbal inscriptions describe images of the engraving, verbalizing the general features of prayer addressee image. The lack of verbal inscriptions on frontispiece engraving in Akaphistus-books of 18th century is compensated by higher quality of the engraving, due to the usage of xylography technique. The image of prayer addressee is frequently used in the center of headset engraving, which precedes the title of each akaphistus text part. The miniatures inside the text part of akaphistus provide visual enrichment of the prayer process. The tradition of small plot illustrations insertion, corresponding to each of the 12 kondaks and ikoses of akaphistus, was initiated by the first Akaphistus editions of 1625 and 1629. This tradition was quite productive during the 17th – early 18th cc. Since the Akaphistus edition of 1731, the miniatures were substituted by engraved initials. The other peculiarity of this edition, which emerged in the subsequent editions of the 18th c., was the usage of engraved frame on each page. Such elements of the artistic decoration enable simultaneous visual and mental perception of akaphistus, declared in introductions to the first Kyiv-Pechersk Akaphistos editions. This masterpiece contamination of verbal and graphic aids in book artistic decoration presents the distinctive feature of the baroque style that influenced the Ukrainian book culture of the 17-18th centuries.

This paper examines Spanish-Polish literary connections in 17th and in the beginning of 18th century by the example of the reception of some Neo-Latin works addressing Spanish issues which were acquired in the editorial production of the Schedels printing shop. The officina Schedeliana operated in early modern Cracow (1639-1708) and was one of the most significant printing offices in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth in those times. The paper points to the books which reflect cross-cultural impact of both the Latin language and Spanish themes and were published by the specific printing house. Some of the branches of works printed by the Schedels were translations and editions of Neo-Latin texts which concerned Spanish leading figures of the Post-Tridentin period. The reception of key ideas and values present in the 17th century selected Neo-Latin literary output addressing Spanish issues is investigated, as well as the traces of awareness of the famous Spaniards in the books released in Cracow. En este artículo se examinan las conexiones literarias hispano-polacas del siglo XVII y principios del XVIII a partir del ejemplo de la recepción de algunas obras neolatinas sobre temas españoles adquiridas en la producción editorial de la imprenta Schedels. La officina Schedeliana operó en la Cracovia moderna temprana (1639-1708) y fue una de las oficinas de impresión más importantes de la Commonwealth polaco-lituana en aquellos tiempos. El artículo llama la atención sobre los libros que reflejan el impacto transcultural de los temas tanto en lengua latina como española y que fueron publicados por esta imprenta en particular. Algunos de los ámbitos de las obras impresas por los Schedels fueron traducciones y ediciones de textos neolatinos que se referían a las principales figuras españolas del período postridentino. Se investiga la recepción de ideas y valores clave presentes en la producción literaria neolatina seleccionada del siglo XVII que aborda la problemática española, así

As part of the research project of the RSCF No. 22-18-00295 “Electronic library of Arabographic manuscripts from archival, library, museum and private collections of Russia”, the authors conducted an archeographic expedition in the summer of 2022 to the Kayakent, Akhtynsky and Suleiman-Stalsky districts of the Republic of Dagestan with the aim to identify private and mosque collections of manuscripts and books for their subsequent description and digitization. Two private collections, belonging to K.M. Kamalov and Sh.Yu. Magomedov, were identified in the Kayakent district of Dagestan. They comprise around forty volumes of manuscripts and early printed books, as well as handwritten documents: assembly records, letters, registration of legal transactions, etc. Both collections have a common origin and are fragments of collections belonging to local religious figures: the last pre-revolutionary qadi of the village of Alhajikent, Qadi-Agay and his relatives Abuzar-qadi, local alim of the first half of the 19th century, Abdul Wahab Sheikh and Sheikh Mirza. The part of the collection of Sh.Yu. Magomedov was lost in the 1980s. The content of the collections is mainly represented by works in Arabic in the fields of grammar and stylistics of the Arabic language, Muslim law, dogmatics, occult sciences. Due to the loss of its part, the Sh.Yu. Magomedov’s collection covers the period between 1747-1748 to the first third of the 19th century, while in the collection of Kamalov K.M. there are earlier copies of manuscripts, which, according to paleographic characteristics, can be attributed to the middle of the 17th century. Our paper focuses on the few manuscripts in the Turkic languages, identified in the collections.

The article is devoted to the study of the problem of textuality of the Old Believers’ community, where the text was an argument in proving the illegality of the actions of the reformers, determined the ideology of the movement, the political, social views of the participants, and the peculiarities of the religious life of the communities. Due to the appeal to ancient manuscripts and early printed books, a fund of citations was formed, that testified to the validity of Old Believers’ point of view on innovation. Having inherited from the scribes of Ancient Russia respect for the book, bordering on its sacralization, the opponents of church reform began to treat the selected fragments of texts in a similar way. As a result, the “canon of sacred texts” was formalized. As a result, these extracts began to be perceived by the Old Believers as reflecting the tradition of the Russian Church and equated to the reading of the Holy Scripture. The Old Believers used the fund of fragments of authoritative texts, formed by several generations, describing the tradition of the Russian Church, the defenders of which they proclaimed themselves. The canon of Sacred Texts was composed not only of extracts from ancient manuscripts, but also from pre-Nikon Moscow printed editions. Extracts from books published in the time of Patriarch Iosif, the content of which should be characterized as the creative heritage of the Kiev Metropolis, adapted for the Russian reader, became fundamental. Turning to the analysis of church policy in the first half of the 17th century allowed to conclude that the Church, solving the problem of religious education of the population, introduced these texts into circulation. Consequently, opponents of church reform had reason to use them by description of the Russian tradition.

This paper aims to examine the early stage of printing in the Ottoman Empire, focusing on mobile actors, tools and ideas. Which role did mobility play in the life of printers? How did it influence their professional life and how was it reflected in prefaces or afterwords of their printed books? The first Jewish, Serbian, Armenian, Greek and Muslim printers in the Ottoman Empire were foreign-born (Spain, Italy, England, France). Many of them had to remain mobile within and beyond the empire in order to escape persecution, religious censorship, business competition etc. Where did the knowledge of printing come from and how did it circulate? Were there any contacts between printers of different religious backgrounds and what role did the question of language and multilingualism play? By introducing case studies that originate from the early phase of printing in the Ottoman Empire (Sephardic legal code ʾArbaʿa Ṭurim, Constantinople 1493) until the first decades of the eighteenth century (İbrāhīm Müteferriḳa’s printing activities), this article will mainly focus on the aspect of mobility in a Transottoman context. It will show the role of networks and connections between the Ottoman Empire and Eastern Europe for the development and spreading of book printing among Ottoman Jews and Christians.

AbstractBeyond charters, printed propaganda, and cosmographies, aspiring statesmen in Jacobean England engaged with Native Americans in commonplace books, poetry, court masques, and political debate. Rather than representing a remote ‘other’, this article contends that barristers and students of the law were fascinated by the perceived savagery of indigenous peoples because it allowed them to explore, interrogate, and define their own civility. The result was a cross-over between developing English articulations of their own behaviour and political responsibilities, and a rising enthusiasm for colonizing America. With their Whitehall masques and passionate pleas in parliament on behalf of Virginia and Virginian tobacco, members of the Inns engaged in a subversive wit culture that reconciled the exotic with the language of duty and good conduct, and helped turn colonization into a recognizable – and, for the first time, fashionable – element of early seventeenth-century political culture. By considering written discourse alongside tobacco smoking and court masques, this article contends that a broad approach to the socio-cultural world of Jacobean politics reveals some ways through which gentlemen consciously projected their civil state as one that might be strengthened, rather than weakened, by turning to America as a viable theatre for political involvement.

Printed words are used to convey and conserve knowledge. The history of printing dates back to 3000 BC when documents were written on clay tablets. Other materials used were pottery imprints, wood and cloth such as silk. Printing on paper started in China in the 7th century during the Tang Dynasty which lead to the printing of books. The first printing press was created by Johannes Gutenberg from Germany in the 15th century which lead to printing of the ‘Gutenberg Bible’, opening the gateway to fast dissemination of knowledge and start of ‘Gutenberg Revolution’ with spread of the printing press and mass production of books.1 The offset printing was introduced in the late 19th century and was considered the best printing method. At the start of the 21st century, the computers further revolutionised the printing methods by replacing them with digital or electronic format. This new electronic method was a competitor for the offset printing. In developed countries, newspapers and magazines adopted the on-line digital versions for swift distribution of the material over the printed version. Comparing the two modes of publishing, the electronic form definitely offers many advantages; like ease in availability, being exceedingly visible to a large audience and user friendly links for citation.2 Journals in the e-form have more citations and particularly if open access, have a worldwide readership. Readers can provide immediate feedbacks and corrections if needed, which are easier to incorporate. The printed journals have to be purchased and physically distributed, a cumbersome process. Moreover, in printed format, any correction of errors is included in a forth coming issue as an erratum. Last decade has seen rapid transition of printed format to digital format and many journals now exist in both the forms and are steadily converting old articles as electronic archives, while others have completely phased out printed format.3 Environmental concerns of the printed media products are grave. Printing less conserves forest and natural resources. Offset printing uses chemical laden inks which release large quantities of greenhouse gasses including carbon dioxide into the atmosphere.4 The rising inflation and its impact on cost of printing cannot be ignored, especially in the developing countries. In contrast the electronic journals are gaining acceptance and popularity for being environmentally friendly and economical. Medical journals are publications which help the medical community to keep abreast with the latest research. They deliver new knowledge, foster research and disseminate information. History shows that the medical journals were published on paper as early as the 17th century and were mailed to the subscribers. The digital era with advent of portable computers and smart phones in the late 20th century, transformed the way we read medical literature today. For instance, the Journal of American Medical Association has 1.8 million subscribers linked on line every week.4 The Journal of Pakistan Medical Association (JPMA) this year completes 73 years of its purposeful life. Since its first publication in 1950, it continues to provide results of research to its worldwide readers. It is the oldest medical journal in Pakistan, and being the organ of the Pakistan Medical Association, a matter of pride for all medical professionals. To shape the future and move forward we must look back at the past. During its 73 years journey, JPMA has provided cutting edge research and high-quality contents. Launched as a quarterly publication, the journal became a monthly publication within three years and now exists in print and electronic format. It is further enriched by periodic supplements on specialised topics; thus fulfilling the appetite of its ardent readers. To keep pace with the developments in publishing, JPMA made many improvements in the past. A user friendly website was introduced with links to the latest and previous issues. The forthcoming articles can be accessed on the website by the middle of the month. Comments and appreciative remarks are received from readers residing in all countries of the world, an evidence that JPMA reach out to the medical community internationally. With a successful digital version of JPMA leading to a wider readership, the decision to discontinue the print version is being considered. JPMA will be completely digitalised which will make it environment friendly and easy to access. The digital version will increase the capacity and space for inclusion of more educational and original research articles, reviews, opinion notes, case reports, commentaries and letters to editors. As rightly quoted by Albert Einstein : ‘The measure of intelligence is the ability to change’, this change in the mode of publication will further enhance the global visibility of the journal. We hope that our readers will embrace this change and continue our patronage in the future too.

The movement of Pietism, which emerged in Germany in the progressive Protestant milieu in the late 17th century, called for a reform of the Reformation. In order to make the idea of ?true Christianity? and ?true piety? accessible and understandable to every ordinary believer, it set as its primary goal the universal enlightenment of the nations necessary for every Christian to read and understand the full text of the Holy Scriptures. The realization of this goal included the translation of the full text of the Bible into the national languages and its distribution in the form of printed editions. The quote in the title of this article is from the preface to the very first grammar of the Russian language (LUDOLF 1696, see [3 (A)]), showing that the ?printing? of ?good books? in Russian was not only envisioned by the Pietists, but should, in their opinion, serve ?for the beauty and benefit of the Russian nation?. In addition to the creation of the first grammars of the Russian language, which had not existed until then, the enlightenment activities of the Pietists in Russia encompassed the production of translations of Western European literature into Russian from various fields of knowledge - pedagogy, history, theology, etc., which led to the creation of a new vocabulary in Russian, including the field of naming professions and specialized terminology. In the proposed article these processes are shown, on the one hand, on the example of a brief analysis of the first grammars of the Russian language, created by German Pietists; on the other hand, on the example of translation of the statutes of Lutheran churches and schools in Russia, the formation of a special Russian ecclesiastical terminology in the field of religious life of Lutherans is considered.

AbstractIn the first half of the 17th century penmanship in the Dutch Republic flourished as never before or since. Responsible for this flowering were a number of schoolmasters from Brabant and Flanders who in the 1570s and 80s had fled to the North and had settled there as writing-masters. To what level they had raised calligraphy may be seen from a large number of manuscript and printed writing-books that have been preserved. Just as they inspired their followers in years to come they had themselves found a source of inspiration in the two copy-books of Clemens Perret, brought out in 1569 and 1571. The earlier of these, the Exercitatio alphabetica, was not only the first ever to be reproduced entirely by copper engraving, but also the first with examples in seven languages, all of them written in the appropriate hands. Moreover in this book, the first to be produced in the Low Countries in such a large, oblong size, all plates had lavishly executed borders, designed on an architectural framework on which a variety of objects, human figures, grotesques, animals and so on were depicted. The book was obviously designed for collectors, wealthy connoisseurs and fellow writing-masters. The later book, the Eximiae peritiae alphabetum, although containing an equal number of plates, likewise in seven languages and in various hands, lacks the beautiful borders and is of slightly smaller size. It is altogether a more modestly conceived book, surely intended for use at school. Little is known about Perret's life. The title-pages of his books tell us that he was born in Brussels in 1551. A poem in a writing-book by Jacobus Houthusius, published in 1591, refers to his death. A contemporary manuscript note in a pamphlet of 1583 states that the writer Etienne Perret was his father. In the Plantin archives it is recorded that he had a brother, named Paul, and a sister. In a pamphlet of 1599 the writing-master Jan van den Velde states that Perret went to England to serve Queen Elizabeth's Chancellor as writing-master and teach the Queen the Italian hand. This seems unlikely as the Queen is known to have learned italic handwriting from Roger Ascham, while still a girl. The author has examined 26 copies of the Exercitatio in public collections and distinguishes two different editions. The first was probably brought out by Perret himself. Nearly all its plates contain errors in spelling, punctuation and word division. When Plantin took the distribution of the book in hand these mistakes were corrected and another plate added, containing within an engraved border a privilege with the text in letterpress: the 2nd edition. A variant of this edition is identical but for the privilege which is now engraved. The 2nd edition, corrected

The article studies documents from the scientific archive of the Kalmyk Scientific Center of the Russian Academy of Sciences with its acquisitions of late 1960s – early 1980s. Collection of old-written sources in Oriental languages (Tibetan, Oyirad and Mongolian) occupies a special place in the archival collection; it is concentrated in 2 fonds (fond 15 and 8). Fond 15 consists of personal library of a famous Kalmyk priest Tugmyud-gavji (O. M. Dordzhiev) (1887—1980); it has been well-studied in a number of publications. As for fond 8, it consists of handwritten and printed materials acquired from different owners over years of the research center (formerly Institute) work; there is next to nothing known of the documents provenance. Content of the documents in both fonds is related to Buddhism, traditional religion of the Kalmyks for the last 400 years: there are examples of Buddhist book-learning, mainly in Tibetan and Mongolian languages; there are also manuscripts using ‘todo bi?iq’ (‘Clear Script’) writing, which were created in the middle of the 17th century. The article also describes manuscripts and xylographs in Tibetan and Mongolian languages which were donated to the Institute by priest Erdni Bakaldykovych Ubushiev (1905—1981). A distinctive feature of these written sources is abundance of inscriptions on the marginalias, most of which are donator's gift inscriptions — a phenomenon quite rare for Buddhist books. The article cites a number of such records and provides their transliteration and translation. The author tries to find out what motivated the donator, what goals he pursued when using these books and when transferring them for archival usage and storage. Manuscripts and xylographs from fond 8 enrich our understanding of the composition of Buddhist writings of the Kalmyks and of the history of diffusion of individual texts. Great source studies value of this fond lies in what we can learn about donators from inscriptions of ownership and donation inscriptions on the documents.

AbstractAs was the case with silversmiths (Note 3), many more cabinet-makers were wcrking in Amsterdam during the second half of the 18th century than in any other city in the Dutch Republic, the names of 195 of them being now known as opposed to 57 in The Hague and 32 in Rotterdam (Note 2). Most of those 195 names have been culled from the few surviving documents of the Guild of St. Joseph in Amsterdam, to which the cabinet-makers belonged (Note 4), supplemented by other sources, such as printed registers of craftsmen and shopkeepers (Note 6). Another important source is the newspaper the Amsterdamsche Courant with its advertisements placed by craftsmen themselves, with notices of sales, bankruptcies, lotteries and annual fairs and with advertisements concerning subsidiary or related trades. Since these advertisements were directed at the consumer, they often contain stylistic descriptions such as are not found elsewhere. Moreover, they aford valuable clues to archival material. Hence an investigation of all the advertisements from the years 1751-1800 has formed the basis for a study of Amsterdam cabinet-making, some results of which are presented here. Such a study is doomed largely to remain theoretical. The records can hardly ever be linked with surviving pieces, as these are virtually always anonymous since Amsterdam cabinet-makers were not required to stamp or sign their work. Moreover, only a few pieces of Dutch 18th-century furniture have a known provenance, so that it is only rarely possible to link a piece with a bill or another document and identify its maker. Thus it is not yet possible to form a reliable picture of a local Amsterdam style, let alone embark on attributions to individual makers (Note 8). In this light special importance may be attached to two commodes of the third quarter of the century which are exceptional in that they bear a signature, that of Andries Bongen (Figs. 1, 2, Notes 10, 11). These commodes, being entirely French-inspired, illustrate a specific and little-known aspect of Amsterdam cabinet-making. French furniture was so sought after in Amsterdam at that period that in 1771 a strict ban was imposed on its importation in order to protect local cabinet-makers (Note 12). It had begun to be imitated even before that and the commodes by Bongen exemplify this development. Andries Bongen, who was probably born in Geldern, south of Cleves and just east of the border of the Dutch Republic, is first recorded in Amsterdam in May 1763 on his marriage to Willemina, daughter of the smith Lambert van der Beek. He registered as a citizen on 5 July 1763 and became a master cabinet-maker some time between March 1763 and March 1764 (Note 19), so that, accordirtg to the Guild regulations, he must previously have trained for two years under an Amsterdam master (Note 20). At the time of his marriage he was living in St. Jorisstraat, but by the end of 1766 he had moved to Spui and between 1769 and 1771 he moved again, to Muiderpleinlje. When he and his wife made their will in 1772, their possessions were worth something under 8000 guilders (Note 23). This suggests that the business was quite flourishing, which seems to be confirmed by the fact that Bongen received a commission from the city of Amsterdam in 1771. Two more pieces were made for the city in 1786 and 1789, but in the latter year Bongen was declared bankrupt. The inventory of his possessions drawn up then (see Appeytdix) shows how parlous his conditions had become, his goods being valued at only 300 guilders. The reference to a shop indicates that Bongen sold his own furniture, although he had no stock to speak of at that point. The mention of eight work-benches, however, sugests that his output had previously been quite large. This is confirmed by the extent of his debts, notably that to the timber merchant Jan van Mekeren (Note 27). Other creditors included 'Rudolfeus Eyk', who probably supplied iron trelliszvork for bookcases and the like (Note 28), and the glass merchants Boswel en Zonen (Note 29) No debtors are listed and the only customer who can tentatively be identified is a 'Heer Hasselaar' who might be Pieter Cornelis Hasselaer (1720-95), several times burgomaster of Amsterdam between 1773 and 1794 (Note 30). Bongen died three years after his bankruptcy, at which time he was living in Nieuwe Looiersstraat. He appears to have continued working as a cabiytet-maker up to his death and his widow probably carried on the business until her own death in 1808, but nothing is known of this later period. The clearest insight into the character of part of Bongen's output is aforded by the advertisement he placed in the Amsterdamsehe Courant of 4 December 1766, describing three pieces of furniture 'in the French manner'. This is the first announcement by an 18th-century Amsterdam cabinet-maker of work in the French style. Bongen mentions two commodes decorated with floral marquetry, a technique which had flourished in Amsterdam in the late 17th and early 18th centuries (Note 34), but which had largely fallen into disuse on the advent around 1715 of a more sober type of furniture with plain walnut veneers on the English model (Note 36). In France a form of floral marquetry reappeared in the 1740s, being further developed in the following decade under the influence of Jean-François Oeben (1721-63). From the late 1750s there are indications of the presence of pieces of French marquetry furniture in the new style in Amsterdam (Notes 42, 43). The earliest explicit description of floral marquetry appears in a sale catalogue of 5 June 1765 (Note 44), while in another of 25 March 1766 (Note 46) many French pieces are detailed. Obviously, then, Bongen was endeavouring to capture a share, of this new market. The reappearance of elaborate marquetry on Amsterdam-made furniture was the result of a desire to emulate the French examples. The two commodes described in Bongen's advertisement can be identified with the one now in Amsterdam (Fig.2) and the one sold in London in 1947 (Fig.1). The latter still had more of its original mounts at the time nf the sale (Fig. 4) and the two probably formed a pair originally. The unusual fact that they are signed indicates that Bongen intended them to serve as show-pieces to demonstrate his skill at the beginning of his career (cf. Note 51, for another craftsman from abroad who began his career in Amsterdam by similarly advertising a spectacular piece). The commode in Amsterdam, with all its original mounts, demonstrates most clearly how close Bongen came to French prototypes, although his work has many personal traits nonetheless. In the marquetry the vase on a plinth on the front and the composition of the bouquets on the sides are notable (Fig.5), as are the large, full-blown blooms. The carcase, made entirely of oak, is remarkably well constructed and has a heavy, solid character. The commodes are outstanding for the complete integration of the marquetry and the mounts, in the manner of the finesl French furniture. The mounts presenl a problem, as it is not clear where they were made. They do not appear to be French or English, but one hesitates to attribute them to Amsterdam, as it is clear from documentary material that ornamental furniture-mounts were hardly ever made there in the second half of the 18th century. The mounts advertised by Ernst Meyrink in 1752 (Note 53) were probably still of the plain variety of the early part of the century and there is no further mention of mounts made in Amsterdam in the Amsterdamsche Courant. Once, in 1768, the silversmith J. H. Strixner placed an advertisement which refers to their gilding (Note 55). There is virtually no indication either of French mounts being imported and there is little Dutch furniture of this period that bears mounts which are indisputably French. In contrast to this, a large number of advertisements from as early as 1735 show that many mounts were imported from England, while among English manufacturers who came to sell their wares in Amsterdam were Robert Marshall of London (Note 60), James Scott (Note 61), William Tottie of Rotterdam (Note 62), whose business was continued after his death by Klaas Pieter Sent (Note 64), and H. Jelloly, again of Rotterdam (Notes 66, 67). It seems surprising that in a period when the French style reigned supreme so many mounts were imported from England, but the English manufacturers, mainly working in Birmingham, produced many mounts in the French style, probably often directed expressly at foreign markets. On the two commodes by Bongen only the corner mounts and the handles are of types found in the trade-catalogues of the English manufacturers (Figs. 7, 8, Notes 65, 70). The corner mounts are of a common type also found on French furniture (Note 71), so they doubtless copy a French model. The remaining mounts, however, are the ones which are so well integrated with the marquetry and these are not found elsewhere. Recently a third commode signed by Bongen has come to light, of similar character to the first two (Fig.3). Here all the mounts are of types found in the catalogues (Figs.7-10, Note 72). Apparently Bongen could not, or did not choose to, obtain the special mounts any more, although he clearly wanted to follow the same design (Fig. 6). This third commode was undoubtedly made somewhal later than the other two. The marquetry on it is the best preserved and it is possible to see how Bongen enlivened it with fine engraving. Because this piece is less exceptional, it also allows us to attribute some unsigned pieces to Bongen on the basis of their closeness to it, namely a commode sold in London in 1962 (Fig.11, Note 73) and two smaller, simpler commodes, which may originally have formed a pair, one sold in London in 1967 (Fig.12, Nole 74) and the other in a Dutch private collection (Figs.13, 14). The first one has a highly original marquetry decoration of a basket of flowers falling down. On the sides of this piece, and on the front of the two smaller ones, are bouquets tied with ribbons. These were doubtless influenced by contemporary engravings, but no direct models have been identified. The construction of the commode in the Netherlands tallies completely with tltat of the signed example in Amsterdam. The mounts are probably all English, although they have not all been found in English catalogues (Fig.15, Note 76). A seventh commode attributable to Bongen was sold in Switzerland in 1956 (Fig.16, Note 77). It is unusual in that walnut is employed as the background for the floral marquetry, something virtually unknown in Paris, but not uncommon on German work of French inspiration (Note 78). That commodes constitute the largest group among the furniture in the French style attributable to Bongen should cause no surprise, for the commode was the most sought after of all the pieces produced by the ébénistes not only in France, but all over Europe. Two other pieces which reveal Bongen's hand are two tables which look like side-tables, but which have fold-out tops to transform them into card-tables, a type seldom found in France, but common in England and the Netherlands (Note 80). One is at Bowhill in Scotland (Figs.17, 19, 20), the other was sold in London in 1972 (Fig.18, Note 79). The corner mounts on the Bowhill table, which probably also graced the other one originally, are the same as those on the two small commodes, while the handles are again to be found in an English catalogue (Fig.21, Note 81). What sounds like a similar card-table was sold at auction in Amsterdam in 1772 (Note 82). In Bongen's advertisement of 1766 mention is also made of a secretaire, this being the first appearance of this term in the Amsterdamsche Courant and Bongen finding it necessary to define it. No secretaire is known that can be attributed to him. A medal-cabinet in the form of a secretaire in Leiden (Figs.22, 23) hasfloral marquetry somewhat reminiscent of his work, but lacking its elegance, liveliness and equilibrium. Here the floral marquetry is combined with trompe l'oeil cubes and an interlaced border, early Neo-Classical elements which were first employed in France in the 1750s, so that this piece represents a later stage than those attributable to Bongen, which are all in a pure Louis xvstyle. Virtually identical in form to the medal-cabinet is a secretaire decorated solely with floral marquetry (Fig. 24, Note 87). This also appears not to be by Bongen, but both pieces may have been made under his influence. The picture we can form of Bongen's work on the basis of the signed commodes is clearly incomplete. His secretaire was decorated with '4 Children representing Trade', an exceptionally modern and original idea in 1766 even by French standards (Note 88). His ambitions in marquetry obviously wentfar beyondflowers, but no piece has yet beenfound which evinces this, nor is anything known of the Neo-Classical work which he may have produced after this style was introduced in Amsterdam around 1770. Bongen may perhaps have been the first Amsterdam cabinet-maker to produce marquetry furniture in the French style, but he was not to remain the only one. In 1771 and 1772 furniture in both the Dutch and French mode was advertised for sale at the Kistenmakerspand in Kalverstraat, where all furniture-makers belonging to the Guild of St. Joseph could sell their wares (Note 89). The 'French' pieces were probably decorated with marquetry. Only a small number of cabinet-makers are known to have worked in this style, however. They include Arnoldus Gerritsen of Rheestraat, who became a master in 1769 and sold his stock, including a 'small French inlaid Commode', in 1772, and Johan Jobst Swenebart (c.1747 - active up to 1806 or later), who became a master in 1774 and advertised in 1775 that he made 'all sorts of choice Cabinet- and Flower-works', the last term referring to furniture decorated with floral marquetry. Not only French types of furniture, but also traditional Dutch pieces were now decorated with French-inspired marquetry,for example a collector's cabinet advertised in 1775 by Johan Jacob Breytspraak (c.1739-95), who had become a master in 1769-70; a bureau-bookcase, a form introduced in the first half of the century probably under English influence (Note 100), exhibited in 1772 (Note 99); and a display cabinet for porcelain supplied, though not necessarily made, by Pieter Uylenburg en Zoon in 1775 (Notes 101, 102). Even long-case clocks were enriched with marquetry, witness the one advertised by the clock-maker J. H. Kühn in 1775 and another by him which was sold by auction in Edam in 1777 (Note 104). The latter was, like the bureau-bookcase exhibited in 1772, decorated with musical instruments, again a motif borrowed from France, where it was used increasingly from the 1760s onwards (Note 105). A clock signed by the Amsterdam clock-maker J. George Grüning also has a case with marquetry of musical instruments. This must date from about 1775-80, but its maker is unknown (Fig. 25, Notes 106, 107). All four of the Amsterdam cabinet-makers known to have done marquetry around 1770 came from Germany and all were then only recently established in Amsterdam. In fact half of the 144 Amsterdam cabinet-makers working in the second half of the 18th century whose origins it has been possible to trace came from Germany, so the German element was even stronger there than in Paris, where Germans comprised about a third of the ébénistes (Note 108) and where they had again played an important role in the revival of marquetry. None qf the four in Amsterdam was exclusively concerned with marquetry. Indeed, for some of them it may only have been a secondary aspect of their work. This was not true of Bongen, but he too made plain pieces, witness the four mahogany gueridons he made for the city of Amsterdam in 1771 or the two cupboards also made for the city in 1786 and 1789 (Notes 111, 112).No marquetry is listed in his inventory either. Perhaps fashions had changed by the time of his bankruptcy. Such scant knowledge as we have of Amsterdam cabinet-making between 1775 and 1785 certainly seems to suggest this. In the descriptions of the prizes for furraiture-lotteries, such as took place regularly from 1773 onwards (Note 114), marquetry is mentioned in 1773 and 1775 (Notes 115, 116), but after that there is no reference to itfor about tenyears. Nor is there any mention of marquetry in the very few cabinet-makers' advertisements of this period. When the clock-maker Kühn again advertised long-case clocks in 1777 and 1785, the cases were of carved mahogany (Notes 121, 122). Certainly in France the popularity of marquetry began to wane shortly before 1780 and developments in the Netherlands were probably influenced by this. Towards the end of the 1780s, however, pieces described as French and others decorated with 'inlaid work' again appear as prizes in lotteries, such as those organized by Johan Frederik Reinbregt (active 1785-95 or later), who came from Hanover (Note 128), and Swenebart. The latter advertised an inlaid mahogany secretaire in 1793 (Note 132) and similar pieces are listed in the announcement of the sale of the stock of Jean-Matthijs Chaisneux (c.1734-92), one of a small group of French upholsterers first mentioned in Amsterdam in the 1760s, who played an important part in the spread of French influence there (Note 134). In this later period, however, reference is only made to French furniture when English pieces are also mentioned, so a new juxtaposition is implied and 'French' need not mean richly decorated with marquetry as it did in the 1760s. In fact the marquetry of this period was probably of a much more modest character. A large number of pieces of Dutch furniture in the late Neo-Classical style are known, generally veneered with rosewood or mahogany, where the marquetry is confined to trophies, medallions on ribbons, geometric borders and suchlike. A sideboard in the Rijksmuseum is an exceptionally fine and elaborately decorated example of this light and elegant style (Fig. 26) None of this furniture is known for certain to have been made in Amsterdam, but two tobacco boxes with restrained marquetry decoration (Fig.27, Note 136) were made in Haarlem in 1789 by Johan Gottfried Fremming (c.1753-1832) of Leipzig, who had probably trained in Amsterdam and whose style will not have differed much from that current in the capital. Boxes of this type are mentioned in the 1789 inventory of the Amsterdam cabinet-maker Johan Christiaan Molle (c.1748-89) as the only pieces decorated with inlay (Note 138). In the 1792 inventory of Jacob Keesinger (active 1764-92) from Ziegenhain there are larger pieces of marquetry furniture as well (Note 139), but they are greatly in the minority, as is also the case with a sale of cabinet-makers' wares held in 1794 (Note 141), which included a book-case of the type in Fig.28 (Note 142). Similarly the 1795 inventory of Johan Jacob Breytspraak, one of the most important and prosperous cabinet-makers of the day, contains only a few marquetry pieces (Note 144). The 1793 inventory of Hendrik Melters (1720-93) lists tools and patterns for marquetry, but no pieces decorated with it (Note 145). Melters seems to have specialized in cases for long-case clocks, the Amsterdam clock-maker Rutgerus van Meurs (1738-1800) being one of his clients (Note 146). The cases of clocks signed by Van Meurs bear only simple marquetry motifs (Note 147). The Dutch late Neo-Classical furniture with restrained marquetry decoration has no equivalent in France; it is more reminiscent of English work (Note 148). The pattern-books of Hepplewhite and Sheraton undoubtedly found their way to the Dutch Republic and the 'English' furniture mentioned in Amsterdam sources from 1787 probably reflected their influence. However, the introduction of the late, restrained Neo-Classical style in furniture was not the result of English influence alone. Rather, the two countries witnessed a parallel development. In England, too, marquetry was re-introduced under French influence around 1760 and it gradually became much simpler during the last quarter of the century, French influences being amalgamated into a national style (Notes 150, 151). On the whole, the Frertch models were followed more closely in the Netherlands than in England. Even at the end of the century French proportions still very much influenced Dutch cabinet-making. Thus the typically Dutch late Neo-Classical style sprang from a combirtation of French and English influences. This makes it difficult to understand what exactly was meant by the distinction made between ;French' and 'English' furniture at this time. The sources offer few clues here and this is even true of the description of the sale of the stock of the only English cabinet-maker working in Amsterdam at this period, Joseph Bull of London, who was active between 1787 and 1792, when his goods were sold (Notes 155, 156).

The topic of my research is the Hungarian students at the universities of England and Scotland in the modem age (1789-1914). In this topic, prof. emer. George Gömöri carried on research-work on Hungarian students in England and Scotland (16—17th century) and there are other researchers and historians who are concerned with making scientific investigations on H ungarian and Transylvanian students abroad like Richard Hörcsik and Agnes Simovits. Moreover, regarding to the Transylvanian Unitarians: Elisabeth Zsakó and Andrew Kovács have to be mentioned. My research includes the studies of students from the Hungarian Kingdom and from Transylvania. I burrowed in sources and I collected references and trying to find all of the H ungarian students who studied in England and Scotland during the long 19th century. First of all I examined the matriculation books of Oxford and Cambridge which contain facts about the students’ birth-places, nationality or their origin, the date of entry, and their fathers' name. I also checked the registers of the colleges in w hich I found the same data. Furthermore, I burrowed in the documents of the H ungarian Protestant church districts, especially the documents of foreign affairs and of the educational administration. I also searched through the annual reports of Universities. After all I completed my data from different encyclopedias, like Pallas, Szinnyei's or Révai's. During the long 19th century 13 English and 4 Scottish universities existed. I found H ungarian and Transylvanian students in 4 English universities and in all the Scottish ones. Altogether there were 226 students. A couple of them studied in more universities. In England: 138. In London: 70, in Cambridge: 32, in Oxford: 30, in Manchester: 1, the target universities of 5 students are unknown. In Scotland: 101. In Edinburgh: 91, in Aberdeen: 5, in Glasgow: 3, in St. Andrew's: 2. (I mention that during my research I found 2 other Hungarian students who studied in Belfast.) Before 1860 we can't talk about the flow of students, according to my research there were only 10 students. 1 have to emphasize that my research has not been finished yet, consequently the num bers may change in the future. Studying in England and in Scotland wouldn't have been possible without the foreign or the home scholarships and foundations. I found that the greater part (more than 50 per cent) of the students who studied in England and in Scotland, traveled and studied with the assistance of English and Scottish foundations. More than 80 of the Hungarian students learnt theology at the Neu> College in Edinburgh, where a foundation was founded in 1863 for H ungarian and Czech reformed theological students; which granted 50 pounds per capital for 2 people from both of the countries in every year. Another foundation existed for Transylvanian Unitarians by the Manchester New College which institute was situated in London, than in 1889 it moved to Oxford. This college welcome 20 Transylvanian Unitarians who studied theology, pedagogy and other arts. For Transylvanian Unitarian women there was another scholarship - so-called the Sharpefoundation - in London at the Charming House School, which made possible for 16 Transylvanian women to study different studies in England between 1892 and 1914. Besides these foreign foundations there were H ungarian ecclesiastical relief funds which helped students who would have liked to study in England and Scotland. I found Szalapfoundation among the documents of the Trans-Danubian Church District. In other church districts there were other aids about 200 korona/crowns per capital and in special cases the church district awarded 400 crowns to a student to cover his travel expenses. In H ungary there were other foundations at the universities to maintain the students who wanted to study in England. After having finished their studies in Hungary, the medical students could gain experiences in England with the Benc-travelling-scholarship and w ith the Schordann-scholarship. In the early years of the 20th century medical students studied at the universities of England and Scotland for 2 years in general. Tor engineers there was the Abraham Ganz scholarship which made the way free to England. Furthermore, I found a Joseph Ferenc jubilee scholarship, it was the foundation of the city of Budapest which made possible for students to study abroad, especially in London. Besides these, other state-foundation existed for students. The religious distribution of the students is the following: Reformed: 100, Unitarian: 38, Catholic: 6, Jew: 8, Evangelical: 4. It can be ascertained that the greater part of the students were reformed and Unitarian who according to my research studied theology at the universities of England and Scotland. Regarding the origin of the students, more than 22% came from Transylvania. The 50% of the Transylvanians chose London as a destination. It is worth examining what kind of jobs they took and what kind of articles and books they wrote in connection with their English and Scottish studies after they had returned from England or from Scotland. The majority became teachers and pastors. First of all they examined the educational system of England and Scotland, secondly they saw the renewal of the Free Church of Scotland so they played an important role in the changes of the Hungarian Reformed Church. For instance the new institution whereas priests are working in prisons came from Scotland too. Owing to the fact that there were H ungarians who studied medical science in England, they acquainted H ungary with new scientific achievements. Those who became the m asters of English language found employment in diplomacy or they became interpreters and translators. As a result of their works, the writings of Darwin, John Stuart Mill and Shakespeare could be read in Hungarian. Those who got job in connection with politics or law, examined the Anglo-Saxon system of law and the English parliamentarism. They wrote books about the comparison of the H ungarian and English system of government, also about the international law ... etc. A m ong the Hungarian engineers Andrew Veress w ho finished his studies in England took part in building the first Romanian railway. What is more, the botanist, paleontologist and mineralogist Elek Pávai Vajna, who originated from Transylvania, studied natural sciencies in England. O n top of all, the famous Asia-scientist Aurel Stein studied in England too. Thanked to other students who were engaged in horticulture the English style of parks became know n in H ungary. As a conclusion I w ould like to summarise my experiences. The revealed data shows that the m ajor part of Hungarian students who studied in England and Scotland, were Reformed theological men students w ho studied with the aid of foreign foundations after 1860. W ithout a scholarship it was hard to get to England and Scotland, because of the distance and the other reason w as that the University of Cambridge and Oxford w ere elite schools and too expensive for Hungarians. In these schools the members of H ungarian aristocratic families could study like Ziehy s, Batthyány's, Esterházy's and Festetics’s. Thanked to their foreign studies the Hungarian students brought back the new scientific achievem ents and knowledge from England/Scotland w hich led to the modernization and scientific renewal of Hungary.

This study examined Chinese edition and records of a Korean institution based on previous studies and actual examination of the Sūtra of Great Dhāraṇī of the Uṣṇīṣa-cittā. In conclusion, following points have been discovered. First, the Sūtra of Great Dhāraṇī of the Uṣṇīṣa-cittā is categorized as Wigyeong(僞經) as it was established during the Tang Dynasty and its structure follows three volumes and one edition; different signatures were marked according to content of each volume. Second, there are Chinese character editions and Seoha editions discovered in Dunhuang, Xia, and Turpan. In particular, Gyeongdang(經幢; a sculpture with engraved scripts in a tower-style stone) style was popular in the 11th and 12th centuries during the Liao Dynasty and Jin Dynasty. Third, in the 12th century (year of 1150, 1156, and 1166) of Korea, Jumun(呪文) of ‘Buljeongsimjineon(佛頂心眞言)’ in Dharani Chongjijip(摠持集; compiled edition of Dharanis) is listed in Siddam characters. These records were discovered in Vairocana Buddha statue in Haeinsa Temple and the editions of the year of 1156 and 1166 consist of in 47 chapters engraved by ‘Jonsim(存心)’ and Eonpyeong(彦平)’, respectively. Among these editions, there is Beomseo Chongjijip prayed by Jahwa(資華) of Bupsoo Temple(法水寺) and the edition in 1150 was corrected and published by Sawon(思遠) in Gwangjaepo(廣濟鋪), a place where old Pyeong was. According to 『History of Goryeo(高麗史)』, Buljeongsimdoryang(佛頂心道場) was held frequently as a Buddhist event to protect the country from war and natural disasters. Three volumes structure can be witnessed in the early 13th century and most of the existing books are designed with portability. It is suggested that these books were created to hope for safety from the war against Mongolia and the military coup. Such practice reflects the background of the time, when esoteric Buddhism was popular among public. Fourth, in the early Joseon Dynasty, there are small-sized books created based on the Goryeo editions to treat and prevent individuals’ disease, disasters, and bad luck. In 1485, the royal kingdom published a woodblock edition with a plaque based on the edition of Ming Dynasty of China for the well-being of the royal family and prosperity of the descendants. During this time, Eonhae edition was printed with Eulhae metal type. This edition was published until the 17th century with slight variations in a myraid of local temples. However, the style on Eonhae portion remained the same. Fifth, the titles of the three volumes of the scripture are different and the marks in each volume appear differently by periods and editions. The first volume lists the virtues of Dharani as Avalokitesvara Bodhisattva pledges to Sakyamuni Buddha; the second volume mentions the virtues and protection gained by memorizing and offering this scripture all the time; and the third volume includes Dharani’s virtues with four spiritual examples. In other words, it includes stories about people eliminating their sins from their previous lives, woman born as a man, healing diseases, defeating evil, getting pregnant, protecting mothers and living in paradise through Dharani. Sixth, this Dharani was engraved and distributed not only in three volumes but also in the form of a single sheet with Jumun(呪文) since the Goryeo Dynasty, and was mainly engraved at local temples in response to the demand of the private sector in the late Joseon Dynasty. As the time goes by, Hanmuneum, Siddam character, and Hangeuleum were selectively applied to Jumun(呪文) as needed and its writing styles including but not limited to Hapja(合字; combined characters), Byeonggi(倂記; write both Hangeul and Hanja character sounds in orderly manner), Gujeolpyosi(句節表示; read by character segments), Jangdaneum(句節表示), Seongjopyosi(聲調表示; high and low character sounds) varied by the ed

Incunabula are considered a particularly important part of the documentary heritage. 520 incunabula are preserved in eight different Lithuanian memory institutions. The engagement of Lithuanian libraries in the development of the international database of incunabula provenances, Material Evidence in Incunabula (MEI: https://data.cerl.org/mei/_search), intensified research on incunabulistics, as it led to a closer examination of the marks of the former owners. The article presents the latest data on the distribution of incunabula in different Lithuanian memory institutions, as well as analyzes various book marks that were not recorded in Nojus Feigelmanas’ catalog of Lithuanian incunabula or was revised and supplemented, and evaluates their significance in the printed book culture of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania. The analysis is performed using the provenance method, however is not limited to property marks, but also includes margins – marks left by a reader on the pages of books, and other marks not related to property or reading, providing significant information on book history, culture and peculiarities of reading at that time. In the 15th century, there were no printing houses in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, so the main spread of books was by trade. The entries with prices identified in the incunabula reveal a relatively early time of purchase of the incunabula and testify that the books in the 16th-17th centuries were an expensive commodity. They usually mention groschen, the common currency in the territory of Lithuania-Poland, less often – florins or ducats. In this case, the large variety of prices does not allow to draw more specific conclusions on the prices of incunabula in the relevant period, but these data as a source of book history will serve in general when studying the value of the old books and the circumstances of their acquisition. Purchase records usually also provide information about a former owner of a book. The article focuses more on lesser-known owners on whom new information has been found or existing data have been updated, attention is also paid to female donators. The article also discusses the records left by the incunabula rubricators, which allows to determine the period of the book entry into the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, as well as to look at them as one of the first readers. Various inscriptions left by anonymous owners require the most effort. Entries of the 15th-16th centuries, mostly in Latin, many of which are abstracts of an existing book or notes on it, additions to the text, are still awaiting detailed reading and research. Identified Lithuanian words will be a valuable source of the language history for researchers of the old Lithuanian language. Various marginalia – reviews on a book, notes from everyday life, counting the year of the book, as well as graffiti, different drawings that can be seen as feather attempts, amateur illustrations, caricatures or even as an expression of reading boredom, will be an important material to describe a reader’s relationship to the book at the time, for which the incunabula, like books of other ages, were not only the object of study or research, but also a kind of notebook for important thoughts, synopses, everyday details.

Mathematics was the focus of Getaldić’s work, not only in the development of mathematical methods and the establishment of new disciplines, but also in building a new approach to nature research based on quantitative approach, application of mathematics and experimental work, as opposed to the hitherto frequent conception of mathematics as an abstract discipline unsuitable for describing the physical world. He introduces mathematics into the research and description of natural phenomena, considering it the key to understanding the world and the most appropriate and unavoidable science in the study of nature. Getaldić’s approach to the study of nature is fully reflected in his work Promotus Archimedes. Getaldić’s style of presenting physical material using scale and the geometric method is an early hint of the spread of the geometric method to various areas of 17th century philosophy, and the paper places it into general philosophical frameworks. In addition to introducing mathematics into the description of physical problems, Getaldić emphasizes another important aspect of the work, and that is its experimental validity, made possible by real measurements. Seen from the perspective of intellectual history and the history of transfer of knowledge, Getaldić’s Promotus Archimedes is a significant contribution to the development of hydrostatics, in which he places himself alongside Galileo Galilei with the excellence of results and elegance of mathematical derivations. Getaldić, experimenting with hydrostatic scales and dealing with physical problems related to determining the relative weight, gave some of the best solutions and methods in the then current field of hydrostatics. Inspired by ancient sources (Archimedes, Euclid, Vitruvius, and others), Getaldić not only participated in the transfer of theories and knowledge from the ancient tradition with his work Promotus Archimedes, but also contributed significantly to the further development of hydrostatics through new knowledge and through the rich reception of his work Promotus Archimedes in the European scientific community of the 17th and 18th centuries. Getaldić was active at a time when the accumulated knowledge of ancient works and the spread of humanistic education outgrew the ancient tradition, and gradually through methodological transformation, modern science was founded and shaped. It took almost twenty centuries for the ancient methodology and approach to the study of nature, complemented by knowledge assimilated from the Arab scientific and philosophical tradition, to change and develop new methods for achieving new theoretical knowledge and practical solutions. Under the influence of Eudoxus’ theory of proportion and Archimedes’ application of logistical methodology, that is, the arithmetic interpretation of geometry, Getaldić combines the various tendencies of the ancient scientific tradition in a unique and fruitful way.Getaldić’s application of the geometric method in the physical work Promotus Archimedes, and its characteristic methodological unit composed of a lesson, problem and accompanying numerical example, fully reflects the quantitative, modern approach to the study of natural science. The main features of Getaldić’s research are based on the permeation of hitherto opposite tendencies and approaches; they are based on the convergence of the empirical approach and mathematical theory. Getaldić consistently applies mathematics to the researched physical content, conducts the analysis with a strict scientific methodology, and each of his conclusions is accompanied by mathematical evidence, which is entirely derived in the spirit of ancient Greek mathematics. He uses Archimedes’ application of scale and logistical methodology, as well as the arithmetic interpretation of geometry. He systematizes the results of the research and presents them on the model of Euclid’s Elements, to which he refers several times in his work. For Getaldić, mathematics is the science that leads to true knowledge about the world and it is the key to our knowledge. Archimedes served as an inspiration for Getaldić to apply the geometric method upon the physical structure and in the arithmetic interpretation of geometry. Although Getaldić’s style of presenting the material in this work could be called Euclidean in its form, it was Archimedes, not Euclid, who used the logistical methodology, that is, the arithmetic interpretation of geometry in describing physical problems. Also, Archimedes provided the theoretical basis in this area on which Getaldić relies in his work Promotus Archimedes, so in that sense it is justified to consider Archimedes as the fundamental inspiration of this work. The new role of mathematics was fundamental to the modern philosophy of nature. In this sense, Getaldić’s Promotus Archimedes is an outstanding example of an early transformation that later fully developed in modern science. Unlike the previous tradition, Getaldić’s application of mathematics in science is neither symbolic nor figurative. He uses mathematics to connect it to real measurements. Mathematics serves Getaldić to shape sensory reality and he uses extensive mathematical deduction. Therefore, the work Promotus Archimedes fully represents an early hint of the future development of modern science, which some twenty years later will be theoretically exposed by Galileo Galilei in his work Il Sagiatore. Getaldić’s new methodological approach to nature research and the results of his theoretical and practical work, systematized and published in Promotus Archimedes, fully reflect Getaldić’s important role in the early formation of modern science, placing Getaldić alongside Galileo. This is evidenced by the rich transfer of knowledge from Getaldić’s Advanced Archimedes throughout the 17th century, which is presented as an inspiration to generations of scientists, from the publication of the work until the beginning of the 18th century. The paper presents a strong echo of Promotus Archimedes in modern natural science literature, which discusses its contribution to the transformation of modern science and epistemological aspects of Getaldić’s work. According to preceding knowledge, as many as thirteen scientists have used and transmitted the findings of Getaldić’s hydrostatic research in various ways. Starting from his Roman teacher, knowledge was passed on to younger generations of students and scientists. Even during Getaldić’s lifetime, this knowledge was passed on by: Christoph Grienberger, his student Giovanni Bardi and Giuseppe Biancani, a professor in Parma. The influence of Getaldić’s Promotus Archimedes was spread mostly by scientists and philosophers from Jesuit circles, so the findings of his research continue to be passed on after Getaldić’s life by Jesuits: Mario Bettini, Niccolò Cabeo, Giovanni Battista Riccioli, Kaspar Schott, Athanasius Kircher and Michael Klaus. In particular, Riccioli’s, Schott’s and Kircher’s works, created in the middle of the 17th century, emphasized the importance and role of Getaldić’s Advanced Archimedes in the history of hydrostatics. The theoretical and practical results of Getaldić’s hydrostatic research were incorporated by these three Jesuits and polyhistors into as many as eight printed works. Along with the works of older scientists who were inspired by Getaldić, Riccioli’s, Schott’s and Kircher’s works promote Getaldić into one of the most influential hydrostatists of the 17th century. Three of their works are particularly significant for this: Riccioli’s Almagestum novum (1651), Schott’s Magia universalis naturae et artis (1658) and Kircher’s Mundus subterraneus (1665). There are different branches and modalities of spreading knowledge from Getaldić’s Advanced Archimedes. Except within Jesuit circles, they were transmitted through an extensive network of scientific connections. The influence of Getaldić’s Advanced Archimedes spread not only in Rome, Parma and Bologna, as foci of Jesuit science, but also in England, France, Bavaria and Sicily, as evidenced by the works of William Oughtred, Marin Mersenne, Pierre Petit, Georg Philip Harsdörffer, and Giovanni Battista Odierna. The example of Getaldić’s work Promotus Archimedes shows that the transfer of knowledge did not take place only from European scientific centers to the periphery, but in his case the process of transfer of knowledge took place in both directions and Getaldić’s influence in shaping the foundations of modern science is confirmed.

IntroductionIn the year 2000, a group of likeminded individuals got together and convened the first annual World Barista Championship in Monte Carlo. With twelve competitors from around the globe, each competitor was judged by seven judges: one head judge who oversaw the process, two technical judges who assessed technical skills, and four sensory judges who evaluated the taste and appearance of the espresso drinks. Competitors had fifteen minutes to serve four espresso coffees, four cappuccino coffees, and four “signature” drinks that they had devised using one shot of espresso and other ingredients of their choice, but no alcohol. The competitors were also assessed on their overall barista skills, their creativity, and their ability to perform under pressure and impress the judges with their knowledge of coffee. This competition has grown to the extent that eleven years later, in 2011, 54 countries held national barista championships with the winner from each country competing for the highly coveted position of World Barista Champion. That year, Alejandro Mendez from El Salvador became the first world champion from a coffee producing nation. Champion baristas are more likely to come from coffee consuming countries than they are from coffee producing countries as countries that produce coffee seldom have a culture of espresso coffee consumption. While Ireland is not a coffee-producing nation, the Irish are the highest per capita consumers of tea in the world (Mac Con Iomaire, “Ireland”). Despite this, in 2008, Stephen Morrissey from Ireland overcame 50 other national champions to become the 2008 World Barista Champion (see, http://vimeo.com/2254130). Another Irish national champion, Colin Harmon, came fourth in this competition in both 2009 and 2010. This paper discusses the history and development of coffee and coffee houses in Dublin from the 17th century, charting how coffee culture in Dublin appeared, evolved, and stagnated before re-emerging at the beginning of the 21st century, with a remarkable win in the World Barista Championships. The historical links between coffeehouses and media—ranging from print media to electronic and social media—are discussed. In this, the coffee house acts as an informal public gathering space, what urban sociologist Ray Oldenburg calls a “third place,” neither work nor home. These “third places” provide anchors for community life and facilitate and foster broader, more creative interaction (Oldenburg). This paper will also show how competition from other “third places” such as clubs, hotels, restaurants, and bars have affected the vibrancy of coffee houses. Early Coffee Houses The first coffee house was established in Constantinople in 1554 (Tannahill 252; Huetz de Lemps 387). The first English coffee houses opened in Oxford in 1650 and in London in 1652. Coffee houses multiplied thereafter but, in 1676, when some London coffee houses became hotbeds for political protest, the city prosecutor decided to close them. The ban was soon lifted and between 1680 and 1730 Londoners discovered the pleasure of drinking coffee (Huetz de Lemps 388), although these coffee houses sold a number of hot drinks including tea and chocolate as well as coffee.The first French coffee houses opened in Marseille in 1671 and in Paris the following year. Coffee houses proliferated during the 18th century: by 1720 there were 380 public cafés in Paris and by the end of the century there were 600 (Huetz de Lemps 387). Café Procope opened in Paris in 1674 and, in the 18th century, became a literary salon with regular patrons: Voltaire, Rousseau, Diderot and Condorcet (Huetz de Lemps 387; Pitte 472). In England, coffee houses developed into exclusive clubs such as Crockford’s and the Reform, whilst elsewhere in Europe they evolved into what we identify as cafés, similar to the tea shops that would open in England in the late 19th century (Tannahill 252-53). Tea quickly displaced coffee in popularity in British coffee houses (Taylor 142). Pettigrew suggests two reasons why Great Britain became a tea-drinking nation while most of the rest of Europe took to coffee (48). The first was the power of the East India Company, chartered by Elizabeth I in 1600, which controlled the world’s biggest tea monopoly and promoted the beverage enthusiastically. The second was the difficulty England had in securing coffee from the Levant while at war with France at the end of the seventeenth century and again during the War of the Spanish Succession (1702-13). Tea also became the dominant beverage in Ireland and over a period of time became the staple beverage of the whole country. In 1835, Samuel Bewley and his son Charles dared to break the monopoly of The East India Company by importing over 2,000 chests of tea directly from Canton, China, to Ireland. His family would later become synonymous with the importation of coffee and with opening cafés in Ireland (see, Farmar for full history of the Bewley's and their activities). Ireland remains the highest per-capita consumer of tea in the world. Coffee houses have long been linked with social and political change (Kennedy, Politicks; Pincus). The notion that these new non-alcoholic drinks were responsible for the Enlightenment because people could now gather socially without getting drunk is rejected by Wheaton as frivolous, since there had always been alternatives to strong drink, and European civilisation had achieved much in the previous centuries (91). She comments additionally that cafés, as gathering places for dissenters, took over the role that taverns had long played. Pennell and Vickery support this argument adding that by offering a choice of drinks, and often sweets, at a fixed price and in a more civilized setting than most taverns provided, coffee houses and cafés were part of the rise of the modern restaurant. It is believed that, by 1700, the commercial provision of food and drink constituted the second largest occupational sector in London. Travellers’ accounts are full of descriptions of London taverns, pie shops, coffee, bun and chop houses, breakfast huts, and food hawkers (Pennell; Vickery). Dublin Coffee Houses and Later incarnations The earliest reference to coffee houses in Dublin is to the Cock Coffee House in Cook Street during the reign of Charles II (1660-85). Public dining or drinking establishments listed in the 1738 Dublin Directory include taverns, eating houses, chop houses, coffee houses, and one chocolate house in Fownes Court run by Peter Bardin (Hardiman and Kennedy 157). During the second half of the 17th century, Dublin’s merchant classes transferred allegiance from taverns to the newly fashionable coffee houses as places to conduct business. By 1698, the fashion had spread to country towns with coffee houses found in Cork, Limerick, Kilkenny, Clonmel, Wexford, and Galway, and slightly later in Belfast and Waterford in the 18th century. Maxwell lists some of Dublin’s leading coffee houses and taverns, noting their clientele: There were Lucas’s Coffee House, on Cork Hill (the scene of many duels), frequented by fashionable young men; the Phoenix, in Werburgh Street, where political dinners were held; Dick’s Coffee House, in Skinner’s Row, much patronized by literary men, for it was over a bookseller’s; the Eagle, in Eustace Street, where meetings of the Volunteers were held; the Old Sot’s Hole, near Essex Bridge, famous for its beefsteaks and ale; the Eagle Tavern, on Cork Hill, which was demolished at the same time as Lucas’s to make room for the Royal Exchange; and many others. (76) Many of the early taverns were situated around the Winetavern Street, Cook Street, and Fishamble Street area. (see Fig. 1) Taverns, and later coffee houses, became meeting places for gentlemen and centres for debate and the exchange of ideas. In 1706, Francis Dickson published the Flying Post newspaper at the Four Courts coffee house in Winetavern Street. The Bear Tavern (1725) and the Black Lyon (1735), where a Masonic Lodge assembled every Wednesday, were also located on this street (Gilbert v.1 160). Dick’s Coffee house was established in the late 17th century by bookseller and newspaper proprietor Richard Pue, and remained open until 1780 when the building was demolished. In 1740, Dick’s customers were described thus: Ye citizens, gentlemen, lawyers and squires,who summer and winter surround our great fires,ye quidnuncs! who frequently come into Pue’s,To live upon politicks, coffee, and news. (Gilbert v.1 174) There has long been an association between coffeehouses and publishing books, pamphlets and particularly newspapers. Other Dublin publishers and newspapermen who owned coffee houses included Richard Norris and Thomas Bacon. Until the 1850s, newspapers were burdened with a number of taxes: on the newsprint, a stamp duty, and on each advertisement. By 1865, these taxes had virtually disappeared, resulting in the appearance of 30 new newspapers in Ireland, 24 of them in Dublin. Most people read from copies which were available free of charge in taverns, clubs, and coffee houses (MacGiolla Phadraig). Coffee houses also kept copies of international newspapers. On 4 May 1706, Francis Dickson notes in the Dublin Intelligence that he held the Paris and London Gazettes, Leyden Gazette and Slip, the Paris and Hague Lettres à la Main, Daily Courant, Post-man, Flying Post, Post-script and Manuscripts in his coffeehouse in Winetavern Street (Kennedy, “Dublin”). Henry Berry’s analysis of shop signs in Dublin identifies 24 different coffee houses in Dublin, with the main clusters in Essex Street near the Custom’s House (Cocoa Tree, Bacon’s, Dempster’s, Dublin, Merchant’s, Norris’s, and Walsh’s) Cork Hill (Lucas’s, St Lawrence’s, and Solyman’s) Skinners’ Row (Bow’s’, Darby’s, and Dick’s) Christ Church Yard (Four Courts, and London) College Green (Jack’s, and Parliament) and Crampton Court (Exchange, and Little Dublin). (see Figure 1, below, for these clusters and the locations of other Dublin coffee houses.) The earliest to be referenced is the Cock Coffee House in Cook Street during the reign of Charles II (1660-85), with Solyman’s (1691), Bow’s (1692), and Patt’s on High Street (1699), all mentioned in print before the 18th century. The name of one, the Cocoa Tree, suggests that chocolate was also served in this coffee house. More evidence of the variety of beverages sold in coffee houses comes from Gilbert who notes that in 1730, one Dublin poet wrote of George Carterwright’s wife at The Custom House Coffee House on Essex Street: Her coffee’s fresh and fresh her tea,Sweet her cream, ptizan, and whea,her drams, of ev’ry sort, we findboth good and pleasant, in their kind. (v. 2 161) Figure 1: Map of Dublin indicating Coffee House clusters 1 = Sackville St.; 2 = Winetavern St.; 3 = Essex St.; 4 = Cork Hill; 5 = Skinner's Row; 6 = College Green.; 7 = Christ Church Yard; 8 = Crampton Court.; 9 = Cook St.; 10 = High St.; 11 = Eustace St.; 12 = Werburgh St.; 13 = Fishamble St.; 14 = Westmorland St.; 15 = South Great George's St.; 16 = Grafton St.; 17 = Kildare St.; 18 = Dame St.; 19 = Anglesea Row; 20 = Foster Place; 21 = Poolbeg St.; 22 = Fleet St.; 23 = Burgh Quay.A = Cafe de Paris, Lincoln Place; B = Red Bank Restaurant, D'Olier St.; C = Morrison's Hotel, Nassau St.; D = Shelbourne Hotel, St. Stephen's Green; E = Jury's Hotel, Dame St. Some coffee houses transformed into the gentlemen’s clubs that appeared in London, Paris and Dublin in the 17th century. These clubs originally met in coffee houses, then taverns, until later proprietary clubs became fashionable. Dublin anticipated London in club fashions with members of the Kildare Street Club (1782) and the Sackville Street Club (1794) owning the premises of their clubhouse, thus dispensing with the proprietor. The first London club to be owned by the members seems to be Arthur’s, founded in 1811 (McDowell 4) and this practice became widespread throughout the 19th century in both London and Dublin. The origin of one of Dublin’s most famous clubs, Daly’s Club, was a chocolate house opened by Patrick Daly in c.1762–65 in premises at 2–3 Dame Street (Brooke). It prospered sufficiently to commission its own granite-faced building on College Green between Anglesea Street and Foster Place which opened in 1789 (Liddy 51). Daly’s Club, “where half the land of Ireland has changed hands”, was renowned for the gambling that took place there (Montgomery 39). Daly’s sumptuous palace catered very well (and discreetly) for honourable Members of Parliament and rich “bucks” alike (Craig 222). The changing political and social landscape following the Act of Union led to Daly’s slow demise and its eventual closure in 1823 (Liddy 51). Coincidentally, the first Starbucks in Ireland opened in 2005 in the same location. Once gentlemen’s clubs had designated buildings where members could eat, drink, socialise, and stay overnight, taverns and coffee houses faced competition from the best Dublin hotels which also had coffee rooms “in which gentlemen could read papers, write letters, take coffee and wine in the evening—an exiguous substitute for a club” (McDowell 17). There were at least 15 establishments in Dublin city claiming to be hotels by 1789 (Corr 1) and their numbers grew in the 19th century, an expansion which was particularly influenced by the growth of railways. By 1790, Dublin’s public houses (“pubs”) outnumbered its coffee houses with Dublin boasting 1,300 (Rooney 132). Names like the Goose and Gridiron, Harp and Crown, Horseshoe and Magpie, and Hen and Chickens—fashionable during the 17th and 18th centuries in Ireland—hung on decorative signs for those who could not read. Throughout the 20th century, the public house provided the dominant “third place” in Irish society, and the drink of choice for itd predominantly male customers was a frothy pint of Guinness. Newspapers were available in public houses and many newspapermen had their own favourite hostelries such as Mulligan’s of Poolbeg Street; The Pearl, and The Palace on Fleet Street; and The White Horse Inn on Burgh Quay. Any coffee served in these establishments prior to the arrival of the new coffee culture in the 21st century was, however, of the powdered instant variety. Hotels / Restaurants with Coffee Rooms From the mid-19th century, the public dining landscape of Dublin changed in line with London and other large cities in the United Kingdom. Restaurants did appear gradually in the United Kingdom and research suggests that one possible reason for this growth from the 1860s onwards was the Refreshment Houses and Wine Licences Act (1860). The object of this act was to “reunite the business of eating and drinking”, thereby encouraging public sobriety (Mac Con Iomaire, “Emergence” v.2 95). Advertisements for Dublin restaurants appeared in The Irish Times from the 1860s. Thom’s Directory includes listings for Dining Rooms from the 1870s and Refreshment Rooms are listed from the 1880s. This pattern continued until 1909, when Thom’s Directory first includes a listing for “Restaurants and Tea Rooms”. Some of the establishments that advertised separate coffee rooms include Dublin’s first French restaurant, the Café de Paris, The Red Bank Restaurant, Morrison’s Hotel, Shelbourne Hotel, and Jury’s Hotel (see Fig. 1). The pattern of separate ladies’ coffee rooms emerged in Dublin and London during the latter half of the 19th century and mixed sex dining only became popular around the last decade of the 19th century, partly infuenced by Cesar Ritz and Auguste Escoffier (Mac Con Iomaire, “Public Dining”). Irish Cafés: From Bewley’s to Starbucks A number of cafés appeared at the beginning of the 20th century, most notably Robert Roberts and Bewley’s, both of which were owned by Quaker families. Ernest Bewley took over the running of the Bewley’s importation business in the 1890s and opened a number of Oriental Cafés; South Great Georges Street (1894), Westmoreland Street (1896), and what became the landmark Bewley’s Oriental Café in Grafton Street (1927). Drawing influence from the grand cafés of Paris and Vienna, oriental tearooms, and Egyptian architecture (inspired by the discovery in 1922 of Tutankhamen’s Tomb), the Grafton Street business brought a touch of the exotic into the newly formed Irish Free State. Bewley’s cafés became the haunt of many of Ireland’s leading literary figures, including Samuel Becket, Sean O’Casey, and James Joyce who mentioned the café in his book, Dubliners. A full history of Bewley’s is available (Farmar). It is important to note, however, that pots of tea were sold in equal measure to mugs of coffee in Bewley’s. The cafés changed over time from waitress- to self-service and a failure to adapt to changing fashions led to the business being sold, with only the flagship café in Grafton Street remaining open in a revised capacity. It was not until the beginning of the 21st century that a new wave of coffee house culture swept Ireland. This was based around speciality coffee beverages such as espressos, cappuccinos, lattés, macchiatos, and frappuccinnos. This new phenomenon coincided with the unprecedented growth in the Irish economy, during which Ireland became known as the “Celtic Tiger” (Murphy 3). One aspect of this period was a building boom and a subsequent growth in apartment living in the Dublin city centre. The American sitcom Friends and its fictional coffee house, “Central Perk,” may also have helped popularise the use of coffee houses as “third spaces” (Oldenberg) among young apartment dwellers in Dublin. This was also the era of the “dotcom boom” when many young entrepreneurs, software designers, webmasters, and stock market investors were using coffee houses as meeting places for business and also as ad hoc office spaces. This trend is very similar to the situation in the 17th and early 18th centuries where coffeehouses became known as sites for business dealings. Various theories explaining the growth of the new café culture have circulated, with reasons ranging from a growth in Eastern European migrants, anti-smoking legislation, returning sophisticated Irish emigrants, and increased affluence (Fenton). Dublin pubs, facing competition from the new coffee culture, began installing espresso coffee machines made by companies such as Gaggia to attract customers more interested in a good latté than a lager and it is within this context that Irish baristas gained such success in the World Barista competition. In 2001 the Georges Street branch of Bewley’s was taken over by a chain called Café, Bar, Deli specialising in serving good food at reasonable prices. Many ex-Bewley’s staff members subsequently opened their own businesses, roasting coffee and running cafés. Irish-owned coffee chains such as Java Republic, Insomnia, and O’Brien’s Sandwich Bars continued to thrive despite the competition from coffee chains Starbucks and Costa Café. Indeed, so successful was the handmade Irish sandwich and coffee business that, before the economic downturn affected its business, Irish franchise O’Brien’s operated in over 18 countries. The Café, Bar, Deli group had also begun to franchise its operations in 2008 when it too became a victim of the global economic downturn. With the growth of the Internet, many newspapers have experienced falling sales of their printed format and rising uptake of their electronic versions. Most Dublin coffee houses today provide wireless Internet connections so their customers can read not only the local newspapers online, but also others from all over the globe, similar to Francis Dickenson’s coffee house in Winetavern Street in the early 18th century. Dublin has become Europe’s Silicon Valley, housing the European headquarters for companies such as Google, Yahoo, Ebay, Paypal, and Facebook. There are currently plans to provide free wireless connectivity throughout Dublin’s city centre in order to promote e-commerce, however, some coffee houses shut off the wireless Internet in their establishments at certain times of the week in order to promote more social interaction to ensure that these “third places” remain “great good places” at the heart of the community (Oldenburg). Conclusion Ireland is not a country that is normally associated with a coffee culture but coffee houses have been part of the fabric of that country since they emerged in Dublin in the 17th century. These Dublin coffee houses prospered in the 18th century, and survived strong competition from clubs and hotels in the 19th century, and from restaurant and public houses into the 20th century. In 2008, when Stephen Morrissey won the coveted title of World Barista Champion, Ireland’s place as a coffee consuming country was re-established. 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The ideas put forth here do not fit perfectly or entirely into the genre and form of what has established itself as the scholarly journal article. What is put forth, instead, is a juxtaposition of lines of thinking about the scholarly and popular in publishing, past, present and future. As such it may indeed be quite appropriate to the occasion and the questions raised in the call for papers for this special issue of M/C Journal. The ideas put forth here are intended as pieces of an ever-changing puzzle of the making public of scholarship, which, I hope, may in some way fit with both the work of others in this special issue and in the discourse more broadly. The first line of thinking presented takes the form of an historical overview of publishing as context to consider a second line of thinking about the current status and future of publishing. The historical context serves as reminder (and cause for celebration) that publishing has not yet perished, contrary to continued doomsday sooth-saying that has come with each new medium since the advent of print. Instead, publishing has continued to transform and it is precisely the transformation of print, print culture and reading publics that are the focus of this article, in particular, in relation to the question of the boundaries between the scholarly and the popular. What follows is a juxtaposition that is part of an investigation in progress. Presented first, therefore, is a mapping of shifts in print culture from the time of Gutenberg to the twentieth century; second, is a contemporary snapshot of the editorial mandates of more than one hundred member journals of the Canadian Association of Learned Journals (CALJ). What such juxtaposition is able to reveal is open to interpretation, of course. And indeed, as I proceed in my investigation of publishing past, present and future, my interpretations are many. The juxtaposition raises a number of issues: of communities of readers and the cultures of reading publics; of privileged and marginalised texts (as well as their authors and their readers); of access and reach (whether in terms of what is quantifiable or in a much more subtle but equally important sense). In Canada, at present, these issues are also intertwined with changes to research funding policies and some attention is given at the end of this article to the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council (SSHRC) of Canada and its recent/current shift in funding policy. Curiously, current shifts in funding policies, considered alongside an historical overview of publishing, would suggest that although publishing continues to transform, at the same time, as they say, plus ça change, plus c’est la même chose. Republics of Letters and Ghosts in Machines Republics of Letters that formed after the advent of the printing press can be conjured up as distant and almost mythical communities of elite literates, ghosts almost lost in a Gutenberg galaxy that today encompasses (and is embodied in) schools, bookshelves, and digital archives in many places across the globe. Conjuring up ghosts of histories past seems always to reveal ironies, and indeed some of the most interesting ironies of the Gutenberg galaxy involve McLuhanesque reversals or, if not full reversals, then in the least some notably sharp turns. There is a need to define some boundaries (and terms) in the framing of the tracing that follows. Given that the time frame in question spans more than five hundred years (from the advent of Gutenberg’s printing press in the fifteenth century to the turn of the 21st century), the tracing must necessarily be done in broad strokes. With regard to what is meant by the “making public of scholarship” in this paper, by “making public” I refer to accounts historians have given in their attempts to reconstruct a history of what was published either in the periodical press or in books. With regard to scholarship (and the making public of it), as with many things in the history of publishing (or any history), this means different things in different times and in different places. The changing meanings of what can be termed “scholarship” and where and how it historically has been made public are the cornerstones on which this article (and a history of the making public of scholarship) turn. The structure of this paper is loosely chronological and is limited to the print cultures and reading publics in France, Britain, and what would eventually be called the US and Canada, and what follows here is an overview of changes in how scholarly and popular texts and publics are variously defined over the course of history. The Construction of Reading Publics and Print Culture In any consideration of “print culture” and reading publics, historical or contemporary, there are two guiding principles that historians suggest should be kept in mind, and, though these may seem self-evident, they are worth stating explicitly (perhaps precisely because they seem self-evident). The first is a reminder from Adrian Johns that “the very identity of print itself has had to be made” (2 italics in original). Just as the identity of print cultures are made, similarly, a history of reading publics and their identities are made, by looking to and interpreting such variables as numbers and genres of titles published and circulated, dates and locations of collections, and information on readers’ experiences of texts. Elizabeth Eisenstein offers a reminder of the “widely varying circumstances” (92) of the print revolution and an explicit acknowledgement of such circumstances provides the second, seemingly self-evident guiding principle: that the construction of reading publics and print culture must not only be understood as constructed, but also that such constructions ought not be understood as uniform. The purpose of the reconstructions of print cultures and reading publics presented here, therefore, is not to arrive at final conclusions, but rather to identify patterns that prove useful in better understanding the current status (and possible future) of publishing. The Fifteenth and Sixteenth Centuries—Boom, then Busted by State and Church In search of what could be termed “scholarship” following the mid-fifteenth century boom of the early days of print, given the ecclesiastical and state censorship in Britain and France and the popularity of religious texts of the 15th and 16th centuries, arguably the closest to “scholarship” that we can come is through the influence of the Italian Renaissance and the revival and translation (into Latin, and to a far lesser extent, vernacular languages) of the classics and indeed the influence of the Italian Renaissance on the “print revolution” is widely recognised by historians. Historians also recognise, however, that it was not long until “the supply of unpublished texts dried up…[yet for authors] to sell the fruits of their intellect—was not yet common practice before the late 16th century” (Febvre and Martin 160). Although this reference is to the book trade in France, in Britain, and in the regions to become the US and Canada, reading of “pious texts” was similarly predominant in the early days of print. Yet, the humanist shift throughout the 16th century is evidenced by titles produced in Paris in the first century of print: in 1501, in a total of 88 works, 53 can be categorised as religious, with 25 categorised as Latin, Greek, or Humanist authors; as compared to titles produced in 1549, in a total of 332 titles, 56 can be categorised as religious with 204 categorised as Latin, Greek, or Humanist authors (Febvre and Martin 264). The Seventeenth Century—Changes in the Political and Print Landscape In the 17th century, printers discovered that their chances of profitability (and survival) could be improved by targeting and developing a popular readership through the periodical press (its very periodicity and relative low cost both contributed to its accessibility by popular publics) in Europe as well as in North America. It is worthwhile to note, however, that “to the end of the seventeenth century, both literacy and leisure were virtually confined to scholars and ‘gentlemen’” (Steinberg 119) particularly where books were concerned and although literacy rates were still low, through the “exceptionally literate villager” there formed “hearing publics” who would have printed texts read to them (Eisenstein 93). For the literate members of the public interested not only in improving their social positions through learning, but also with intellectual (or spiritual or existential) curiosity piqued by forbidden books, it is not surprising that Descartes “wrote in French to a ‘lay audience … open to new ideas’” (Jacob 41). The 17th century also saw the publication of the first scholarly journals. There is a tension that becomes evident in the seventeenth century that can be seen as a tension characteristic of print culture, past and present: on the one hand, the housing of scholarship in scholarly journals as a genre distinct from the genre of the popular periodicals can be interpreted as a continued pattern of (elitist) divide in publics (as seen earlier between the oral and the written word, between Latin and the vernacular, between classic texts and popular texts); while, on the other hand, some thinkers/scholars of the day had an interest in reaching a wider audience, as printers always had, which led to the construction and fragmentation of audiences (whether the printer’s market for his goods or the scholar’s marketplace of ideas). The Eighteenth Century—Republics of Letters Become Concrete and Visible The 18th century saw ever-increasing literacy rates, early copyright legislation (Statute of Anne in 1709), improved printing technology, and ironically (or perhaps on the contrary, quite predictably) severe censorship that in effect led to an increased demand for forbidden books and a vibrant and international underground book trade (Darnton and Roche 138). Alongside a growing book trade, “the pulpit was ultimately displaced by the periodical press” (Eisenstein 94), which had become an “established institution” (Steinberg 125). One history of the periodical press in France finds that the number of periodicals (to remain in publication for three or more years) available to the reading public in 1745 numbered 15, whereas in 1785 this increased to 82 (Censer 7). With regard to scholarly periodicals, another study shows that between 1790 and 1800 there were 640 scientific-technological periodicals being published in Europe (Kronick 1961). Across the Atlantic, earlier difficulties in cultivating intellectual life—such as haphazard transatlantic exchange and limited institutions for learning—began to give way to a “republic of letters” that was “visible and concrete” (Hall 417). The Nineteenth Century—A Second Boom and the Rise of the Periodical Press By the turn of the 19th century, visible and concrete republics of letters become evident on both sides of the Atlantic in the boom in book publishing and in the periodical press, scholarly and popular. State and church controls on printing/publishing had given way to the press as the “fourth estate” or a free press as powerful force. The legislation of public education brought increased literacy rates among members of successive generations. One study of literacy rates in Britain, for example, shows that in the period from 1840–1870 literacy rates increased by 35–70 per cent; then from 1870–1900, literacy increased by 78–261 per cent (Mitch 76). Further, with the growth and changes in universities, “history, languages and literature and, above all, the sciences, became an established part of higher education for the first time,” which translated into growing markets for book publishers (Feather 117). Similarly the periodical press reached ever-increasing and numerous reading publics: one estimate of the increase finds the publication of nine hundred journals in 1800 jumping to almost sixty thousand in 1901 (Brodman, cited in Kronick 127). Further, the important role of the periodical press in developing communities of readers was recognised by publishers, editors and authors of the time, something equally recognised by present-day historians describing the “generic mélange of the periodical … [that] particularly lent itself to the interpenetration of language and ideas…[and] the verbal and conceptual interconnectedness of science, politics, theology, and literature” (Dawson, Noakes and Topham 30). Scientists recognised popular periodicals as “important platforms for addressing a non-specialist but culturally powerful public … [they were seen as public] performances [that] fulfilled important functions in making the claims of science heard among the ruling élite” (Dawson et al. 11). By contrast, however, the scholarly journals of the time, while also increasing in number, were becoming increasingly specialised along the same disciplinary boundaries being established in the universities, fulfilling a very different function of forming scholarly and discipline-specific discourse communities through public (published) performances of a very different nature. The Twentieth Century—The Tension Between Niche Publics and Mass Publics The long-existing tension in print culture between the differentiation of reading publics on the one hand, and the reach to ever-expanding reading publics on the other, in the twentieth century becomes a tension between what have been termed “niche-marketing” and “mass marketing,” between niche publics and mass publics. What this meant for the making public of scholarship was that the divides between discipline-specific discourse communities (and their corresponding genres) became more firmly established and yet, within each discipline, there was further fragmentation and specialisation. The niche-mass tension also meant that although in earlier print culture, “the lines of demarcation between men of science, men of letters, and scientific popularizers were far from clear, and were constantly being renegotiated” (Dawson et al 28), with the increasing professionalisation of academic work (and careers), lines of demarcation became firmly drawn between scholarly and popular titles and authors, as well as readers, who were described as “men of science,” as “educated men,” or as “casual observers” (Klancher 90). The question remains, however, as one historian of science asks, “To whom did the reading public go in order to learn about the ultimate meaning of modern science, the professionals or the popularizers?” (Lightman 191). By whom and for whom, where and how scholarship has historically been made public, are questions worthy of consideration if contemporary scholars are to better understand the current status (and possible future) for the making public of scholarship. A Snapshot of Scholarly Journals in Canada and Current Changes in Funding Policies The here and now of scholarly journal publishing in Canada (a growing, but relatively modest scholarly journal community, compared to the number of scholarly journals published in Europe and the US) serves as an interesting microcosm through which to consider how scholarly journal publishing has evolved since the early days of print. What follows here is an overview of the membership of the Canadian Association of Learned Journals (CALJ), in particular: (1) their target readers as identifiable from their editorial mandates; (2) their print/online/open-access policies; and (3) their publishers (all information gathered from the CALJ website, http://www.calj-acrs.ca/). Analysis of the collected data for the 100 member journals of CALJ (English, French and bilingual journals) with available information on the CALJ website is presented in Table 1 (below). A few observations are noteworthy: (1) in terms of readers, although all 100 journals identify a scholarly audience as their target readership, more than 40% of the journal also identify practitioners, policy-makers, or general readers as members of their target audience; (2) more than 25% of the journals publish online as well as or instead of print editions; and (3) almost all journals are published either by a Canadian university or, in one case, a college (60%) or a scholarly or professional society (31%). Table 1: Target Readership, Publishing Model and Publishers, CALJ Members (N=100) Journals with identifiable scholarly target readership 100 Journals with other identifiable target readership: practitioner 35 Journals with other identifiable target readership: general readers 18 Journals with other identifiable target readership: policy-makers/government 10 Total journals with identifiable target readership other than scholarly 43 Journals publishing in print only 56 Journals publishing in print and online 24 Journals publishing in print, online and open access 16 Journals publishing online only and open access 4 Journals published through a Canadian university press, faculty or department 60 Journals published by a scholarly or professional society 31 Journals published by a research institute 5 Journals published by the private sector 4 In the context of the historical overview presented earlier, this data raises a number of questions. The number of journals with target audiences either within or beyond the academy raises issues akin to the situation in the early days of print, when published works were primarily in Latin, with only 22 per cent in vernacular languages (Febvre and Martin 256), thereby strongly limiting access and reach to diverse audiences until the 17th century when Latin declined as the international language (Febvre and Martin 275) and there is a parallel to scholarly journal publishing and their changing readership(s). Diversity in audiences gradually developed in the early days of print, as Febvre and Martin (263) show by comparing the number of churchmen and lawyers with library collections in Paris: from 1480–1500 one lawyer and 24 churchmen had library collections, compared to 1551–1600, when 71 lawyers and 21 churchmen had library collections. Although the distinctions between present-day target audiences of Canadian scholarly journals (shown in Table 1, above) and 16th-century churchmen or lawyers no doubt are considerable, again there is a parallel with regard to changes in reading audiences. Similarly, the 18th-century increase in literacy rates, education, and technological advances finds a parallel in contemporary questions of computer literacy and access to scholarship (see Willinsky, “How,” Access, “Altering,” and If Only). Print culture historians and historians of science, as noted above, recognise that historically, while scholarly periodicals have increasingly specialised and popular periodicals have served as “important platforms for addressing a non-specialist but culturally powerful public…[and] fulfill[ing] important functions in making the claims of science heard among the ruling élite” (Dawson 11), there is adrift in current policies changes (and in the CALJ data above) a blurring of boundaries that harkens back to earlier days of print culture. As Adrian John reminded us earlier, “the very identity of print itself has had to be made” (2, italics in original) and the same applies to identities or cultures of print and the members of that culture: namely, the readers, the audience. The identities of the readers of scholarship are being made and re-made, as editorial mandates extend the scope of journals beyond strict, academic disciplinary boundaries and as increasing numbers of journals publish online (and open access). In Canada, changes in scholarly journal funding by the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council (SSHRC) of Canada (as well as changes in SSHRC funding for research more generally) place increasing focus on impact factors (an international trend) as well as increased attention on the public benefits and value of social sciences and humanities research and scholarship (see SSHRC 2004, 2005, 2006). There is much debate in the scholarly community in Canada about the implications and possibilities of the direction of the changing funding policies, not least among members of the scholarly journal community. As noted in the table above, most scholarly journal publishers in Canada are independently published, which brings advantages of autonomy but also the disadvantage of very limited budgets and there is a great deal of concern about the future of the journals, about their survival amidst the current changes. Although the future is uncertain, it is perhaps worthwhile to be reminded once again that contrary to doomsday sooth-saying that has come time and time again, publishing has not perished, but rather it has continued to transform. I am inclined against making normative statements about what the future of publishing should be, but, looking at the accounts historians have given of the past and looking at the current publishing community I have come to know in my work in publishing, I am confident that the resourcefulness and commitment of the publishing community shall prevail and, indeed, there appears to be a good deal of promise in the transformation of scholarly journals in the ways they reach their audiences and in what reaches those audiences. Perhaps, as is suggested by the Canadian Centre for Studies in Publishing (CCSP), the future is one of “inventing publishing.” References Canadian Association of Learned Journals. Member Database. 10 June 2008 ‹http://www.calj-acrs.ca/>. Canadian Centre for Studies in Publishing. 10 June 2008. ‹http://www.ccsp.sfu.ca/>. Censer, Jack. The French Press in the Age of Enlightenment. London: Routledge, 1994. Darnton, Robert, Estienne Roche. Revolution in Print: The Press in France, 1775–1800. Berkeley: U of California P, 1989. Dawson, Gowan, Richard Noakes, and Jonathan Topham. Introduction. Science in the Nineteenth-century Periodical: Reading the Magazine of Nature. Ed. Geoffrey Cantor, Gowan Dawson, Richard Noakes, and Jonathan Topham. Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 2004. 1–37. Eisenstein, Elizabeth. The Printing Revolution in Early Modern Europe. Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1983 Feather, John. A History of British Publishing. New York: Routledge, 2006. Febvre, Lucien, and Henri-Jean Martin. The Coming of the Book: The Impact of Printing 1450–1800. London: N.L.B., 1979. Jacob, Margaret. Scientific Culture and the Making of the Industrial West. New York: Oxford UP, 1997. Johns, Adrian. The Nature of the Book: Print and Knowledge in the Making. Chicago: U of Chicago P, 1998. Hall, David, and Hugh Armory. The Colonial Book in the Atlantic World. Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 2000. Klancher, Jon. The Making of English Reading Audiences. Madison: U of Wisconsin P, 1987. Kronick, David. A History of Scientific and Technical Periodicals: The Origins and Development of the Scientific and Technological Press, 1665–1790. New York: Scarecrow Press, 1961. ---. "Devant le deluge" and Other Essays on Early Modern Scientific Communication. Lanham: Scarecrow Press, 2004. Lightman, Bernard. Victorian Science in Context. Chicago: U of Chicago P, 1997. Mitch, David. The Rise of Popular Literacy in Victorian England: The Influence of Private choice and Public Policy. Philadelphia: U of Pennsylvania P, 1991. Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council. Granting Council to Knowledge Council: Renewing the Social Sciences and Humanities in Canada, Volume 1, 2004. Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council. Granting Council to Knowledge Council: Renewing the Social Sciences and Humanities in Canada, Volume 3, 2005. Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council. Moving Forward As a Knowledge Council: Canada’s Place in a Competitive World. 2006. Steinberg, Sigfrid. Five Hundred Years of Printing. London: Oak Knoll Press, 1996. Willinsky, John. “How to be More of a Public Intellectual by Making your Intellectual Work More Public.” Journal of Curriculum and Pedagogy 3.1 (2006): 92–95. ---. The Access Principle: The Case for Open Access to Research and Scholarship. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2006. ---. “Altering the Material Conditions of Access to the Humanities.” Ed. Peter Trifonas and Michael Peters. Deconstructing Derrida: Tasks for the New Humanities. London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2005. 118–36. ---. If Only We Knew: Increasing the Public Value of Social-Science Research. New York: Routledge, 2000.

This article explores the interplay between the medical marketplace and print culture in the seventeenth- and eighteenth-century Dutch Republic. The starting point and inspiration is Mary Fissell's analysis of the role of print in the English medical marketplace. In the early-modern Dutch Republic, as elsewhere in Europe, we observe a growing competition between all kinds of medical practitioners. These practitioners searched for effective forms of communication to disseminate and promote their competence, skills, remedies, treatments, and books. To achieve this, regular (physicians, surgeons, and apothecaries) and irregular (stonecutters, oculists, empirics, "quacks" etc.) practitioners used a range of printed media, varying from newspaper advertisements, leaflets, and bills to pamphlets and books. By studying these sources systematically, we gain a better insight into the dynamics of the medical world. In this article, I investigate to what extent newspaper advertisements, one of the pivotal and widespread forms of communication, reflected the degree of regulation of the medical marketplace in Amsterdam and to what extent this situation differed from England.

Richard Bradley published A Short Historical Account of Coffee in 1715, an extremely rare book of which only three copies are known. A revised version of the book, entitled The Virtue and Use of Coffee, was published in 1721. Bradley’s 1714 trip to the Physic Garden in Amsterdam, where he examined two coffee trees, led to his two coffee books, whose similarities and differences, including the evolution of the two different coffee engravings, are discussed in detail. This article reveals insights into the milieu in which Bradley lived, his interactions with other members of the Royal Society, and the reasons why his 1715 book is so rare. The various introductions of coffee plants to England in the late 17th and early 18th century are discussed, as well as Bradley’s skirmish with James Douglas, who was critical of Bradley’s coffee work.

Michael Hunter, Establishing the new science: the experience of the early Royal Society . Boydell Press, Woodbridge, Suffolk, 1989. Pp. xiv+382. £45. ISBN 0-85115-506-5. Francis Bacon as a young man claimed, 'I have taken all learning to be my province’. Michael H unter might justly claim to have taken the 17th century Royal Society as his. Over the past 20 years he has produced a profusion of articles, monographs and books dealing in detail with the institutional aspects of the Society between 1660 and 1700, based upon an unmatched survey of its activities as embodied in its manuscripts and related printed works, and now he has given us a compendium of all that he has learned in Establishing the new science . At a time when ‘social history’ is occupying so much of modern historians’ interest, this new work will be essential reading. Not that the institutional history of the Royal Society has been totally neglected over the years. Fifty years ago Sir Henry Lyons, then Treasurer of the Society, began the well-known work published four years later as The Royal Society 1660-1940. A history of its administration under its Charters , devoted primarily to the day-to-day running of the Society, an invaluable account of its formal existence, its personnel and its organization, with something about its promotion of science. At the same time, interest was turning to the problem of the pre-history of the Society, that is, what lay behind the famous organizational meeting of November 1660. A spate of articles appeared interpreting the known facts in different ways, the arguments put forward being definitively and cogently examined by R.H. Syfret in this journal under the title ‘Origins of the Royal Society’.