Academic literature on the topic 'Early Christian art'

The paper is dedicated to the earliest formative stages of Annunciation imagery. Although it was widely spread in the Middle Ages, only a few examples of the scene survive from the early Christian period. Judging by the existing material evidence, it can be argued that the image of the Annunciation acquired recognizable and fully-fledged form only in the fifth century. Early examples reveal distinct formative stages of the iconography and the gradual introduction of additional features, enriching the content and visual rendering of this highly significant visual theme. This paper analyzes the influence of Apocrypha, as well as of the early theological tradition, on the development of the Annunciation scene and reveals the importance of this material to the study of the cult of the Mother of God.

AbstractWhen surveying examples from Christian art of the third and fourth centuries, a viewer will invariably encounter the puzzling image of Jesus performing miracles holding a staff or wand. Theologians, art historians, and even the current pope have interpreted Christ’s miracle-working implement as a symbol denoting Jesus as a philosopher or a magician. However, the most reasonable explanation of the staff can be discovered by examining the only other two staff-bearers featured in the corpus of early Christian art: Moses and Peter. Miracles and the figures who wrought them were the primary currency of faith in late antiquity. Such an emphasis is readily apparent in early Christian texts. This article will demonstrate the emphasis on miracles in early Christian art by focusing on the peculiar iconographic feature of the staff. The staff in Christian art of the third and fourth centuries is not evocative of magic, philosophy, or any other non-Christian influence. Instead, the staff is meant to recall the miracle worker Moses and to characterize Jesus and Peter as the “New Moses” of the Christian faith.

The artist discusses with the author his early career and influences. Marclay explains his upbringing in Switzerland and his lack of familiarity with American mass culture, to which he credits his early experiments in art, music and performance using records. Marclay describes the evolution of his use of records and discusses other influences, such as art school and the New York club scene of the 1970s.

Midrash is a genre of rabbinic Bible exegesis, composed by various authors and compiled in anthologies during the first seven centuries of the Common Era. This thesis explores the reading of Midrash and its possible influence on early artistic activity. Examples of early Jewish and Christian biblical representations that display some degree of midrashic impact, are presented in order to establish the existence of a relationship between Midrash and art. Finally, by a systematic reading of the corpus of midrashic literature found in Midrash Rabbah, Midrashim that suggest graphic representation, but which have not yet to been found among early art forms, are categorized and analyzed.

Art History
M.A.
The genesis of the early Roman Christian basilica occurred at a moment of historical transition as the emperor and the empire began the process of converting to the Christian religion. Typically, this era has received scholarly treatment either as the end of a time in which the emperor held supremacy or the beginning of one dominated by bishops. The exact moment of `redefinition,' however, has rarely attracted attention because of the assertive oligarchies that bookended this transitional period, the Roman emperor and the Christian pontificate. Richard Krautheimer, who focused much of his attention on the historical figure of Constantine, promoted the idea that the basilica was Constantine's way of imbuing the Christian church with imperial authority and connotations; effectively, Constantine forever changed the shape of Christian churches. This explanation of the pivotal moment of genesis has been generally accepted and the moment of transition has not received much attention from scholars since. In my thesis I will focus primarily on this moment of transition. I will explore the political climate of the government, the authoritative hierarchy of the church, and the precedents of the very first early Roman Christian basilica, at the Lateran. The method that I will employ is the theory of etiquette, operating under the assumption that in every historical period, there is a general understanding of what is `fitting' and `appropriate.' Because of the paucity of material evidence and the unreliability of surviving primary sources, it is generally impossible to make incontestable statements about who was responsible for the early Roman Christian basilica, what they intended to convey to the Roman population, and how appropriate it would have been given the social decorum of the time. Thus, conclusions of this nature are not the primary focus of this thesis. Instead I will concentrate on reconstructing who the most appropriate agent of authority is, and how suitable the early Roman Christian basilica might have seemed.
Temple University--Theses

This thesis considers the evolution of narrative art in Judaism and early Christianity, and deals in particular with narrative figure scenes in which Moses is the principal figure. Current theories, espoused by the late Kurt Weitzmann, posit the existence of a Jewish illustrated manuscript tradition dating back to the Hellenistic period, which could have been the source for Old Testament scenes in art. In the light of these proposals and taking into account more recent narrative theory, this study of early Moses scenes in art takes up the suggestion that a large range of visual narrative scenes, closely following a given text and with a tendency for these scenes to be arranged in narrative sequence, might indicate the presence of a lost illustrated manuscript which artists are using as their model. Stories about Moses originate from within Judaism, and are mentioned also in Christian texts for the first three centuries AD, when Moses is regarded as the forerunner of Christ. While earlier Jewish art largely conformed to the proscription against figural art, narrative figure scenes illustrating Old Testament stories are known from the late second century AD. In the synagogue at Dura Europos (AD c.250), the range of biblical imagery includes five or six scenes illustrating stories from Exodus and Numbers, although Weitzmann�s criteria are only partially fulfilled. During the third century AD, when the earliest Christian art is found, Christians use Old Testament imagery as well, including a cycle of scenes illustrating the story of Jonah. The decoration in the baptistery in the Christian house at Dura, like that in the synagogue there, shows some interest in visual narrative, although in this case no Moses scenes are involved. At this time there is only one Moses story certainly illustrated in Christian art, The miracle of the spring (based on Exodus 17), which occurs in funerary art in Rome. The iconography for this scene is used "emblematically" to promote ideas rather than stories about Moses. If at this time Christian artists know of a narrative cycle involving Moses, they show very little interest in reflecting this.

Representations of the Holy Trinity have increasingly come under scrutiny, exposing two competing paradigms at opposite ends of the theological spectrum: the legitimacy and the illegitimacy of imaging the Triune God with focus on the invisible Father who was imaged as an individual from Late Antiquity and beyond. An overview of these two conflicting views has unveiled a number of inconsistencies in how the Early Christian iconography of God the Father and the Trinity has been interpreted. This thesis provides a unique re-evaluation of the surviving Trinitarian visual material between c.300 to c.730. Primarily, this study collates pictorial evidence preserved in the mediums of sarcophagi, catacomb frescoes, mosaics, illuminated manuscripts and an icon that depicts Divinity. It proceeds to critique modern misconceptions of the identity, form, meaning, function and reception of the depictions. The thesis traces the visual shift amid overt and covert images of Divinity by decoding important artworks such as the Ashburnham Pentateuch and the Codex Amiatinus; Christians visualised explicitly the ' invisibility' of God but created an unprecedented invention, the depiction of the Father through Christ's image. The innovative depiction heralded future visual formulas of Divinity echoing the complexities of Trinitarian material culture of the Mediterranean world.

Between the fourth and the seventh centuries CE, Christian patrons erected thousands of churches, chapels, and monasteries in cities and villages across the Mediterranean, decorating the apses, walls and floors of many of these structures with figural and geometric mosaics. These late antique Christian mosaics have been studied for their iconography, their Graeco-Roman components, and as evidence for the religious beliefs of newly-Christian patrons. However, art historians largely have ignored the ways that texts, inscribed within the visual field and composed of the same mosaic material, functioned as images in Christian spaces. For the first time, this thesis assembles the foundations of a comprehensive catalogue of early Christian mosaic inscriptions, places them back into the physical spaces in which they were meant to be read, and analyzes how these texts functioned both verbally and visually for the late antique reader/viewer, against the backdrop of Graeco-Roman traditions. I first examine the ekphrastic components of Christian inscriptions and look more closely at the different ways in which texts work with and against images and spaces, encouraging the viewer to react physically and mentally. Second, I study the language of light used by the inscriptions, and argue that this language linked text to the material of mosaic and enabled patrons to make complex statements about their cultural erudition and religious affiliation. Third, I investigate the functions and visual forms of short tituli which label scenes or name figures to simplify, authenticate or transform static images into narratives in motion. Finally, I turn to the frames of the inscriptions and contend that different forms conveyed powerful visual arguments. By writing these texts back into their mosaics, this thesis argues that texts and images were inseparable in the period, and that text written into images performed and played in more complex ways than has been previously thought.

The presented thesis examines dining practices associated with ancient funerary rites, and representations of meals that decorated Roman tombs. Evidence for dining, and its significance in mortuary rites, comes from various sources: from pagan, Christian and Jewish literary examples that describe funerary and commemorative events, and archaeological material of food remains and dining installations at the cemeteries, to pictures of meals depicted on different media: cinerary urns and altars, gravestones, frescoes, mosaics and sarcophagi. The aim of this thesis is to investigate available sources, focusing mainly on pictorial representations of late Roman and early Christian dining in order to assess the purpose of decorating the tombs with convivial images. The thesis begins with a discussion of how the Roman catacombs were used by early Christians, and how they were perceived by the post-sixteenth-century explorers and researchers. As our understanding of the development of the subterranean cemeteries has changed over the past centuries, so has our view of the late ancient societies and their funerary practices. Chapter 1 investigates both written and archaeological evidence for Roman funerary meals (silicernium and novemdiale) and commemorative rites during several festivals for the dead (e.g. parentalia0or0rosalia) performed by families and members of collegia. This Chapter also presents the development of the funerary Eucharist, and discusses evidence for early Christian funerary prayer. Chapter 2 focuses on memorials decorated with diners reclining on klinai, which were intended to represent the status of the deceased. Chapter 3 discusses painted collective meal scenes represented on stibadia, which are differentiated according to their interpretation: Elysian picnic scenes, images representing status of the deceased, or refrigeria (commemorative events) held by family and collegia. This section also includes an investigation into early Christian convivial images, which portray biblical stories and refrigeria. Chapter 4 presents convivial images from the catacomb of SS. Pietro e Marcellino, which provide evidence of a group of foreigners who migrated to Rome. Chapter 5, the final chapter, presents collective meal scenes on sarcophagi, which depict mythological events and picnic scenes reflecting elite villa life style. However, a small group of early Christian examples were also designed to portray honorary meals. In conclusion, the thesis provides evidence for shared funerary practices amongst different religious communities in the Roman world. Additionally, in the majority of cases the dining scenes focus on the representations of the deceased (their status or profession) rather than any particular religious affiliation; while both pagan and Christian images of refrigeria were designed to strengthen, or substituted for, actual commemorative rites.

Cases of Italian embedded self-portraiture appear in the sacred art of some of the most renowned artists of the Cinquecento and early Seicento, artists such as Bronzino, Michelangelo, Titian, Tintoretto, and Caravaggio. This thesis first examines the history of the practice from its origins in Quattrocento Florence and Venice then argues that an important development in the function and presentation of embedded self-portraits can be observed as Cinquecento artists experienced broad shifts in religious and cultural life as a result of the Reformation and Counter-Reformation. It also assesses three works by Caravaggio to suggest that embedding self-portraits in religious art was a variable and meaningful convention that allowed artists to inject both their personal and public emotions. This thesis argues that in the Cinquecento and early Seicento, the very gesture of embedding a self-portrait in sacred artworks provided a window into an artist's individuality, personality, and piety.

This thesis argues that some Early Byzantine floor mosaics had, in addition to a practical and decorative role, a supernatural function. By this I mean the images and words depicted within the mosaic were perceived as devices to attract powers from a supernatural dimension, for the benefit of those that walked over the mosaic or the building that housed it. The thesis is ultimately a discussion of the Byzantines' beliefs in the power of art and text, and how they were believed to intervene and affect everyday life. My examination is carried out with a focus on the floor mosaics produced between the fourth and seventh centuries in the Byzantine Empire. Using an iconographic methodological approach, the thesis explores how certain images and words incorporated within mosaic designs can be seen in supernatural terms. To do so, comparable material objects with clearer supernatural functions will be examined. Primary sources that indicate how certain motifs were perceived to bring about powers will also be analysed. In this thesis, I analyse the different kinds of devices that were depicted to attract supernatural powers and explore why those devices were believed to have the ability to generate powers. The thesis illustrates how power could be seen as being rooted in Christianity, magic or more unclear sources. Expanding on this discussion, I explore how a single mosaic could incorporate elements from several sources, dispelling scholarship that portrays the Early Byzantine period as predominately influenced by Christianity. The other key function of the thesis is to emphasise the fact that mosaics can be considered in terms of the conscious design process of their construction, placing them within the same category as gemstones and icons in terms of purposeful objects.

Ce travail cherche à réévaluer la signification de l'esthétique de la "Frühaufklarung" dans l'histoire de l'esthétique moderne. Contre le discours classique de la littérature secondaire qui le plus souvent réduit cette esthétique à une préfiguration imparfaite de l'esthétique kantienne et postkantienne, il montre que les "Frühaufklärer" ne fondent pas seulement une tradition esthétique moderne, mais qu'ils défendent un projet cohérent et original; il convient en effet de situer leur esthétique dans le contexte du débat moderne sur "l'ars inveniendi" initié par Francis Bacon et développé par ses successeurs à l'Age classique tels que René Descartes, Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz et Walter Ehrenfried Tschirnhaus et aussi, à l'aune du XVIIIème siècle, par Christian Wolff. Après avoir examiné les prémisses épistémologiques modernes de ce débat sur l'invention, cette étude analyse les contributions de Wolff et de ses disciples Johann Jacob Breitinger, Johann Christoph Gottsched et Alexander Gottlieb Baumgarten. Wolff introduit un tournant dans le débat antérieur en intégrant une philosophie des arts à l'intérieur de l'art d'invention général. Ses disciples transposent le paradigme heuristique moderne de la science et de la philosophie à la poésie et aux arts de représentation. Selon eux, le poète imite la nature en ce sens qu'il découvre une nature inconnue. De ce nouveau paradigme heuristique découle une nouvelle conception de la critique littéraire comme servant à la fois de méthode de jugement et d'invention. Baumgarten introduit une nouvelle perspective rhétorique, en réintroduisant l'idée cicéronienne d'invention (philosophique et rhétorique) au sein d'un contexte "logique" moderne : le vrai philosophe doit inventer des arguments à la fois cohérents et convaincants. Cette idée est au fondement de sa construction d'une seconde méthode d'invention, outre l'analyse logique, qu'il appelle "esthétique". Or cette addition d'une nouvelle discipline au sein de "l'organon" affecte le système philosophique tout entier et la psychologie et la philosophie pratique en particulier. Baumgarten propose une nouvelle division des facultés supérieures et inférieures et réserve un nouvel espace pour l'art et l'esthétique à l'intérieur de la philosophie pratique
This work is an attempt to reassess the significance of early German Enlightenment aesthetics in the history of modern aesthetics. Against the common reading that assigns early German Enlightenment aesthetics the status of an imperfect prefiguration of Kantian and post-Kantian aesthetics, I argue that the "Frühaufklärer" not only found a genuinely modern aesthetic tradition, but that they defend a consistent and original project : their aesthetics must be viewed in the context of the modern debate on the "ars inveniendi" initiated by Francis Bacon and developed by his early modern followers, including Christian Wolff. After examining the modern epistemological premises of the debate on invention. I investigate the contributions of Wolff and his pupils, namely Johann Jacob Bodmer and Johann Jacob Breitnger, as well as Johann Christoph Gottsched and Alexander Gottlieb Baumgarten. Wolff himself introduces a turn within the earlier debate on invention in that he includes a philosophy of the arts within his general art of invention. His pupils transpose the modern heuristic paradigm from science and philosophy to poetry and the representative arts : the poet imitates nature insofar as he unveils hidden aspects of nature. From the modern view of inventio, they furthermore draw conclusions on the nature of art criticism as both a method of judgment and of invention. Baumgarten introduces a rhetorical shift within the former debate; he reintroduces a Ciceronian idea of invention concerning both logic and rhetoric within the modern logical context : the true philosopher must find arguments that are both consistent and convincing. But while Baumgarten's addition of aesthetics to logic as a second method of invention conforms to the modern paradigm of invention, it deeply changes the nature o f the "organon". These changes in turn affect the system itself, psychology and practical philosophy in particular. Baugmarten proposes a new division of the higher and lower faculties of the soul, and he carves out a space for art and aesthetics in practical philosophy

The article presents examples for the table metaphor (the table spiritual) in the Didactic Gospels by Constantinе of Preslav (Učitelno evangelie). Its prototype can be found in two homilies by Gregory of Nazianzus and Hexameron by John Chrysostom, but gradually it is widely spread and used as an art motive in the Christian homiletic literature. To follow strictly the set example of the early Christian Great Fathers in the compilations of sermons is proclaimed, established and put into effect according to the Rule 19 of the decisions of The Sixth Ecumenical Council (The Trullan Council). Archbishop Constantinе “incrustrates” in the Didactic Gospels the metaphor for the spiritual table, following the art examples of the oratory eloquence of the fathers of the Church.

Крайняя малочисленность связанных с христианством находок и их неравномерное распределение во времени создает значительные трудности при восстановлении истории Фанагорийской христианской общины. Восполнить лакуны до некоторой степени помогают имеющиеся сведения об истории христианства в других центрах Северо-Восточного Причерноморья, неотъемлемой частью которого являлась Фанагория. Несомненно, новая религия проникает в Фанагорию, как и в другие центры Боспорского царства, в последней четверти 3 в. из Малой Азии, откуда готы, возвращаясь из своих пиратских набегов, привозили пленных христиан. Именно к периоду после морских походов варваров относятся первые зафиксированные на Боспоре признаки христианства: различные вещи с христианскими символами, христианские участки на некрополе в Керчи. Незначительное количество раннехристианских памятников говорит о том, что в этот период распространение религии в регионе происходило, главным образом, благодаря деятельности миссионеров, и число приверженцев христианства было невелико. С включением Боспора в сферу влияния Византийской империи церковь и государство предпринимают совместные усилия по христианизации региона: скорее всего, именно в это время по обе стороны Керченского пролива строятся церкви, в Фанагории учреждается епископская кафедра и строится христианский храм, внутреннему убранству которого, скорее всего, принадлежали два мраморных резервуара для воды, сигмовидный стол и рельеф с изображением Орфея, найденные при раскопках на «Нижнем городе». Форма и материал, из которого изготовлен один из найденных резервуаров, позво ляет интерпретировать его как крещальную купель. Причем небольшая глубина найден ной емкости не означает, что в ней крестили только детей, поскольку в большинстве случаев крещение совершалось без полного погружения: стоявшего в купели крещаемого просто обливали водой. Однако уже с 4 в. при крещении начали использовать стоячую воду, а наполнять купель предписывалось вручную. Поэтому объяснить назначение двух отверстий в фанагорийском резервуаре в случае его использования в качестве купели трудно. Лучше объясняет наличие двух отверстий другой возможный вариант использования резервуара: в качестве реликвария, в котором хранились мощи, их частицы или какие-то другие реликвии. Через верхнее отверстие в реликварий на хранящиеся в нем мощи наливали масло, которое выливалось через отверстие в нижней части. Что касается чаши с ручками-выступами вдоль края, то подобные емкости, как правило, определяют либо как купели для крещения детей, либо, чаще, как чаши для освященной воды, которую в раннехристианское время использовали для ритуального омовения рук перед входом в храм. Известные автору точные аналогии фанагорийскому сосуду происходят исключительно с территории провинций Мезия Секунда и Фракия. Не исключено, что именно оттуда фанагорийская емкость была привезена войсками, присланными на Боспор Юстинианом для подавления восстания против ставленника Византии Грода. Мраморный сигмовидной стол с арочной каймой также мог входить в состав инвентаря христианского храма. В церковном обиходе использование таких столов было вторичным, взятым из светской жизни и идет от раннехристианской традиции совместных поминальных трапез, совершавшихся над могилами мучеников. Позже их использовали в храмах в качестве престолов и столов для приношений, а также в трапезных монастырей. Несмотря на то, что сигмовидные столы, в частности столы с арочной каймой, использовали как в светском, так и христианском обиходе, их находки вне контекста обычно связывают с христианскими храмами. Однако в подобных случаях нельзя исключать возможность их использования и в качестве обычного обеденного стола. Наконец, с христианством может быть связана мраморная плитка с изображением Орфея, образ которого перешел в христианскую иконографию из языческого искусства. Незначительные размеры и сильная потертость фанагорийского фрагмента, к сожалению, не позволяют уверенно определить религиозный статус изображения, который, как правило устанавливают по составу «слушателей» и контексту. Строго говоря, из перечисленных находок только одну, мраморную чашу с вырезанным крестом, можно отнести к предметам интерьера христианского храмового комплекса безусловно. Сигмовидный стол могли использовать и в христианском культе, и по его прямому назначению – в качестве обеденного стола. Образ Орфея одинаково использовался как язычниками, так и христианами. Разным целям мог служить и мраморный резервуар. Но среди аргументов за и против их использования в христианском культе, все же превалируют первые. Кроме того, обнаружение всех предметов на довольно небольшом участке «Нижнего города» позволяет надеяться на то, что в ходе будущих раскопок здесь будет открыт христианский храм, и таким образом подтвердится предложенная интерпретация найденных предметов. Храм, к которому, возможно, относились перечисленные находки, по-видимому, был разрушен в середине 6 в. Тогда же, скорее всего, прекратила существование и Фанагорийская епархия. Какие-либо сведения о фанагорийских христианах более позднего времени полностью отсутствуют, но, судя по информации о христианских общинах, имевшихся в других центрах региона, а также в городах Хазарского каганата, были они и в Фанагории, которая в этот период, скорее всего, входила в состав Зихийской епархии. У нас нет сви детельств о притеснениях христиан в городах Хазарского каганата. Наоборот, согласно сведениям, содержащимся в письменных источниках, жизнь христиан там протекала до вольно спокойно. О благосклонном отношении хазарской элиты к христианству говорят и браки с византийским императорским домом, в частности брак Юстиниана II и сестры кагана Феодоры, после заключения которого он «уехал в Фанагорию и жил там с Феодорой» (Theoph. Chron. 704–705; пер. И.С. Чичурова). 2 Что же касается археологических свидетельств, то число связанных с христианством находок 8–10 вв. чрезвычайно мало, и их невозможно связать непосредственно с христианским населением Фанагории. Extremely low amounts of finds related to Christianity and their uneven distribution over time presents difficulties in reconstructing the history of the Phanagorian Christian community. The information on the history of Christianity in other centres of the North-Eastern Black Sea, a region where Phanagoria played a crucial part, can help fill the blanks to a certain extent. Without any doubt, the new religion arrived to Phanagoria, as well as to the other centres of the Bosporan kingdom, in the last quarter of the third century AD from Asia Minor, when the Goths brought Christians as captives from their pirate raids. The first recorded signs of Christianity in the Bosporos belong to the period after the sea campaigns of the “barbarians”. These include personal possessions with Christian symbols and Christian burial plots in the necropolis in Kerch. A small number of early Christian monuments points to the fact that during this period the spread of Christianity in the region heavily relied on the activities of missionaries, while the number of christians was still small. Later, after the inclusion of the Bosporos in the sphere of influence of the Byzantine Empire, the church and the state were making joint efforts to Christianize the region: most likely, it was at this time that Christian churches were built on both sides of the Kerch Strait, an episcopal chair was established in Phanagoria and a Christian church was built, decorated with two marble water tanks, a sigmoid table and a relief depicting Orpheus. All this was found during the excavations in the “Lower City” trench. 2 Чичуров 1980, 62. Христианство в Фанагории. Археологические свидетельства 71 The shape and material from which one of the found tanks is made allows for its interpreta tion as a baptistery. The small depth of the found container does not necessarily mean that only children were baptised in it, since in most cases baptism was performed without complete immersion. The baptised stood in the font and water was poured over him. However, from the fourth century AD stagnant water was used for baptism, and the font had to be filled manually. It is, therefore, difficult to explain the purpose of the two holes in the Phanagorean reservoir if it was used as a font. Their presence is better explained by another possible use of the tank – as a reliquary. Oil was poured into the reliquary through the upper opening to cover the relics stored in it, and then came out through the opening in the lower part. Regarding the bowls with protruding handles along the edge, such vessels are considered to serve either as fonts for child baptism, or, more often, as bowls for consecrated water, which, during the early Christian times, were used to wash hands before entering the temple. Their exact analogies, known to the author, come exclusively from the provinces of Moesia Secunda and Thrace. It is possible that it was from there that the Phanagorian container was brought by the troops, which were sent to the Bosporos by Justinian to suppress the uprising against the Byzantine ruler named Grod. A marble sigmoid table with an arched border could also be part of the inventory of a Christian church. In church life, the use of such tables was secondary. It comes from secular life, from the early Christian tradition of communal meals served on the graves of martyrs. Later they were used in temples and monasteries as thrones and tables for offerings. Despite the fact that sigmoid tables, particularly those with an arched border, were used both in secular and Christian everyday life, they are usually associated with Christian churches when found out of context. However, one cannot exclude the possibility of them being used as a regular dining table. Finally, a marble tile with the image of Orpheus, which came to the Christian iconography from pagan art, can also be associated with Christianity. Unfortunately, due to its insignificant size and severe damage, this fragment does not allow us to determine the religious status of the image with any degree of certainty. Usually such assumptions can be made based on the amount of depicted listeners and the find’s context. Strictly speaking, only one of the listed finds, a marble bowl with a carved cross, can be attributed to the items from the interior of the Christian temple. The sigmoid table could be used both in the Christian cult and for its original purpose, as a dining table. The image of Orpheus was used by both pagans and Christians. A marble tank could possibly also serve different purposes. However, between the arguments “for” and “against” its use in a Christian context, the former prevail. In addition, the discovery of all the objects together in a rather small area of the “Lower City” excavation site allows us to hope that, during future excavations, a Christian church will be discovered here, confirming our interpretations. The temple to which the finds may have belonged was apparently destroyed in the middle of the sixth century AD. At the same time, most likely, the Phanagorian diocese also ceased to exist. There is no information on Phanagorian Christians during later periods, but, judging by the information about the Christian communities that existed in other centres of the region, as well as in the cities of the Khazar Khaganate, Christians were present in Phanagoria, which, during this period was likely a part of the Zikhia diocese. So far, we have no evidence of the oppression of Christians in the cities of the Khazar Khaganate. On the contrary, according to the information from written sources, the life of Christians there was a rather calm one. The favourable attitude of the Khazar elite towards Christianity is also evidenced by marriages with the Byzantine imperial family. Of particular interest is the marriage of Justinian II and the sister of the Khagan, Theodora, after which he “left for Phanagoria and lived there with Theodora”. As for archaeological evidence, the number of finds associated with Christianity from the 8th to 10th centuries AD is extremely low, and it is impossible to connect them directly with the Christian population of Phanagoria.

Gabriel Millet was one of the first university-educated researchers that studied Serbian medieval monuments in the early 20th century. Thanks to this French Byzantinist, those monuments were included in broader overviews of Christian art early on. Millet’s work primarily set solid academic foundations for the research of Serbian medieval architecture. The endowments of King Milutin, above all Staro Nagoričino and Gračanica, had a prominent place in those studies both in terms of their painted program and architecture. This paper aims to present and valorize Gabriel Millet’s contribution to their research and to draw attention to Millet’s significant body of photo documentation and field notes, which still remain largely uninvestigated.

Professors from different studies such as fine arts, engineering in industrial design and digital graphic design and from different universities (Politécnica de Madrid, Complutense de Madrid and Internacional de La Rioja) have participated in an educational innovation project dealing with sketching as a starting point to creation. Teachers from the Universidad Complutense de Madrid and the Universidad Politécnica de Madrid proposed to their students exchange experiences. Students from industrial design went to classes to the Fine Art Faculty and fine art students had to deal with an industrial design proposal. The aim of the experience is to know how students from different studies manage drawing tools to start their work; drawings to finally paint a still life, drawings to understand volume in a sculpture plaster model to reproduce it with clay, and sketches to propose a Christmas ornament made with wood. After the experience, drawings from exercises from the three universities have been analyzed to establish similarities and differences in the use of visual language (points, lines, planes, surfaces, and color, between others). Fine art students use the lines with ease, hints, light with the inclusion of color spots as part of the approach to the solution. Industrial design students, on the other hand, consider the line as an essential element in their drawings, well-marked, clearly delimiting the edges of the object, integrating color as an addition rather than as an integrating element. And finally, but not last, students from digital graphic design use lines as a language to propose fast schematic approaches, lines as added texts, and generally a lack of color. Even though each field of knowledge has some particularities, we think that the drawing approach is essential to face creations no matter their essence. Sketches in early stages mean to face problems, to think and to translate ideas into a two-dimensional surface.

Language can mirror relationships throughout and between communities, while it enables connections and separation simultaneously. Jewish and Christian communities had a close but complicated relationship in the late antique-early Islamic period in Babylon (the fertile crescent). That relationship included similar dialects of Aramaic: Jewish Babylonian Aramaic and Christian Syriac Aramaic. My study describes changes and developments in the status of an apostate (Heb. Meshumad) in the Jewish literature of late antiquity, by examining terminological variations. In this presentation, I wish to present the Syriac developments and to compare the two, in order to better conceptualize the mutual process in one terminological and conceptual case. One such case is the defining of the apostate, not only by his apparent wrong doing, but also by seeking his motivation to act. According to that model, if an evil act originated from his desire or lewdness, he should be judged in a more containing manner than if it had originated by rage or theological purpose. This was phrased in Hebrew by the words Meshumad le-Teavon ‘apostate out of desire.’ The second word le-Teavon (for (his) desire), is a predicate added to the basic ancient term Meshumad, ‘apostate.’ This model and new phrasing are connected mainly with Rava, who was a prominent sage who lived in 4th century CE in Mehoza, close to Ctesiphon, the capitol of the Persian Sassanian dynasty. The Syriac word Shmad is well attested, and more so since the early testimonies of Syriac literature, in different forms, connected to the semantic field of curse, ban, and excommunication. Only in sources from the 5-6th centuries CE do we find a new form of that root Meshamdotho, which suggests ‘lewdness,’ ‘to be wanton.’ The new form changes the focus of the root from describing the wrongdoing and its social implication to describing the manner of doing, maybe even to the motive for his or her behavior. My presentation will raise the question of the connection between those almost parallel changes. Are they related to one another? In what way? What is similar and what are the differences? Can we explain the reason for raising a new paradigm in communal defining the apostates and wrong doers? I will examine some sources, Jewish and Christian, that relate to those terms and ideas.

Статья освещает варианты погребального обряда городского некрополя древнего Владимира, обнаруженного и исследованного в ходе охранных археологических раскопок 2016-2017 гг. на территории учебного комплекса «Патриарший сад» г. Владимира. Могильник расположен на высоком мысу, образованном южным склоном левого берега р. Клязьма и склоном рельефной впадины, на которой находится сад. Древнее кладбище локализовано на площади не менее 1000 м². Захоронения располагались в три яруса. Поздние захоронения, зафиксированные в культурном слое, выполнены по христианскому погребальному обряду, их датировка - вторая половина XIII - XV в. Ранние захоронения XII - начала XIII в. выполнены в могильных ямах, впущенных в материк. В этих захоронениях при преобладании христианской обрядности встречены черты иных вариантов погребального обряда: захоронение в бересте, захоронение с ритуальным сосудом, захоронения иной пространственной ориентировки, кремация. Разнообразие элементов погребального обряда свидетельствует о сложном и продолжительном пути становления христианской погребальной обрядности. Вариативность погребального обряда представляет население древнего Владимира как общность выходцев с разных территорий, носивших различные культурные традиции. The article highlights the funeral ceremony options of the ancient Vladimir necropolis discovered and researched during the protective archaeological excavations in 20162017 on the territory of the educational complex “The Patriarch’s garden” in Vladimir. The burial ground is located on a high promontory formed by the southern slope of the left bank of the Klyazma river and the slope of the relief depression where the garden is situated. The ancient cemetery is located on an area of at least 1000 m. Burials were located in 3 tiers. Later burials recorded in the cultural layer are made according to the christian burial ritual, it is dated by the second half of the XIII-XVth centuries. Early burials (XII-early XIIIth centuries) were made in burial pits let into the mainland. There are features of other funeral rite variants with the predominance of christian rites in these burials: burial in birch bark, burial with a ritual vessel, burial of a different spatial orientation, cremation. The variety of the funeral rite elements indicates the complex and long path of Christian funeral rites formation. The funeral rite variation represents the population of ancient Vladimir as a community of people from different territories who had different cultural traditions

Cantigas de Santa Maria (‘Canticles of Holy Mary’) consists of 420 poems with musical notation written during the reign of Alfonso X of Castile (r. 1251-1284). Two of the codices preserved are richly illuminated with medieval narrative vignettes.Canticle number 185 depicts a ploy of war between the Castilian and Nasrid commanders of two mythical fortresses in the valley of the river Jandulilla, next to Sierra Mágina in south-eastern Spain, in the present-day province of Jaén. The location of the first of them, Chincoya, has generated a debate in the last decades given its early destruction and abandonment. At the second one, Bélmez, many structures have survived, since an imposing keep was built on top of its fortress when it first fell into Castilian hands in the first half of the 14th century.Over the centuries, this valley has been an important pass connecting the upper valley of the river Guadalquivir with the northern highlands of Granada. In the 13th century, this natural route was reinforced with fortifications that would later become key elements in the control of the border between the Christian kingdom of Castile and the Muslim state of Granada.This area formed part of the land that Ferdinand III of Castile had promised to deliver to Baeza in 1243 when it was conquered. The Treaty of Jaén in 1246 between the Christian king and the first ruler of the Nasrid dynasty, Muḥammad I, left some of these castles on Muslim territory, converting them into border posts in the face of the southern expansion of the Castilian kingdom after the Battle of Navas de Tolosa (1212).This paper analyses the configuration of the fortresses of Chincoya and Bélmez on the basis of the preserved remains, contrasting it with the iconography that illuminated the Códice Rico de las Cantigas de Alfonso X El Sabio (codex T, Library of El Escorial, MS T.I.1).

Petrobras presently has a significant part of its reserves located in deep and ultra deep waters. To produce this oil economically Petrobras created the well-known research program PROCAP 3000. This paper presents one project being developed under such program, the Extended Test for Deep and Ultra Deepwater. Petrobras has been using early production system and extended test for some years. Since 1998 Petrobras has been testing wells (extended test) with the Seillean FPSO (Floating Production Storage and Offloading). One challenge in this concept is the use of a dynamically positioned (DP) tanker with a rig and a threaded pipe (drill pipe riser) to produce and test wells in deep and ultra deep water. Another challenge is the frequency of changes of location of the FPSO, since the objective of an extended test is to produce for periods of three to twelve months. Therefore the system must have enough flexibility to make the installation and recovery easier. The proposed Itinerant Production and Evaluation Pilot System concept is easy to deploy and demobilize for extended trials. Under certain circumstances, it may even work as an Early Production System. It consists of a free-standing drill pipe riser system connected directly to the Christmas tree at the sea bed and to an air can at the top, which is located around 100 metes below sea surface. A flexible jumper links the air can to an FPSO. To improve production flow rate, an electric submersible pump (ESP) is installed at either downhole or at the top of Christmas tree. The main purpose of the extended test is to collect data, enhancing knowledge of the reservoir through more reliable information. Although attempting to minimize implementation costs, it may present a negative Net Present Value for shorter periods, especially if the value of the information obtained is not included in the calculation. Most of these ideas and concepts are still under study, and some of them will certainly be reassessed, reviewed and possibly improved. Petrobras has been working with some partner companies to develop the conceptual study and assess the system feasibility. This paper presents the main issues involved in this project. The objective of this paper is to summarize a preliminary conceptual design to conduct a feasibility analysis for Petrobras’ Free Standing Drill Pipe Riser (FSDPR).

B&R Designs began business in the early sixties when Sven Ridder and Lars Bergstrom began sailing after studying aeronautical engineering. The principles learnt during their aeronautical studies were applied to sailboats and the goal, for them, has been to take up the structural loads in the most constructive way. Access to the wind tunnels, test tanks and structural testing facilities at the Royal Institute of Technology in Stockholm enabled them to develop and test many ideas. One of these ideas evolved into the B&R rig. The objective was to develop a rig that was more 'user friendly'. Sailboats, thirty years ago and even today, are often fitted with inner forestays and running backstays requiring careful attention by the crew when tacking or jibing. A rig with less demands was the goal, one that was simpler and any mistakes made when tacking or jibing would not jeopardize the boat or crew. Also a simpler rig would require fewer crew members. Safety was another important consideration - a rig that was simple, easy to manage, suitable for a couple or family for cruising. During this rig development period the first application of the rigid boom vang concept was used on Sven Ridder's own sailboat 'Christina Windex'. Calculations and model testing of rigs were carried out. Optimizing the aerodynamic effect in the most favorable way was a very important aim. A series of wind tunnel tests were done to optimize the shape of mast sections. Because of the low wind speeds over a mast, laminar separation occurs very easily. Air scoops were set up on either side of the mast to achieve an attached flow. The best results occurred with an oval shaped mast section, fitted with a sail groove recessed in a V shaped area at the rear of the mast section.

Abstract The advantage of cable deployed electric submersible pump (CDESP) systems are beginning to be understood and realized as experience has been gained with the deployment and retrieval of these systems. Cable deployed ESP systems have at times been touted as a temporary system for failed conventional ESP systems. Long-term successes have demonstrated the value of permanently installed CDESP systems, which provide the benefit of reduced production deferral, less costly change-out, and reduced HSE risk. The decision to change from conventional ESP to a rigless CDESP system is not necessarily a simple conclusion. The decision must consider technical, economic, and operational considerations to gain the full benefit from the technology. The learnings developed over multiple deployments and retrievals will benefit decision makers in the evaluation of the technology use. The technology application presented in the paper sheds the light on a journey to develop and bring alternative ESP deployment from concept to reality, overcoming technical and operational challenges. The current CDESP requires a rig to initially construct the permanent completion to accept the rigless CDESP system. Production rates requirements determine the ESP size, and in turn the tubing and wellhead size. Pressure control equipment is installed on top of the Christmas tree. Rigless installation and retrieval of the CDESP is performed on an elevated tower with the wellhead in place. The tower design has been improved to allow the production flowline to remain in place. A minimum of two well barriers, with one barrier well kill fluid, are in place at all times. A key learning of the killed well CDESP system is the need to understand the potential changes to the reservoir after sustained production in planning the replacement of a failed ESP. Kill fluid losses can be higher than expected with restorative well cleanup and production. Actual deployment or retrieval time can be improved with successive change-outs. Long-term operational robustness of the CDESP is proven with a system continuing to operate after 5 years of cumulative operations. This paper shares the lessons learned from an early technology adopter with multiple deployment and retrievals in various well environments including highly fractured reservoirs and high hydrogen sulfide wells.

Introduction: Advancements and increase in access to healthcare have increased the life expectancy in India from 32 years in 1947 to almost 70 years currently. Due to robust vaccination and basic health programs, most of the communicable diseases are kept under control. The disease burden is now skewed towards non-communicable diseases. It is an established fact that body mass index (BMI) is a reliable predictor of cardiovascular disease (CVD) later in life. Early prediction can decrease the disease load and enable early preventative measures. A more novel approach of connecting it with blood groups would yield profound results in predictability and subsequent management. This study was done to see correlation between BMI and known blood groups in order to predict the potential incidence of CVDs in medical students. Material and Method - A cross-sectional descriptive study was conducted in Bhaskar Medical College from September 2022 - November 2022. The sample population included 150- 1st year medical students chosen by Randomized sampling method. BMI was calculated based as weight in kilograms divided by the square of the height in meters (kg/m2). Discussion - Many studies conducted on the association of Blood groups with BMI yielded mixed and inconclusive results. On analysis of the data obtained from this study, O- positive blood group showed the highest inclination towards obesity i.e. 30 of the total participants. A-positive and B- positive blood groups were shown to have a lesser association with obesity i.e. 11 participants of the 150. These results were in accordance with a study done among female students by Shireen Javad et.al, nding blood group O to be the most prone to obesity.8 Incompatible to our results, a study conducted by Samuel Smith Isaac Okai et.al. found no signicant association between blood groups and BMI.10 Another study conducted by Christina Ravillo et.al. found that blood group O had the highest and blood group AB with lowest prevalence of obesity9. These ndings were similar to the results obtained in our study. To study the correlation of BMI with ABO blood group and Cardiovascula AIMS and OBJECTIVES Aim: - r risk among medical students. 1. Calculate and segregate the participants according to BM Objectives: - I using the standard formula provided by the WHO. 1. Determine Blood group using antisera 2. Evaluation of Lipid prole in obese individuals