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Journal articles on the topic 'Early colonial Mexico'

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Published: 10 December 2022
Last updated: 28 January 2023

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1

Schwaller, John Frederick, and Louise M. Burkhart. "Holy Wednesday: A Nahua Drama from Early Colonial Mexico." Sixteenth Century Journal 28, no. 1 (1997): 352. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2543330.

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2

Schwaller, John F. "Natives and Spaniards in Early Colonial Mexico and Peru." Latin American Research Review 29, no. 2 (1994): 249–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0023879100024225.

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3

Taggart, James M., and Louise M. Burkhart. "Holy Wednesday: A Nahua Drama from Early Colonial Mexico." Ethnohistory 45, no. 1 (1998): 160. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/483185.

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4

Kicza, John E., and Louise M. Burkhart. "Holy Wednesday: A Nahua Drama from Early Colonial Mexico." Hispanic American Historical Review 78, no. 1 (February 1998): 130. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2517390.

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5

Kicza, John E. "Holy Wednesday: A Nahua Drama from Early Colonial Mexico." Hispanic American Historical Review 78, no. 1 (February 1, 1998): 130–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-78.1.130.

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6

Strasser, Ulrike. "A case of empire envy? German Jesuits meet an Asian mystic in Spanish America." Journal of Global History 2, no. 1 (March 2007): 23–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1740022807002021.

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This essay deals with the hagiographic afterlife of Catarina de San Juan, the seventeenth-century slave from Asia who became a renowned mystic in colonial Mexico, in writings by German Jesuits, notably Joseph Stöcklein’s popular Welt-Bott. Why and how was Catarina de San Juan’s story told for a German-speaking audience in Central Europe? The specific German appropriations of her vita suggest that missionary writings could serve as a transmission belt for ‘colonial fantasies’, linking the early modern period when the Holy Roman Empire did not have colonies to the modern period when the German Nation acquired colonial holdings in the Pacific.
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7

Perkins, Stephen M. "Macehuales and the Corporate Solution: Colonial Secessions in Nahua Central Mexico." Mexican Studies/Estudios Mexicanos 21, no. 2 (2005): 277–306. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/msem.2005.21.2.277.

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This investigation of the legal separation, or 'secession,'of indigenous subject villages from municipal governments in the Tepeaca district of Puebla, Mexico finds that early colonial (1521–1650) and late colonial (1651–1821) cases differed in their litigation and consequences. Early Spanish officials decided cases based predominantly on pre-Hispanic tradition, only permitting separations that preserved older indigenous social units. Bourbon officials of the late era, in contrast, enabled an entirely new type of pueblo to develop. Indigenous commoners (macehuales) used secessions to rupture relations with indigenous nobles (caciques) and local Spanish agriculturalists. The corporate organization of new pueblos in Puebla was without pre-Hispanic precedent. En este artículo, investigo la separación legal, o "secesión", de sujetos indígenas de sus municipios en el distrito de Tepeaca, Puebla, en México. Ahí, los trámites coloniales tempranos (1521–1650) contrastaban con los trámites coloniales tardíos (1651–1821) tanto en su litigio como en sus consecuencias. Los funcionarios españoles del primer período resolvían los casos basándose sobre todo en la tradición prehispánica, y permitiendo tan sólo separaciones que preservaban las entidades sociales indígenas previamente existentes. En contraste, los funcionarios borbones permitían el desarollo de un nuevo tipo de pueblo. Los macehuales hacían uso del proceso de secesión para romper sus relaciones con caciques y agricultores españoles locales. La organización corporativa de los pueblos nuevos en Puebla no tuvo precedente en la era prehispánica.
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8

Coleman, David, and Amos Megged. "Exporting the Catholic Reformation: Local Religion in Early Colonial Mexico." Sixteenth Century Journal 28, no. 4 (1997): 1325. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2543590.

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9

Cline, Sarah, and Amos Megged. "Exporting the Catholic Reformation: Local Religion in Early-Colonial Mexico." Hispanic American Historical Review 78, no. 2 (May 1998): 331. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2518130.

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10

Twinam, Ann. "Generos de Gente in Early Colonial Mexico: Defining Racial Difference." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 48, no. 2 (August 2017): 285–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jinh_r_01154.

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11

Cope, R. Douglas. "Géneros de Gente in Early Colonial Mexico: Defining Racial Difference." Ethnohistory 66, no. 2 (April 1, 2019): 397–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00141801-7300240.

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12

Twinam, Ann. "No Mere Shadows: Faces of Widowhood in Early Colonial Mexico." Hispanic American Historical Review 94, no. 1 (February 1, 2014): 123–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-2390168.

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13

Salvucci, Richard J. "Some Thoughts on the Economic History of Early Colonial Mexico." History Compass 8, no. 7 (July 2, 2010): 626–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1478-0542.2010.00690.x.

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14

Aizpuru, Pilar Gonzalbo. "No Mere Shadows. Faces of Widowhood in Early Colonial Mexico." Colonial Latin American Review 23, no. 1 (January 2, 2014): 104–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10609164.2013.877255.

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15

Alchon, Suzanne Austin, and Thomas M. Whitmore. "Disease and Death in Early Colonial Mexico: Simulating Amerindian Depopulation." Hispanic American Historical Review 73, no. 4 (November 1993): 695. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2516865.

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16

Alchon, Suzanne Austin. "Disease and Death in Early Colonial Mexico: Simulating Amerindian Depopulation." Hispanic American Historical Review 73, no. 4 (November 1, 1993): 695–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-73.4.695.

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17

Cline, Sarah. "Exporting the Catholic Reformation: Local Religion in Early-Colonial Mexico." Hispanic American Historical Review 78, no. 2 (May 1, 1998): 331–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-78.2.331.

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18

Price, T. Douglas, Vera Tiesler, and James H. Burton. "Early African diaspora in colonial Campeche, Mexico: Strontium isotopic evidence." American Journal of Physical Anthropology 130, no. 4 (2006): 485–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/ajpa.20390.

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19

Van Rankin-Anaya, Armando. "Mexico's colonial and early postcolonial state-formation: A political-Marxist account." enero-abril 30, no. 1 (October 16, 2022): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.18232/20073496.1301.

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This paper analyses the agrarian hacienda as the chief defining political-economic institution that shaped class composition and state formation of colonial and early postcolonial Mexico. Following the insightful theoretical framework of political Marxism, this article reviews the evolution of Mexican social property relations from the colonization (in the 16th century) to independence (in the 19th century) employing a novel methodology. Due to the highly historicist-oriented perspective of this neo-Marxist wisdom –and its concrete notion of capitalism as a property regime politically constructed– this paper argues that the agrarian hacienda was substantially precapitalist. This reexamination, in turn, challenges structural and pancapitalist accounts within neo-Marxist thought such as Wallerstein’s world-system theory that argues conversely: that European colonialism in the Americas was capitalist. This work aims to expand the application of political Marxism literature to the Latin American context.
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20

PROCTOR, FRANK ‘TREY’. "Amores perritos: Puppies, Laughter and Popular Catholicism in Bourbon Mexico City." Journal of Latin American Studies 46, no. 1 (February 2014): 1–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x13001557.

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AbstractIn late eighteenth-century Mexico City, Spanish colonials, particularly members of the urban middle and popular classes, performed a number of weddings and baptisms on puppies (which were wearing clothes or bejewelled collars) in the context of fandangos or dance parties. These ceremonies were not radical challenges to orthodoxy or conservative reactions in the face of significant economic, political, religious and cultural Bourbon reforms emanating from Spain. Employing Inquisitorial investigations of these ceremonies, this article explores the rise of pet keeping, the meanings of early modern laughter and the implications of the cultural and religious components of the Enlightenment-inspired Bourbon reforms in late colonial Mexico.
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21

Scardaville, Michael C. "(Hapsburg) Law and (Bourbon) Order: State Authority, Popular Unrest, and the Criminal Justice System in Bourbon Mexico City." Americas 50, no. 4 (April 1994): 501–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1007894.

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The relative absence of riots in colonial Mexico City is an intriguing phenomenon which has attracted the recent attention of scholars interested in questions of social stability and conflict. While the Mexican countryside experienced over 130 rebellions in the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, the cities by comparison remained calm. The most cogent explanation of urban lower class passivity during the late colonial period has been formulated by Eric Van Young, who suggests that a number of short- and long-term social and economic forces converged to keep the cities, most notably Mexico City, relatively quiet during the wars for independence. Among those he noted were the existence of urban social service and food-distribution institutions, the presence of security forces, an atomized and fluid social order, the lack of traditional communal rights to defend, and weak organizational means to focus discontent.
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22

Burkhart, Louise M. "The Solar Christ in Nahuatl Doctrinal Texts of Early Colonial Mexico." Ethnohistory 35, no. 3 (1988): 234. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/481801.

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23

Christensen, Mark Z. "Framing the Sacred: The Indian Churches of Early Colonial MexicoIndigenous Miracles: Nahua Authority in Colonial Mexico." Ethnohistory 58, no. 4 (2011): 743–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00141801-1333769.

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24

Tortorici, Z. ""Heran Todos Putos": Sodomitical Subcultures and Disordered Desire in Early Colonial Mexico." Ethnohistory 54, no. 1 (January 1, 2007): 35–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00141801-2006-039.

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25

Read, Kay A. "Holy Wednesday: A Nahua Drama from Early Colonial Mexico. Louise M. Burkhart." History of Religions 40, no. 2 (November 2000): 192–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/463628.

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26

Perkins, Stephen M. "The House of Guzmán: An Indigenous Cacicazgo in Early Colonial Central Mexico." Culture & Agriculture 29, no. 1 (March 2007): 25–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/cag.2007.29.1.25.

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27

Barquera, Rodrigo, Thiseas C. Lamnidis, Aditya Kumar Lankapalli, Arthur Kocher, Diana I. Hernández-Zaragoza, Elizabeth A. Nelson, Adriana C. Zamora-Herrera, et al. "Origin and Health Status of First-Generation Africans from Early Colonial Mexico." Current Biology 30, no. 11 (June 2020): 2078–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.cub.2020.04.002.

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28

Pardo, Osvaldo F. "How to Punish Indians: Law and Cultural Change in Early Colonial Mexico." Comparative Studies in Society and History 48, no. 1 (January 2006): 79–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417506000041.

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Not long after the arrival of the Mendicant orders in New Spain, a view emerged among the friars that the subjection of the Mexican Indians to Spanish law might not be a goal as practical and desirable as the Crown expected, at least not for the immediate future. Franciscans, in particular, thought that the transfer and application of long-established legal principles to the Mexican Indians, such as the customary distinction of jurisdictions, could ultimately hurt rather than facilitate their full conversion to Christianity. For them, the administration of justice was but a natural extension of the enterprise of evangelization, a point that they made repeatedly in letters and reports throughout the sixteenth century.1 In part, their opposition to seeing the new converts subject to secular law stemmed from a general dissatisfaction with the state of legal affairs in the Peninsula, where an alarming increase in lawsuits and legal costs leading to the further consolidation of a class of letrados appeared to threaten the fabric of social life.
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29

Porcasi, Judith F. "PRE-HISPANIC-TO-COLONIAL DIETARY TRANSITIONS AT ETZATLAN, JALISCO, MEXICO." Ancient Mesoamerica 23, no. 2 (2012): 251–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956536112000181.

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AbstractFaunal analysis of subsistence remains from four sites in the Etzatlan Basin in western central Mexico presents important contrasts between pre-Hispanic and colonial dietary patterns. Specific changes in animal remains are well correlated with the transition from pre-Hispanic to colonial occupations tracked along a statistically derived timeline in which ceramic evidence for the onset of colonization is found. Allometry is used to calculate faunal biomass, and abundance and diversity indices are used to define these dietary patterns relative to the timeline. There is a decrease in use of large mammals over time and an increased use of smaller mammals, birds, and reptiles/amphibians. In particular, a marked increase in exploitation of the most important native large mammal (for example, deer) is found during early colonial occupation. However, this bounty decreased appreciably during later periods, consistent with widening of dietary breadth by inclusion of less preferred resources.
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30

Tavárez, David. "Nahua Intellectuals, Franciscan Scholars, and theDevotio Modernain Colonial Mexico." Americas 70, no. 2 (October 2013): 203–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tam.2013.0106.

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In 1570, the Franciscan friar Jerónimo de Mendieta bestowed a rare gift on Juan de Ovando, then president of the Council of Indies. Mendieta placed in Ovando's hands a small manuscript volume in superb Gothic script with illuminated initials and color illustrations, one of several important manuscripts he had brought to Spain for various prominent recipients. Were it not for its contents, one could have thought it a meticulous version of a breviary or a book of hours, but its contents were unprecedented. This tome contained a scholarly Nahuatl translation of the most popular devotional work in Western Europe in the previous century. It was Thomas à Kempis's Imitation of Christ, which caught Iberian Christians under its spell between the 1460s and the early sixteenth century by means of multiple Latin editions and translations into Portuguese, Catalan, and Spanish, including a version in aljamiado (Spanish in Arabic characters). Indeed, a decisive turning point in the Iberian reception of this work had taken place three decades earlier, through the 1536 publication of Juan de Ávila's influential Spanish-language adaptation.
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31

Mazzetto, Elena, and Natalia Moragas Segura. "Contexts of offerings and ritual maize in the pictographic record in Central Mexico." Scripta Instituti Donneriani Aboensis 26 (April 13, 2015): 82–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.30674/scripta.67448.

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The objective of this article is an initial enquiry into the evidence and classification of the offerings of maize in Central Mexico from the Classic period to early colonial times. In order to achieve this goal, we will analyse the presence of maize in Central Mexico according to the evidence found in mural paintings and some pictographic codices. Two Mesoamerican cultures will be considered to achieve our analysis: the Teotihuacan and Mexico-Tenochtitlan. Maize was instrumental in the performance of daily rituals and in the diet of these ancient Mesoamerican cultures and the cereal also had sacred connotations in pre-Hispanic, colonial and contemporary narratives. We suggest this by reading the iconographic and symbolic representations of corn in the form of seeds and pods, or as an ingredient in cooked foods which are represented in the mural paintings of Teotihuacan as well as some codices of the post-Classic Nahua tradition. These methodological enquiries reveal evidence of a cultural continuity in Central Mexico as a contrasting perspective on the archaeological and ethno-historical period.
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32

Stern, Charlotte. "Holy Wednesday: A Nahua Drama from Early Colonial Mexico, by Louise M. Burkhart." Romance Philology 55, no. 1 (January 2001): 173–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.rph.2.304473.

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33

Schwaller, R. C. ""Mulata, Hija De Negro Y India": Afro-Indigenous Mulatos in Early Colonial Mexico." Journal of Social History 44, no. 3 (March 1, 2011): 889–914. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jsh.2011.0007.

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34

Thornton, Russell. ": Disease and Death in Early Colonial Mexico: Simulating Amerindian Depopulation . Thomas M. Whitmore." American Anthropologist 95, no. 4 (December 1993): 1038–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/aa.1993.95.4.02a00460.

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35

Poole, Stafford. "Holy Wednesday: A Nahua Drama from Early Colonial Mexico by Louise M. Burkhart." Catholic Historical Review 83, no. 3 (1997): 536–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cat.1997.0040.

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36

Terraciano, Kevin. "Exporting the Catholic Reformation: Local Religion in Early-Colonial Mexico by Amos Megged." Catholic Historical Review 85, no. 3 (1999): 488–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cat.1999.0223.

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37

Megged, Amos. "Between History, Memory, and Law: Courtroom Methods in Mexico." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 45, no. 2 (August 2014): 163–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jinh_a_00683.

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A deep reading of testimony delivered at the Spanish colonial court of the Audiencia uncovers distinctive speech formulas, nonverbal cues, and conceptual constructs that throw light on the intentions and goals, as well as the cultural predispositions, of communities and individuals. Historians can employ a similar methodology to derive patterns of “cognitive schemata” from testimony in other legal settings of the early modern era.
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38

Diel, Lori Boornazian. "The Codex Mexicanus: Time, Religion, History, and Health in Sixteenth-Century New Spain." Americas 73, no. 4 (October 2016): 427–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/tam.2016.72.

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About 60 years after the Spanish invasion and conquest of Mexico, a group of Nahua intellectuals gathered in Tenochtitlan. On the very site of the heart of the Aztec empire stood a city of a new name: Mexico City, capital of New Spain. There the Nahuas set about compiling an extensive book of miscellanea, now known as the Codex Mexicanus. Owned by the Bibliothèque National de France, the codex includes records pertaining to the Christian and Aztec calendars, European medical astrology, a genealogy of the Tenochca royal house, and the annals of preconquest and early colonial Mexico City, among other intriguing topics.
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39

Warinner, Christina, Nelly Robles García, Ronald Spores, and Noreen Tuross. "Disease, Demography, and Diet in Early Colonial New Spain: Investigation of a Sixteenth-Century Mixtec Cemetery at Teposcolula Yucundaa." Latin American Antiquity 23, no. 4 (December 2012): 467–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.7183/1045-6635.23.4.467.

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AbstractA mid-sixteenth-century cemetery was investigated at the colonial Mixtec site of Teposcolula Yucundaa and is shown to be related to the cocoliztli pandemic of 1544–1550. This is the earliest colonial epidemic cemetery to be identified in Mexico. Through archaeogenetic and oxygen stable isotope analysis it is demonstrated that the interred individuals were local Mixtecs, and mortuary analysis sheds light on both Christian and traditional religious practices at the site. Mitochondrial haplogroup frequencies support long-term genetic continuity in the region, and carbon stable isotopes of bone collagen and enamel carbonates suggest no decrease in maize consumption during the early colonial period, despite historical evidence for a changing agricultural economy and increased wheat production at the site. The Teposcolula cemetery provides a rich and complex perspective on early colonial life in the Mixteca Alta and reaffirms the importance of archaeological and bioarchaeological evidence in investigating complex social and biological processes of the past.
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40

Aguilar-Rodríguez, Sandra. "Cooking Modernity: Nutrition Policies, Class, and Gender in 1940s and 1950s Mexico City." Americas 64, no. 2 (October 2007): 177–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tam.2007.0128.

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As dawn broke in Mexico City's streets, steamy pots opened to offer the delicious smell of hot tamales and atole. Lupita woke up early that morning to sell tamales in the usual corner of Niño Perdido street in Mexico City's downtown. In that year, 1947, the construction of the Latin American Tower had just started. Lupita observed the builders digging deeply in the foundations while she sipped her atole and served red and green sauce tamales to her customers. In 1940s and 1950s Mexico City, workers and low-ranking bureaucrats started their day with this popular meal, as they had done since colonial times. Reformers, however, questioned the nutritional value of the working-class diet and considered it as a threat to the construction of modern Mexico.
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41

Garraty, Christopher P. "Aztec Teotihuacan: Political Processes at a Postclassic and Early Colonial City-State in the Basin of Mexico." Latin American Antiquity 17, no. 4 (December 2006): 363–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25063064.

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Teotihuacan, located in the northeastern Basin of Mexico, is best known for its Preclassic and Classic period occupations (ca. 150 B.C.–A.D. 700) but was also an important city-state during the Aztec and Early Colonial periods, circa A.D. 1200–1650. Much has been written about political relations among Aztec city-states in the basin. However, the internal political structures of most city-states remain largely unknown because colonial chroniclers focused mostly on Tenochtitlan-Mexico City and collected little information on the 40 to 50 smaller city-states in the basin. This article addresses the internal political organization of Aztec Teotihuacan and how it changed over time based on analyses of pottery data from the surface collections of the Teotihuacan Mapping Project. A seriation of sherd assemblages using correspondence analysis provides a chronological framework for diachronic analyses. Changes through time pertaining to interresidential status differences and the spatial distributions of elite residences suggest a gradual process of political decentralization. Additionally, pottery and obsidian data, in conjunction with settlement pattern changes, reveal a relocation of the city-state center in the late 1300s or early 1400s, possibly indicating an episode of political upheaval or reorganization.
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42

Haude, Mary Elizabeth. "Identification of Colorants on Maps from the Early Colonial Period of New Spain (Mexico)." Journal of the American Institute for Conservation 37, no. 3 (1998): 240. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3179811.

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43

O'Hara, Matt. "Géneros de Gente in Early Colonial Mexico: Defining Racial Difference by Robert C. Schwaller." Early American Literature 53, no. 2 (2018): 617–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/eal.2018.0061.

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44

Haude, Mary Elizabeth. "Identification of Colorants on Maps from the Early Colonial Period of New Spain (Mexico)." Journal of the American Institute for Conservation 37, no. 3 (January 1998): 240–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/019713698806082822.

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45

King, Stacie M., and Ricardo Higelin Ponce de León. "Postclassic and Early Colonial mortuary practices in the Nejapa region of Oaxaca, Southern Mexico." Journal of Archaeological Science: Reports 13 (June 2017): 773–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jasrep.2016.11.035.

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46

Tobriner, S. "The Mexico Earthquake of September 19, 1985—Past Decisions, Present Danger: An Historical Perspective on Ecology and Earthquakes in Mexico City." Earthquake Spectra 4, no. 3 (August 1988): 469–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1193/1.1585486.

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Why is one of the most populous cities in the world built on land which has a history of subsidence, seismicity, and flooding? Mexico City illustrates how early decisions in a city's history can create difficult conditions for building well and living safely. The Aztecs had little choice but to live on the muddy islands in Lake Texcoco which now lie beneath downtown Mexico City. But the Spanish did have a choice. By selecting the island capital of Tenochtitlan for their colonial capital they bequeathed to succeeding generations problems which were apparent to them almost immediately after they began construction. Their solution to the hydraulic problems of the site only exacerbated ecological and seismic problems which the inhabitants of Mexico City face today, and destroyed the reason the first settlers inhabited the Valley of Mexico.
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47

Loic, Erika. "The Once and Future Histories of the Book." Latin American and Latinx Visual Culture 4, no. 1 (January 1, 2022): 9–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/lavc.2022.4.1.9.

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Contemporary Latin American and Latinx artists who engage with pre-Hispanic and early colonial book histories have adapted the materials, formats, or iconographies of sixteenth- and seventeenth-century books and objects of knowledge transfer. Although the resulting artworks are as wildly varied as the idea of the book itself, they constitute forms of decolonial praxis in their desire to reclaim or reassign agency in historical narratives; uncover, criticize, or dismantle structures of inequity; or preserve, re-create, and cocreate knowledge. Artists’ remixes and renewals are not derivative or motivated by a simple desire to preserve the past. Some have reclaimed pre-Hispanic techniques to tell new stories, or they have reimagined the book altogether, abandoning its conventional structures and transmuting pre- and postconquest iconographies into murals, sculpture, film, or more conceptual/hybrid works. Contemporary artists have also looked to early colonial books as windows into Indigenous experiences of the conquest, amplifying those perspectives while relating them to recent sociopolitical realities and their hopes for the future. The artists discussed in this essay include Mariana Castillo Deball (Mexico), Sandy Rodriguez (United States), Carlos Colín (Mexico), Estefanía Peñafiel Loaiza (Ecuador), Falco (Ecuador), Andrés Pereira Paz (Bolivia), and Cecilia Vicuña (Chile).
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48

Tavárez, David. "Nahua Intellectuals, Franciscan Scholars, and the Devotio Moderna in Colonial Mexico." Americas 70, no. 02 (October 2013): 203–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003161500003229.

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In 1570, the Franciscan friar Jerónimo de Mendieta bestowed a rare gift on Juan de Ovando, then president of the Council of Indies. Mendieta placed in Ovando's hands a small manuscript volume in superb Gothic script with illuminated initials and color illustrations, one of several important manuscripts he had brought to Spain for various prominent recipients. Were it not for its contents, one could have thought it a meticulous version of a breviary or a book of hours, but its contents were unprecedented. This tome contained a scholarly Nahuatl translation of the most popular devotional work in Western Europe in the previous century. It was Thomas à Kempis's Imitation of Christ, which caught Iberian Christians under its spell between the 1460s and the early sixteenth century by means of multiple Latin editions and translations into Portuguese, Catalan, and Spanish, including a version in aljamiado (Spanish in Arabic characters). Indeed, a decisive turning point in the Iberian reception of this work had taken place three decades earlier, through the 1536 publication of Juan de Ávila's influential Spanish-language adaptation.
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49

Swanson, Eric. "History of Field Observations on Volcanic Rocks of Western Mexico, Pre-Columbian to Recent." Earth Sciences History 30, no. 1 (December 1, 2011): 106–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.17704/eshi.30.1.p68hl442l6w11036.

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By the time the first detailed reports on western Mexico's volcanic rocks had begun to appear in the 1970s, most of the earlier observations on these rocks and most knowledge of those who made these observations were all but forgotten. A review of previous field observations in this region shows, however, a long history of geologic discovery reflecting or even preceding developments elsewhere.Ethnological studies suggest that the Pre-Columbian inhabitants of the Sierra Madre Occidental (SMO) observed the characteristics of rock formations in their sierra homeland and understood something of the regional stratigraphic relationships. Late sixteenth and early seventeenth century explorers of the Spanish Colonial Period singled out volcanic rock known to them as piedra de malpaís for special recognition, and Padre Kino and his fellow explorers clearly recognized the volcanic origin of piedra de malpaís decades prior to similar observations in Europe. As the Spanish Colonial Period came to a close, Andrés Manuel del Río help organize a state-of-theart mining college in Mexico City where students were instructed in Werner's geognosy prior to their taking positions in Mexico's mining industry, most of it located in western Mexico's volcanic rocks.Although the first part of the tumultuous period between Mexico's revolutions of 1810 and 1910 saw few advances in geological knowledge, the reign of President Porfirio Díaz produced a geologic map of Mexico, the founding of the Instituto de Geología, and an ‘American invasion’ of geologists and mining engineers who locally gathered information on the nature of volcanic rocks of western Mexico. During the same period, Instituto geologist Ezequiel Ordóñez established the general stratigraphic sequence in the SMO, recognized the widespread occurrence of rhyolite there, and applied the petrographic microscope to the study of SMO volcanic rocks. The first identification of ignimbrites in the SMO came as a result of the World War II-era search for strategic minerals, and NASA's push to put a man on the Moon supported a series of student mapping projects producing the SMO's first geologic maps showing individual ignimbrite units and calderas.
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50

Evans, Susan Toby, and AnnCorinne Freter. "Teotihuacan Valley, Mexico, Postclassic Chronology." Ancient Mesoamerica 7, no. 2 (1996): 267–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956536100001462.

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AbstractThe Postclassic period in central Mexico was characterized by enormous population growth and expansion of settlement, but the timing of the onset of these processes has been poorly understood. Obsidian tools from residential contexts at the Late Postclassic village of Cihuatecpan in the Teotihuacan Valley have been analyzed to determine the extent of hydration, and thus the amount of time elapsed since the tools were manufactured. Estimated dates of manufacture range betweena.d.1221 and 1568, consistent with ethnohistoric accounts of the timing of establishment of Cihuatecpan and other rural villages, and their abandonment in the Early Colonial period. Ceramics found in the same contexts as the obsidian tools include Black-on-orange types, such as III, which may have come into use in the thirteenth century. This experiment in relative and absolute dating accords with other current research, indicating a needed revision of traditional chronologies toward an earlier onset of major processes.
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