Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'États-Unis – Politique et gouvernement'
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McNaught, Mark Bennett. "L'orthodoxie politique américaine." Bordeaux 4, 2004. http://www.theses.fr/2004BOR40015.
Full textDiallo, Souleymane Sadio. "La notion de bien et de mal dans la production de la politique intérieure et extérieure américaine." Versailles-St Quentin en Yvelines, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011VERS024S.
Full textThe concept of Good and Evil is a concept used in the United States since the country's independence. However, the use of this concept has taken a new dimension with the development and transformation of conservatism in the first half of the nineteenth century, which accelerated in the last decades of the twentieth century. The Cultural Revolution in America after the Second World War and the fight against the Soviet empire considered as an "evil" by U. S. Officials in particular Ronald Reagan attended the rightward of the American public opinion and the triumph of conservatism. This concept subject to different interpretations is now a source of violent clashes at the state level with huge consequences on international relations. The Islamist fundamentalist and evangelical movements continue to use this concept to impose their political-religious world. Hence the development of terrorism. For theorists neoconservatives, the best answer to the question of terrorism following the attacks of September 11, 2001 is that the U. S. Face their imperial role by using the most hard power. The attacks of September 11 were in their view, the result of partial renunciation hegemonic spirit. From the conservative Ronald Reagan to the religious George W. Bush, the neo-conservatives, these former liberals from the left, converted to conservatism hardcore, obsessed by the notion of power worked behind the scenes to develop a theory and philosophy on the role of America in international relations, its traditional values and national identity. Indeed, since the defeat in Vietnam, Washington had suffered a series of military setbacks, but also policies that the Soviet Union had benefited. Add to this the economic, cultural, and social. These followers of Leo Strauss, who sang the praises of Roosevelt or Truman, and which were marked by these events, have become apostles of imperialism and a new messianism in order to defend the interests and American leadership. For years, American power has been used officially in the service of oppressed peoples in the UN framework, and defensively, but with Bush Jr. Administration has seen a crusade against the "axis of evil" with implementation of preventive war, regarded by the neo-conservatives as a theory based on correct arguments. Operation Iraqi Freedom was conducted, not by philosophical principles that dictate the doctrine of just war, but in the name of the fittest. Where the goal was probably to practice the idealistic vision, Manichean neo-conservatives and control of strategic positions. Its application is a milestone in international relationsThe return of the Democratic Party administration with Barack Obama, which symbolizes openness and hope in the U. S. And the world obscures much beyond its pragmatism, the idea that the U. S. Perception, Evil is everywhere and is watching the United States. Hence the need to use force if necessary to protect the borders and vital American interests
Lafargue, François. "De l'empire du mal à l'empire du milieu? : la politique américaine devant la vulnérabilité de la Chine." Paris 5, 2005. http://www.theses.fr/2005PA05D009.
Full textUnited States, China and now India have to cope with oil supplying issue. Both the USA and China aim at supervising gas wells and oil fields in Central Asia. And their rivalry concerns also Africa and Central America. In Africa, thanks to a generous and intrepid commercial policy, China managed to get several oil fields in Angola, Soudan and Nigeria. But tension between China and USA should not put aside another main issue: USA can not any longer ignore the flourishing India
Hamadouche, Seltana. "Les groupe d'intérêt public américains : étendue et limites d'un contre-pouvoir." Bordeaux 3, 2008. http://www.theses.fr/2008BOR30028.
Full textThe study of public interest groups highlights a political reality: American politics turns around a certain number of powers relating to three axes: business groups, governmental agencies and public interest groups. However, this category of groups and the “public interest movement” which represents them, remain little studied despite their impact. This thesis focuses on the analysis of this movement; by means of a historical study and an empirical analysis based on a sample of eight public interest groups, we want to demonstrate the necessity of this movement in the political system without forgetting its importance or disregarding its limits
Ikched, Abdellah. "La politique économique du président Ronald Reagan." Université Louis Pasteur (Strasbourg) (1971-2008), 1987. http://www.theses.fr/1987STR10027.
Full textRonald Reagan's election to the presidency of the united states of America has been a big turning not only for the policy of this country which is the first world economic power, but in the conception's evolution and economic policy's practices too. Even if the Reagan’s presidency is not yet over, his term is fixed at the end of 1988, the main economic reforms are currently realized and the experience is six years old. Under those circumstances, it seems useful ad possible to draw up a first balance sheet of this new economic strategy. For that matter, we can say that even if the supply-sider's previsions are not all made certain, the results are positively undeniable. In fact, from the macro-economical point of view, the recovery of U. S. Economy is one of the most important since the war. And, in terms of micro-economy, deregulation and tax cuts have been beneficent for American corporates which successfully restructurated their finances, increased both investments and employment although they improved their margin of profit
Torres, Parés Javier. "Solidarité et conflit : le parti libéral mexicain dans les relations entre le mouvement ouvrier du Mexique et celui des Etats-Unis : 1900-1923." Paris, EHESS, 1985. http://www.theses.fr/1985EHES0011.
Full textNguyen, Trong Thuy. "L'érosion de la puissance américaine dans le monde : élémentsd'explication." Paris 2, 1987. http://www.theses.fr/1987PA020079.
Full textThe only world power at the end of the Second World War, the U. S. Has known in the last fifteen years a profound change that has affected if not reversed its dominant role. If U. S. Globalism and interventionism have contributed, during the first twenty or twenty-five years of the postwar period, to maintain stability and permitted a spectacular development of the western economy, the American involvement in the Vietnam conflict has finally brought about the exhaustion of its power, with domestic as well as international implications. On the domestic plane, the country's problems have expressed themselves in the American people's drive for retrenchment, the crisis of institutions and the crisis of leadership. On the international plane, the world system has changed from the rigid bipolar configuration of the cold war period to an increasingly multipolar setting, with the emergence of new regional powers (China, but also Europe and Japan which became more than recalcitrant allies), and the revolt of small and middle-size states (energy crisis and demands for a new international economic order). Moreover, from the second-half of the 1970s, we are witnessing an incomparable expansion of soviet power and influence in the area of third world conflicts. In the face of the new soviet military threat, and with the allies unwilling to follow Washington's choices and advices, the U. S. Are inclined more and more toward unilateral action (case of the Reagan administration)
Bourliaguet, Bruno. "Le conseil scientifique à la Maison-Blanche : acteurs, fonctions, pouvoirs." Doctoral thesis, Université Laval, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.11794/27363.
Full textLa question du développement et de l'institutionnalisation du conseil scientifique de la présidence américaine constitue le coeur de cette thèse. Elle se situe au croisement de la sociologie de la science et de la sociologie politique, tout en débordant sur celles des élites, des organisations, de l'innovation et du développement durable. Elle commence par écrire l'histoire de cette institution depuis la Seconde Guerre mondiale en suivant à la fois les réorganisations administratives dont elle a été l'objet et les enjeux politiques qu'elle a cristallisés. Elle le fait en l'intégrant à l'histoire plus générale des transformations marquantes de la société américaine. Cette mise en perspective permet de justifier une périodisation qui se synchronise en grande partie aux mutations qui affectent la première économie mondiale et qui divisent l'histoire du conseil scientifique à la Maison-Blanche en trois grandes époques : de 1933 à 1974, de 1974 à 1989 et de 1989 à 2016. Dans un second temps, la thèse propose une sociographie des conseillers qui travaillent au sein du bureau exécutif du président. En privilégiant l'analyse comparative entre les première et dernière périodes, cette étude révèle une modification sensible du recrutement en matière d'âge, de reconnaissance académique, de réalisation professionnelle et de représentation disciplinaire. Elle permet surtout de repérer l'apparition d'un nouveau type de conseiller, à savoir le scientifique qui a réussi une carrière d'entrepreneur en valorisant une innovation technologique. L'analyse suggère que cette évolution, comme celle des conditions formelles et informelles de l'exercice du conseil, traduit l'apparition d'un nouveau type d'intégration de la science, de la technologie et de l'économie guidée par la priorisation de la croissance et du développement. Pour mieux comprendre cette intégration, la thèse étudie ensuite les fonctions formelles du conseil scientifique et celles que l'analyse peut reconstruire. Dégagées de leur contingence, on verra que ces dernières changent peu sur l'ensemble de la période. Le conseil de la présidence sert de façon régulière à légitimer, crédibiliser et faire performer les politiques suivies par l'exécutif américain, mais surtout à officialiser des politiques pour les élever au titre de référence. Ce faisant, en même temps qu'il traduit la nouvelle fonction de la technoscience dans les domaines militaire et économique, le conseil scientifique qui s'exerce au sein de l'exécutif de la première puissance mondiale participe d'un élargissement décisif de la réflexion sur l'exercice du pouvoir, d'un élargissement de cet exercice, de la circulation de cet exercice qui accompagne sa rationalisation dans les temps modernes et qui depuis le XVIIIe siècle se cantonnait pour l'essentiel à un détour par la science de l'économie politique. Se pose alors avec acuité la question de l'étendue des pouvoirs de ces conseillers au sein du gouvernement, une question qui est traitée ici au croisement de différentes théories proposées par les politistes, les philosophes et les sociologues, de Mintzberg à Foucault en passant par Bourdieu. Même si elle conclut à la relative inaptitude du pouvoir technocratique à se cristalliser en se personnalisant, la thèse n'entend nullement minimiser sa réalité ni le pouvoir plus spécifique qu'exercent les conseillers. Elle tend en effet à reconnaître une forme particulière de pouvoir technocratique, délégué et institué par le pouvoir politique, celui des conseillers, qu'elle qualifie de « pouvoir d'influence ». Elle précise les conditions d'affirmation de cette influence, circonscrit son périmètre d'expression et discute de sa nature. De manière concrète, elle offre d'éclairer sous un jour différent les politiques actuelles de la présidence Obama conduites par des technocrates que cette administration a abondamment recrutés, comme celle d'une transition énergétique jugée vitale pour freiner le réchauffement climatique. En fait, elle dévoile les ambiguïtés de la fonction de la science dans le développement économique dit « durable ». Elle tend encore à montrer que loin de constituer un exercice moral de la démocratie, mais loin aussi de représenter une atteinte irrémédiable à ses valeurs, les biais de gouvernance découverts par l'analyse relèvent surtout de la pratique « normale » du gouvernement. Finalement, la thèse suggère de considérer les transformations qui affectent le recrutement, les fonctions et les pouvoirs des conseillers scientifiques de la Maison-Blanche comme révélatrices des mutations de la production technoscientifique et des adaptations de la stratification de la communauté scientifique américaine, phénomènes à la source de conflits en gestation.
Tremois, Serge. "Le cartoon politique dans la grande presse américaine depuis 1960." Paris 3, 1985. http://www.theses.fr/1985PA03A021.
Full textBillard, Gérald. "Gouvernement des villes et citoyenneté urbaine à l'épreuve de la gestion de l'aménagement des aires résidentielles aux Etats-unis : San Diego, Seattle et San Francisco." Le Mans, 1999. http://www.theses.fr/1999LEMAA001.
Full textLaniel, Hilterhaus Bertlinde. "Le mot "démocracy" et son histoire aux États-Unis, 1780-1856, suivi de quelques réflexions historiques sur la période 1856-1916 : essai de sémantique historique." Saint-Etienne, 1994. http://www.theses.fr/1994STET2020.
Full textThis thesis represents a diachronical approach of the American idea of democracy as expressed in language in general, and more specifically in the variations of the use of the word "democracy" by Americans from the time of the revolution to world war one. The first part starts with a brief analysis of the meaning of the word before the revolution (classical literature, enlightenment, colonial period) before studying the causes and consequences of the opprobrium associated with the word "democracy" at the time of the founding of the American republic and its gradual and laborious "rehabilitation" preceding and following Jefferson's election to the presidency. The second part studies the ideological use of the word by the jacksonians and the substitution of the conceptual definition (democracy - type of government in which the sovereignty belongs to the people) by an instrumental definition (democracy = majority rule). During the 1840 presidential campaign, the whigs recover the word for their own prafot. Due to the generalization of its use as a "value-symbol" in politics, the word denotes the American ideology per se, supplying the basis and ad "alibi" of the nation's 19th-century expansionist activities. The third and final par constitutes a brief outlook on the final decades of the 19th century (progressive era) marked by a proliferation of corrective determinations intended to qualify the meaning of the word "democracy" according to the particular. .
Ege, Asli. "Entre États-Unis et Europe : le dilemme stratégique de "l'occidentalité turque"." Toulouse 1, 2004. http://www.theses.fr/2004TOU10025.
Full textIt is Turkey's westward orientation, which has been ruling this country's opening to regional opportunities since the end of the Cold War, be it in the Turkish-speaking world, in the Black Sea region or the Middle-East. But Ankara faces serious challenges in the reaching of that goal, due to the Ottoman tradition of a strong, centralized State which has identified itself to the nation since the proclamation of the Republic, thus granting the military excessive power in the name of national unity. However, the official ideology's perception of the nation as a homogeneous identify differs from the social reality of Turkey, which contains a variety of other ethnic and religious self-definitions, and from the pluralistic standards of western democracies. In a context, which at the same time still sees, the UE hesitating about Turkey's place in its identity definition the strategic alliance with the United States is both a confirmation od its western identity and a stress on its pivotal geopolitical position as a regional power. Facing its possible exclusion from the European construction, especially regarding security matters, Turkey sees NATO as the main ground for the affirmation of its western identity, even more so given its tense relations with Greece. The unsoved Cyprus and Aegean questions, Turkey's security and geopolitical orientations, the absence of a European vision on global geopolitical matters and the rigidity of its own domestic policies all make of Turkish western identity, between United States and the European Union, a strategic dilemma
Veroni, Lisa. "L'émergence du conservatisme noir contemporain : idéologies et élites politique afro-américaine : de l'unité à la diversité ?(1972-2002)." Bordeaux 3, 2005. http://www.theses.fr/2005BOR30069.
Full textThe purpose of this dissertation is to study the emergence of contemporary black conservatism, an African American political ideology which stands as an alternative to the liberal integrationism of the established black leadership. This leadership is ideologically, strategically & politically united. Existing essays generally ignore or misinterpret the meaning of black conservatism. We were interested in studying, from a sociopolitical perspective, its principles & characteristics, as well as the aims of its partisans. Black conservatives have indeed launched an attack on the African American political elite and tried to form an alliance with the Republican Party. We then conducted an empirical analysis of the impact of this ideology on African Americans, as well as on the political elite, in order to understand their political influence. Finally we studied the relationship between them, the elite, and parties. Black conservatism has modified the relationship between African Americans and their political elite, and even though the successes of its advocates are rare, it has transformed the African American political landscape. The political elite is today under a severe crisis worsened by its frustrated renewal efforts and a hostile political context. Fluctuating between unity and diversity, it is in a state of transition which might lead to its disappearance or bring about its regeneration
Boumaad, Abdelhak. "La politique américaine en Amérique centrale, la présidence de Ronald Reagan et le Nicaragua." Paris 4, 1999. http://www.theses.fr/1998PA040288.
Full textAngeli, Aguiton Sara. "La démocratie des chimères : gouvernement des risques et des critiques de la biologie synthétique, en France et aux États-Unis." Thesis, Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014IEPP0055.
Full textSynthetic biology is an emerging biotechnology which aims to produce micro-organisms as they do not exist in nature for industrial ends. As it is not yet industrially developed, this technoscience is mostly known for its economical promises but also for being precociously contested by social and environmental movements. Synthetic biology has also attracted public authorities’ attention in France and in the United States, which aim to govern and regulate it in an “upstream” manner (before its applications are developed). This political temporality is the object of study of our thesis, and we have analyzed it in the perspective of sociology of science and sociology of risk. We follow the social construction of the risks and problems of synthetic biology, the apparatus which are dedicated to govern such risks and the numerous actors they rally: bioengineers, social scientists, FBI agents, amateur biologists, activists... We argue that in France, synthetic biology’s main problem is its ability to be socially contested as genetically modified organisms were before it. Its political and scientific supporters thus aim to develop synthetic biology and to satisfy civil society with participatory devices, which have yet no way to intervene in the technological development. In the United States, critics are marginalized, and synthetic biology’s main problem is its ability to be used by terrorists. Public authorities try to prevent such terrorism, while preserving technoscience and its commodities outside the scope of regulation. Thus, beyond the variety of regulation apparatus, the thesis aims to present two ways of governing synthetic biology “upstream”, which have in common the specificity to never focus on synthetic biology, but to govern the problems which might slow its development. We propose to understand these two ways as a sciences-society regime of government in France, and a security-market regime of government in the United States
Henneton, Lauric. "Liberté, inégalité, autorité : politique, société et construction identitaire du Massachusetts au XVIIe siècle." Versailles-St Quentin en Yvelines, 2006. http://www.theses.fr/2006VERS010S.
Full textThis is a study of the puritan social experiment in seventeenth-century Massachusetts and of the impact of the fear of its contestation on the construction of institutions and of a regional identity in a clear transatlantic perspective. In this strongly exclusivist project, social cohesion depended upon the homogeneity of the population. The puritan experiment in New England had its roots in ancient and medieval cosmology, viewed through the lens of Elizabethan and early-modern European mentalities. This study also explores how the project was put into practice and focuses on the agents of its realization, its defence, the civil and religious contestations it had to face. It finally covers the complex relation of "coloniality" between the New England colonies and the home country, and the emergence of an original "New Englishness" and puritan heritage in America
Merlet, Rachel. "La souveraineté tribale des Suquamish (réserve de Port Madison, USA) : renaissance culturelle et revitalisation d’une identité collective." Lyon 2, 2007. http://theses.univ-lyon2.fr/documents/lyon2/2007/merlet_r.
Full textMy thesis examines the contemporary tribal sovereignty in the American Federal State. My interest relates more particularly to the way in which Suquamish Tribe of Puget Sound appropriates and instrumentalizes the tribal political model in order to recompose a collective sociocultural and political organization. By supporting an analysis of the process of reorganization of this model and revitalization of certain latent resources like the canoe, I have been able to observe several elements of collective identity recombining. First, is an element of a political nature in which tribal governments and their autonomy are established within the tribal territory. Secondly, a cultural nature, it is a question of the rebirth and the revitalization of the ancestor’s culture. Finally, is of a social nature. It relates to the importance of group’s consciousness. This study enabled me to note that the tribal sovereignty, although limited to an internal autonomy, allows the tribes to be reconnected with their ancestors, their territory and to take part in the American life in becoming legitimate partners and collaborators. They are free to plan, implement and to manage programs, services and functions. Their sphere of activity remains limited to a small tribal territory. But they control and combine each day a little more their internal capacity, their collective identity and their American citizenship. They were never also visible and present on the American public scene but today
Dib, Pascale El. "La politique étrangère des États-Unis vis-à-vis de l’Irak (1989-2005)." Electronic Thesis or Diss., Montpellier 3, 2023. http://www.theses.fr/2023MON30048.
Full textAmerican foreign policy towards Iraq from 1990 to 2003 has been developed subsequently to the fall of the Soviet bloc and the change of world governance system in 1990.This policy towards Iraq from 1990 to 2003 was different than that practiced during the Cold War, even though it continued to oscillate between unilateralism and multilateralism, prioritizing American interests. This change then necessitated a review of the US-Iraqi relations, especially after the conflict between Iran and Iraq and considering the Iraqi regional ambitions. But the new US approach towards Iraq was implemented only after the invasion of Kuwait, via the UN sanctions and the ‘Desert Storm’ operation. Motivated by the unconditional requirement for Iraqi withdrawal from Kuwait, it also had an undeclared objective which aimed to weaken Saddam Hussein. The same policy continued with President Clinton, through the double containment applied to both Iraq and Iran. However, this policy does not take long to change to the objective of overthrowing the Baath regime which appeared in American officials but without being applied. In 1998, the Iraq Liberation Act adopted this change. Encouraged by the neoconservatives, this change was motivated by the attacks of September 11, 2001, which lead to a new American foreign policy without mercy to fight against terrorism. This policy ended up bringing about the overthrow in 2003 of the political regime of Saddam Hussein in Iraq. After this period, the relations between both countries move to a new step. In addition, the Middle East and Iraq in particular knew a rise in political and radical Islam and Iranian influence as well. Twenty years later, these events and the American foreign policy carried out in Iraq from 1990 to 2003 still have serious consequences on Iraq and on the whole Middle East Region as well
Mignault, Simon-Pierre. "L'amplification sociale des risques : l'exemple du traitement de la menace terroriste par le gouvernement américain." Thesis, Université Laval, 2008. http://www.theses.ulaval.ca/2008/25777/25777.pdf.
Full textBennour, Lotfi. "Les relations entre la Présidence et le Congrès aux Etats-Unis du Watergate à l'administration Reagan." Paris 4, 1995. http://www.theses.fr/1995PA040223.
Full textUnder the us constitutional system, the president and congress are different institutions with different interests and powers. If the struggle between them over the direction of American public policy is a familiar phenomenon, its scope and intensity, however, have increased in recent years and so has the rancour that it generates. The Watergate crisis and the first forced resignation of a president in American history aroused public concern about the role of congress. After a long period of presidential preponderance, the so-called post-Watergate reforms were an attempt for the legislative branch to redress the balance. The war powers resolution enacted in 1973 and the budget impoundment control act of 1974 were two concrete examples of the so-called "resurgence of congress" in the seventies. A new period of presidential activism was inaugurated with the reagan administration. But far from being a succession of cyclic phases, the relationship between congress and the president is a continuous struggle and cooperation over the direction of public policy
Béliveau-Beaulac, Victor Amadeus. "Conserver l'influence acquise : les États-Unis face à des dictatures amies en péril." Doctoral thesis, Université Laval, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.11794/31905.
Full textHarvey, David. "Le 81e congrès des États-Unis et la Corée : un réveil brutal (1949-1951)." Master's thesis, Université Laval, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.11794/28571.
Full textMaily, Jocelyn. "Le populisme dans le Sud des Etats-Unis au XXème siècle." Reims, 2003. http://www.theses.fr/2003REIMD009.
Full textIf everyone might have an opinion about populism, the political science stays silent when it's about giving a exact definition. This work's aim is first to go deep in that movement, and second to try to explain why it first occured in th United States of America, especialy in the deep Old South. After having given our own definition of populism, we have to explain, on the one hand, what are the characteres of this special area called "South". That means evoking history, geography, race and a lot of dailylife aspects. We will longer focuse about the dominance of religion and firearms that helps to understand th southern accent of populism. We will also face the psychological aspects of the South, so that we can easily understand why this part of the US territory stands as a nation. On the second hand, we will go from the Antebellum times until now, to understand the political roots of populism, from the protesting farmers of the XVIIIth century to the 2002 presidential campaign. Evoking subjects as People's Party, Vanderbilt Af=grarians, State's Rights Party and Dixiecrats, and crossing politicians like W. Bryan, H. Long, G. Wallace, J. Carter and W. Clinton, will explain that populism is a personal, political and psychological behaviour that belongs to everypart of the political rainbow, but also a notion deeply rooted in american political culture
Tremblay, Patrice. "La faillite du libéralisme et le consensus anticommuniste : l'opposition au maccarthysme à la Chambre des représentants, 1950-1954." Master's thesis, Université Laval, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.11794/28584.
Full textBarzin, Nader. "L'économie politique de développement de l'énergie nucléaire en Iran : 1957-2004." Paris, EHESS, 2004. https://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00011311.
Full text"Atoms for peace" was introduced in Iran under US initiative in 1957. The developing Iran of the era had no need of atomic technology. The US initiative was based on its position of weakness and desire of controlling the international nuclear sector. The launch of the nuclear industry in Iran in 1974 corresponded to the last phase of international cooperation in this field. US-Iranian relations had already entered the period of lack of trust due to the nationalization of Iranian oil industry by the Shah and his participation in OPEC prise increase. For these reasons the completion of the program was problematic and was aborted with the revolution of 1979. Our thesis holds that the revelation of Iranian enrichment capacity in 2002 serves two essential functions : first a "virtual dissuasion" against invasion of American forces that besiege Iran on all frontiers. Second, having demonstrated-and abandoned its military capability, Iran seeks to be finally able to operate its civilian nuclear industry after 30 years of obstacles
Coste, Françoise Hélène. "Le parti républicain new yorkais, ou le bastion du libéralisme républicain (1980-2000)." Bordeaux 3, 2004. http://www.theses.fr/2004BOR30034.
Full textThe republican party from the state of new york left its print on american history as belonging to a school of thought that is traditionnaly liberal republican. Its strong positioning at the left of the ideological spectrum constitutes the logical conclusion for a party which powerfully influenced the radical and progressive movements. The liberal republican movement is usually considered to be dead, a victim of reagan's conservative revolution in the 1980s. Even if the fact that new york's actual republican party definitely relinquished its historical liberalism cannot be denied, numerous traces of this ideology still persist today. Thanks to such leaders as the mayor of new york city since 1994, rudy giuliani, or george pataki, who is the state's governor since 1994, new york's republican party still holds its ideological originality compared to the more traditional american right. Indeed, the two men combine economic conservatism and social and cultural liberalism, which represents the search for a third way in a political world which finds itself more and more polarised
Godet, Aurélie. "Le parrain du néoconservatisme : pour une biographie intellectuelle d'Irving Kristol (1920-2009)." Paris 7, 2009. http://www.theses.fr/2009PA070077.
Full textThis dissertation focuses on one of the most influential figures of American conservatism: prolific essayist Irving Kristol (1920-2009). On the basis of numerous interviews, significant archival work as well as close textual analyses of Kristol's writings (no less than 650 articles spanning sixty years), the author demonstrates that the intellectual and political career of the so-called "godfather of neoconservatism" cannot be reduced to a left-right conversion and would be better defined as a succession of breaks (with Trotskyism| socialism, and liberalism) and reconciliations (with Jewishness, capitalism, and religion) or as a series of back-and-forth movements between opposites (realism/idealism, laissez-faire/regulation). Although a few permanent features can be discerned (e. G, an indelible attachment to Social Security, an underlying respect for authority and tradition), Kristol's thought nonetheless appears as unfinished, fragmented, which makes for both stimulation and frustration. In the end, it is in the sphere of action that the editor of The Public Interest seems to have left his most lasting mark. An unofficial advisor to presidents Nixon, Ford, and Reagan, he has managed, thanks t( his knowledge of the world of business and philanthropy, to create a conservative establishment whose influence has been growing ever since the 1970s. He has also succeeded in modifying the position of the Republican and Democratic parties on a certain number of issues, such as tax cuts, welfare, and censorship. In light of these achievements, it is the author's view that the phrase "entrepreneur of ideas" is better suited than the word "intellectual" to describe Irving Kristol
Saunier, Claire. "La doctrine des « questions politiques ». Étude comparée : Angleterre, France, États-Unis." Thesis, Paris 2, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019PA020034.
Full textAs guardians of the respect of the laws and the constitution, judges often have to face cases that question the legality of decisions from the highest executive authorities or from the legislator. Some of those issues are highly politically sensitive because they reflect discretionary choices made by those political authorities. In such delicate cases, judges have to reconcile two imperatives. On the one hand they have to provide a remedy to the claimants, in order to achieve the rule of law (or, the État de droit) and decide the case and, on the other hand, they have to respect the fundamental principle of the separation of powers which requires that they do not exceed their powers. Those two imperatives are central in western democracies, therefore this problem appears in various legal systems. A similar device has been elaborated in those different systems. French, American and English judges have indeed decided to isolate certain issues, which seemed to make them improper for judicial resolution. This judicial category can be designated by the term “political questions,” which is used in the American case law. This term also suits other categories found in the French case law, such as the “actes de gouvernement” and “actes parlementaires”, but also in the English case law, where judges refused to decide what they call “Acts of State” or some decisions based on the Royal Prerogative. In spite of the important cultural differences between those systems, it is interesting to see that those categories gather similar decisions. In other words, these “political questions” doctrine reflect the idea that political matters could be distinguished from legal matters. The whole point of this research will be to examine the significance of the dichotomy between law and politics, through the analysis of case law related to the “political questions” doctrine and the doctrinal approaches of this category
Shawi, Manar M. H. Al. "Les États-Unis d'Amérique du nord face au conflit israe͏̈lo-arabe." Montpellier 1, 1988. http://www.theses.fr/1988MON10041.
Full textAcross israelo aliance, across military economic's support and politic, the united-states of america do of the israelian-states, the only regional's big power. Paralely, the united-states dont process to the conflict regulation with pacific's manner and arabe's-states; exception to the israelo-egyptian's peace agreement. It's in this sence an america politic's study will be an study model of the states strategie in the world. This study end, in a first part concerning the american politic's structure, we try to give to the readers an answer on the intern and extern's fondment of the israelo-arab's conflict : the impact's element of the soviet-american's conflict, economic's interest, influence groups of the american's pressure, american's opinion and the medias will be an big help. There, the institution frament's study across the presidence, the officy and the assembly, will permit a part, to collect the aptitude and the manner whose the american's supply apprehend the conflict and represant it self it's solution in the stategie frame who include all the stakes in the region. Any way the content of this politic, it's this aspiration toward the domination and toward the conflict pacific's reglement using for to do economic's instruments, militarys and diplomatics, we'll help to light of objective manner, the work putting, of the united-state's politic as for middle oriental's problem. For this to bearing, gave to learm the consequence of the american's stategie to the american's levels international and regional, think who we'll permit to have a look on the future united-state's politic as for israelo-arab's conflict
Levy, Elizabeth. "De la défense des valeurs à l'exercice du pouvoir : l'influence de la Droite chrétienne au Congrès des Etats-Unis : étude de cas des élus de la Caroline du Sud et de l'Oklahoma (1994-2010)." Sorbonne Paris Cité, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015USPCC292.
Full textThis dissertation deals with the relationship between the Christian Right and the American Congress between 1994 and 2010 by analyzing the elections and political careers of Republican representatives and senators elected in Oklahoma and South Carolina in 1994. The first section of this case study is devoted to putting the electoral victories of Tom Coburn, James Inhofe, Ernest Istook, Steve Largent, Frank Lucas, J. C. Watts (Oklahoma) and Bob Inglis, Lindsey Graham, Mark Sanford and Floyd Spence (South Carolina) into context. It is argued that their victories could be seen as the results of a combination of factors, among which the growing sophistication of both the Republican Party and the Christian Right played a part. The second section is an analysis of the legislative work done by these members of Congress throughout th years in order to assess the weight of social concerns. The last section is devoted to a more general analysis of the relationship between these representatives and senators with the Christian Right by examining their images, speeches and websites. It is argued that relationships between the members of Congress under scrutiny and the Christian Right vary depending on a number of factors and circumstances
El, Mossadak Ahmed. "Terrorisme et sociologie politique de l'International." Thesis, Paris 3, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011PA030097.
Full textTerrorism has become an illness of the modern World-System. How to rethink the act of terrorism has become an urgent question because it seems that the non understanding is dominant if not triumphant. Thus the necessity to see the terrorist act "included and overcame rather than felt with fantasy". The American policy has remobilized the world around the security objectives to intervene in the international policy. American security policies, based on the reinforcement of exceptional juridical legislation on global techniques of surveillance and on the military mobilization, have led to public liberties, with unprecedented tutoring (USA Patriot Act, Project Patriot Act, Homeland of security, National Strategy of Security) and the establishment of a real international exception state. Refractory to the American antiterrorist logic "war against terrorism", the European Union members have claimed before to be their allies: "we will fight terrorism by the law and in the frame of law". This logic has quickly made the allies adopt the American model. In reality, it is the Arab World that has suffered the consequences of terrorism. The events of the September 11, 2001 have thrown projectors on Islam as a source of terrorism although the Arabs and Muslims were the first targets of Islamic terrorism, and the first to suffer the consequences. One of the effects of this situation is the mitigated and ambiguous reaction of the Arab and Muslim opinions about the September attack. It is in this context that most of the ArabWorld has been inscribed in "War against terrorism" without almost any motivation but with a lot of hesitation because of the pressure made by the international coalition and especially the American one. Indeed to side this position presupposes a recurrent reality in the Arabs political and strategic choices. The choice of "immobilism" of the "statuquo" and "the absence of the initiative" answers to constraints to be at the same time a target and at the center of the "war against terrorism"
Baulon, Jean-Philippe. "Sans défense ? : antimissiles et stratégie nucléaire aux Etats-Unis (1946-1976)." Paris, EPHE, 2007. http://www.theses.fr/2007EPHE4132.
Full textAmerica’s first missile defense system was developed and deployed between 1946 and 1976. Albeit proving to be operationally ineffective, it nevertheless became a key issue in strategic thinking. As numerous sources show U. S. Interest, then disinterest, in strategic defense was not just the fruit of technical determinism. Unclassified and declassified documents as well as publications and congressional hearings reveal a multifaceted missile-defense problem marred by R&D difficulties and accompanied by serious ramifications on doctrine, bureaucracy, policy and diplomacy. Missile defense had a direct influence on moulding a specific U. S. Vision of nuclear strategy and went well beyond the dream of restoring insularity. It raises the underlying questions as to the pertinence of deterrence, stability, victory and survival. Missile-defense controversies contributed to the emergence of long-lasting features in U. S. Nuclear strategy: interest in operational details, the application of technical and managerial rationality, doctrinal swings from assured destruction to controlled war, a desired fusion of efficiency and morality as well as the claim to a universal vision. Dividing experts and leaders, the debate left in its wake those in favour of establishing stable deterrence and those seeking military superiority to offset the inevitably delicate strategic balance
Benoit, à. La Guillaume Luc. "Les discours d'investiture des présidents américains au vingtième siècle." Paris 10, 1999. http://www.theses.fr/1999PA100005.
Full textDesmoulins, Lucile. "Le rôle des think tanks dans les processus de décision de politique extérieure analyse comparée, Etats-Unis, Royaume-Uni, France : les limites de "l'import-export institutionnel", le modèle d'expertise anglo-saxon incarné par les think tanks français internationalistes et spécialistes des questions de défense." Paris 4, 2005. http://www.theses.fr/2005PA040170.
Full textThrough a circular legitimization process, representations on government are at stake when such hybrid organizations as think tanks are concerned. In France, contractual procedures of expertise and research institutes specialized in public policy were based on an idealized vision of what Anglo-Saxon think tanks were thought to be. French think tanks specializing in defence seek permanence and political influence, whiche means their goal is heteromic by nature. They aim to moderate social debates but show the limits of "institutional import-export". The two expert devices examined in this doctoral dissertation (Foreign and Defence ministries) prove the experts'analysis to be a mere simulacre, as described by Jean Baudrillard. They also show experts'speech as tools aimed at reassuring, far from the rational ideal of enriching governmental information. Such procedures undermine the rationality of expertise. Researchers and experts therefore develop media discursive strategies. They can easily do so when they belong to think tanks considered as "truth guarantees". Expertise becomes both a mishap and an alibi for foreign policy evaluation. It is a mix of contractual, instrumental and dialogical situations. Relationships between political decision-makers and researchers were built around the dual themes of confrontation/denegation and instrumentalization/valorization. As a "missing link" between political decision-making, democratic space and research, French think tanks seem to contain both a "hidden potential" and the wasted opportunity for a discussion
Găinar, Maria. "Les neuf et la coopération politique européenne 1973-1980." Strasbourg, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011STRA4020.
Full textThe establishment of the European Political Cooperation (EPC) in the 1970s was a key point in the construction of Europe. The EPC was an important step towards political union, which has always been considered as the ultimate aim of European integration. This thesis looks at political cooperation between 1973 and 1980, at which time the two Davignon reports, adopted in 1970 and 1973, served as the basis for the EPC. The EPC dealt with the sovereign domain of foreign policy, and used an intergovernmental mechanism. Political Cooperation therefore took place between the member states of the European Communities, but outside the community context. The development of the EPC was affected by several factors between 1973 and 1980: primarily by the actors, and in particular the nine countries involved in the EPC. Since state actors played a decisive role, there is a need to bear in mind the differences which originally existed between the Nine, in terms of their foreign policy, and also their political traditions and cultures. In addition to the actors, the different contexts in which the EPC evolved also had a significant impact on it; in particular the process of European construction and the world stage dominated by the United States and the Soviet Union. The thesis analyses Political Cooperation at the time of the Nine, in terms of its functioning and its ability to convey Europe’s message to the world on different international issues (CSCE, the Middle East, the Euro-Arab dialogue, Cyprus, South Africa, Iran and Afghanistan), by taking these points into consideration
Achcar, Gilbert. "L'empire et l'argent : essai sur les fondements de la stratégie impériale des Etats-Unis d'Amérique." Paris 8, 1993. http://octaviana.fr/accs-restreint.
Full textThis thesis examines the foundations of the foreign policy of the united states within the context of the current debate on the decline of the american empire. In the first section, a general framework is defined: that of the historic margin for manoeuvre at the disposal of the united states which rules out any deterministic "economist" (money) prognosis regarding the future of the empire. The current configuration of the world political system - since 1990 perceived as a "unipolar moment" for the united states (ch. 1) - leads to an examination, from a methodological point of view, of "declinist" theories as well as theories of long cycles in history, politics and in economics (ch. 2). Concepts linked to the very idea of imperial strategy are defined (ch. 3): empire, imperial, imperialism; power, domination, hegemony; and issues of hegemonic strategy. The second section section examines the driving forces of american foreign policy. A theoretical introduction deals with the analysis of the state and the question of its autonomy with respect to the dominant class (ch. 4). It leads to an analysis of the real historic process of the formation of the american imperial state (ch. 5), which brings to light the key role of the second world war. From this flows an
Boucher, Pierre-Alexandre. "L'image de la diabolisation de l'Amérique dans le discours théocratique de l'ayatollah Khomeyni entre 1941-1990." Master's thesis, Université Laval, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.11794/43534.
Full textVézina, Julie. "De communiste redouté à démocrate respecté : les représentations du gouvernement de Salvador Allende au Congrès, 1970-1976." Master's thesis, Université Laval, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.11794/26187.
Full textBoulé, Richard. "La montée du fascisme et de la Grande Dépression en Allemagne, vue par la presse de France, de Grande-Bretagne et des États-Unis (1930-32)." Master's thesis, Université Laval, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.11794/27167.
Full textDuring the years 1931-32, international disputes about the Treaty of Versailles accompanied the rise of fascism and Great Depression in Germany. Leaders of the Anglo-Saxon powers justified their support of the Reich by public opinions. Historians have said that the latters were deluded about German issues, but what were those illusions and where do they came from ? This comparison of British, American and French newspapers shows that they were not only made from wrong assessments of objective realities, but also from hidden facts or inventions, even a media war serving to justify some financial and political choices. The fast dissemination of the same inventions on both sides of the Atlantic also suggest the existence of priviledged channels of « opinion fabrics » from Germany, to and between Britain and the United States.
Hamizi, Maamar. "La crise algérienne dans les stratégies des puissances occidentales : France - Etats-Unis." Paris 3, 2008. http://www.theses.fr/2008PA030089.
Full textIn the epoch of the globalization where interrelationship is strong, a national crisis appears as an international affair, what draws away the involvement of third States which become so, by their foreign policies of the decisive elements in evolution and existent of this crisis. To illustrate it, we are interested in Algerian crisis in strategies of western potency, across the analysis of the Algerian policies of France and the United States in political, economic and security domains
Gendron, Étienne. "The people's keepers : le discours néo-populiste et le New Deal au Congrès des États-Unis, 1933-1935." Master's thesis, Université Laval, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.11794/17950.
Full textDauchelle, Sandrine. "Le réarmement français après la Seconde Guerre Mondiale : le rôle des Etats-Unis dans la reconstruction d'une industrie française d'armement (1945-1958)." Paris 4, 2006. http://www.theses.fr/2006PA040076.
Full textThe purpose of this study is to understand in what way the financial, technical and military support of the United States enabled the emergence of the French arms industry into a sovereign player. Due to the destruction of the major part of its military capacity, France depended on the United States for its supply in weaponry. At the same time as the United States was the main provider of arms to the French army, it was also nurturing the renewal of the French arms industry through a policy of important “offshore procurement". Between 1945 and 1958, France received a considerable amount of financial aid from the United States, it was also the recipient of an even bigger quantity of end items. The military aid was impressive. In consequence, it is questionable that the French arms industry, ailing after the haemorrhaging of WWII, would have been able to rebuild itself without foreign help. Therefore, several questions spring forth: why did the United-States decide to help France at the time? What were the bilateral agreements which helped France reconstitute its arms industry? What form did this aid evolve into? How important is it? Did it alter the course of France? There is also the technical aspect of the problem as well as the possible impact of the missions of productivity
González, Rojas Jorge-Enrique. "La réforme de l'instruction publique dans l'Etat souverain de Cundinamarca : légitimité et culture aux Etats-Unis de Colombie, 1863-1886." Paris 10, 2000. http://www.theses.fr/2000PA100192.
Full textWinand, Pascaline. "Presidents, advisers and the uniting of Europe: American policy toward European integration, 1939-1963." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/213111.
Full textOjeda, Carlos. "Refonte du système de sécurité interaméricain sur la base d'une analyse prospective des menaces communes." Paris 5, 2007. http://www.theses.fr/2007PA05D019.
Full textFrom its creation to the end of bipolarity, the Hemispheric Security system was conceived as a response to a common extra-continental threat that capable of affecting the entire American region. Since then, the system has become weakened due to its inability to address new challenges. This investigation explains the extent of the threats affecting the region, the tools created tools to prevent or neutralize them, the influences on the system and the capacity to confront new variables affecting hemispheric security. Finally, this investigation will demonstrate that the Inter-American Security system can evolve in a synchronous manner within the scheme of International Relations. For it, it proposes a structure that can politically articulate the wills of its members to search for solutions to common threats against the security its members
Gervais, Victor. "Du pétrole à l'armée : les stratégies de construction de l'Etat aux Emirats arabes unis." Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011IEPP0044.
Full textThe study explores the relationship between state formation process and war preparation in the United Arab Emirates. It aims to understand the context in which the UAE armed forces have become an essential component of Abu Dhabi state building strategy. By focusing on war preparation as a source of state formation and transformation, it identifies a new set of dynamics that specify political change in the Gulf and serves to establish the bases for a post-rentier reading of state formation process in the region
Blanc, Félix. "L’organisation des pouvoirs de guerre et de paix aux origines du gouvernement représentatif : enquête sur l’invention du concours des pouvoirs en Angleterre, en France et aux Etats-Unis." Paris, EHESS, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014EHES0119.
Full textOur representative democracies rely on principles such as citizens’ consent and separation of powers, whose original horizon was modern republics. But institutional implementation and historical trials have sometimes led to their denaturation and toning down. For instance, the role such principles could play within the organization of war powers was strongly discussed among the founding fathers of representative governments in England, France and United-States, but also between their first thinkers – especially Locke, Montesquieu and Rousseau. To end the discussion, they mostly proposed to vest such powers in the very same hands. Diplomatic and military offices allegedly fall within the scope of governmental functions usually fulfilled by the “small number” that Weber and Machiavelli praised in different times? This inquiry reveals the limits of such proposals and explains how some American and French revolutionaries strove to go beyond them. Therefore, they built a genuine political system with several powers concurring in times of war. With such system, they wanted to preserve moderation in government by restricting concentrations of power in war times, and avoid any risk of confusion between civilian and military authorities. They seek to foster an external unity in sovereign states where several branches of government are supposed to remain distinct. Finally, they looked for an optimized number of citizens able to share the collective burden of the decisions that could either jeopardize or secure international peace
Auber, Emmanuel. "Analyse comparative de la répartition des compétences dans l'Union européenne et dans la fédération des États-Unis d'Amérique." Paris 2, 2007. http://www.theses.fr/2007PA020025.
Full textTourbe, Maxime. "La pensée constitutionnelle de Woodrow Wilson (1856-1924)." Cergy-Pontoise, 2009. http://www.theses.fr/2009CERG0467.
Full textThe 28th President of the United States (1913-1921) and founding father of the League of Nations, Woodrow Wilson, is mainly known for his oeuvre in the field of international relations. On the path from the University to the White House, his work in the fields of political theory and constitutional law is nevertheless imposing. This doctoral dissertation aims at exploring the constitutional thought of Woodrow Wilson and situating it in the context of progressive constitutionalism. It provides a thorough analysis of the Wilsonian critique of the separation of powers in the American system. It would like to show that this critique is based, under the auspices of legal realism, on an original and subtle idea of the « Living Constitution » and of its constraining force
Renaud, Sophie. "Réponse à Bruno Latour : Interprétation critique du débat politique ayant opposé Walter Lippmann à John Dewey." Thesis, Université Laval, 2013. http://www.theses.ulaval.ca/2013/29631/29631.pdf.
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